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- ■ • v - 


^ISTORY  OF  THE 

COLORED  RACE 

IN  AMERICA. 


CONTAINING  ALSO  THEIR 

ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA, 

MODES  OF  LIVING,  EMPLOYMENTS,  CUSTOMS, 
HABITS,  SOCIAL  LIFE,  ETC. 

THE  ORIGIN  AND  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SLAVERY 

IN  THE  OLD  WORLD,  AND  ITS  INTRODUCTION  ON  THE 
AMERICAN  CONTINENT ; THE  SLAVE  TRADE  ; 
SLAVERY  AND  ITS  ABOLITION  IN 
EUROPE  AND  AMERICA. 

THE  CIVIL  WAR,  EMANCIPATION, 

t 

EDUCATION  AND  ADVANCEMENT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE, 
THEIR  CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


PREPARED  AND  ARRANGED  BY 

WM.  T.  ALEXANDER,  A.M. 


“And  God  said;  ‘Let  there  be  Light,"  and  there  was  Light' 


Issued  by  subscription  only , and  not  /or  sale  in  the  book  stores.  Residents  of  any  State  desir 
iug  a copy  should  address  the  Publishing  Co.,  and  an  agent  'will  call  upon  them . 


EIGHTH  REVISED  EDITION. 

KANSAS  CITY,  MO.: 

Hudson-Kimberry  Publishing  Company, 
1897. 


TO  THE  MILLIONS  OF  OUR  COLORED  CITIZENS  WHOSE 
PAST  HISTORY  GIVES  PROMISE  OF  FUTURE  GREATNESS, 
IS  THIS  WORK  MOST  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Oongress,  in  the  year  1887,  hy  The  Palmetto  Pub- 
lishing Co.,  in  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


3 


PREFACE. 

In  presenting  this  history  to  the  Colored  Race  in  America, 
the  author  does  so  with  an  earnest  desire  that  it  will  be  the 
means  of  acquainting  them  to  a fuller  extent  with  the  history 
of  their  race  and  their  civil  and  political  liberties,  Which  have 
been  secured  to  them  through  civil  strife  and  on  fields  of 
carnage,  dedicated  and  consecrated  as  they  are  by  the  blood 
and  tears  of  the  Nation.  We  believe  that  they  will  fully 
realize  the  importance  and  necessity  of  a work  of  this  char- 
acter, teaching  and  tracing  as  it  does  t'hedr  early  history 
through  the  dark  and  gloomy  ages  of  the  past,  and  bringing 
it  forward  out  of  that  darkness  into  the  glorious  light  of 
rational  liberty. 

Nor  can  the  importance  of  the  subject  be  overestimated. 
The  present  condition  of  the  colored  people  demands  that  they 
should  be  informed  of  their  history  and  learn  of  those  causes 
which  held  them  in  bondage;  the  introduction  of  slavery  on  the 
American  Continent,  and  of  the  great  social  revolution  in  this 
country,  which  operated  under  Providence  to  break  their 
shackles  and  release  them  from  a hideous  and  debasing 
thraldom. 

They  must  awake  to  the  new  destinies  which  await  them, 
made  necessary  by  the  growth  and  development  of  the  times. 
Their  freedom  they  have,  but  of  what  avail  is  physical  emanci- 
pation if  the  mind  be  permitted  to  grope  in  darkness  or  dwell 
in  the  region  of  ignorance?  The  liberty  yet  to  be  extended  to 
the  colored  people  is  liberty  not  political,  but  intellectual,  that 
which  gives  them  to  know  and  tounderstand  the  nature  of  those 


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62 


C- 


PREFACE. 


rights,  to  obtain  which  so  much  has  been  sacrificed.  To  keep 
in  ignorance  the  masses  has  ever  been  the  rubric  of  oppression. 

The  advancement  of  the  times,  and  the  changes  in  their 
social  condition,  make  it  absolutely  necessary  that  the  colored 
people  should  fully  understand  all  matters  relating,  as  they  do, 
directly  to  them,  and  more  especially  does  this  apply  to  the 
younger  generation,  who  must  meet  upon  that  plane  of  social 
condition  their  white  brother,  to  which  the  advancement  of  the 
times  is  so  rapidly  pressing,  or  fall  behind  in  the  race  and  sink 
into  degradation. 

To  the  parent,  therefore,  the  study  and  acquaintance  of  his 
history  becomes  doubly  important,  since  rt  is  for  him  to  impart 
that  knowledge  to  his  children,  the  tender  objects  of  his  affec- 
tion and  care.  Should  the  parent  neglect  this  important  duty, 
whom  then  could  he  blame? 

The  subjects  embraced  in  this  work  are  of  vast  importance 
and  need  careful  attention.  It  is  only  by  a thorough  knowl- 
edge of  the  past  history  of  the  race  that  the  colored  people 
will  be  better  able  to  avail  themselves  of  the  blessings  the 
future  has  in  store  for  them. 

Slavery  is  extinct,  and  on  its  tombstone  is  written,  with 
bayonet  dipped  in  blood,  “Dead,  never  to  be  resurrected  in 
America.”  But  there  are  some  abuses  still  in  existence,  and 
will  ever  so  continue  until  the  colored  man  fits  himself  for  the 
duties  of  life,  and  steps  forth  into  the  political  arena  to  do 
battle  for  himself. 


CONTENTS  OE  HISTORY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Race  Characteristics — Varieties  of  the  Human  Race — One  Origin — 
Color  a Law  of  Nature — Rise  of  Whites  among  the  Negroes — 
Modifying  Agencies — Unity  of  the  Human  Race — All  of  One 
Blood — Mungo  Park — -Journey  to  the  Interior — Manners  and  Cus- 
toms of  the  People — Interesting  Narratives 21 

CHAPTER  II. 

Thrilling  Adventures — Physical  Appearance  of  the  Country — Enters 
the  Kingdom  of  Bambarra — A Beautiful  Country — Hospitality  of 
the  Natives— Civilization  and  Agriculture — In  the  Lion  Country 
— Descends  the  Niger — Customs  of  the  People — The  Return  Jour- 
ney— The  Slave  Merchant — Back  to  Africa — Killed  in  Descending 
the  Niger 46 

CHAPTER  III. 

Rev.  Robert  Moffat — Goes  to  Africa— Converses  with  a Native — A 
Peculiar  Climate — Africaner — Conversion  of  Africaner— Dawarra 
Land  and  Its  Inhabitants — Taken  for  a Ghost — Their  Amusement 
at  European  Customs — Discusses  Theology — Method  of  Burial— 

The  Rain-maker  and  His  Art — Peculiar  Ideas — The  Tree  Dwellers. . 66 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Frederic  CaiHiaud — The  March  into  the  Desert — The  Caravan — -Petri- 
fied Forests — Curious  Superstitions — The  Palm  Groves  of  Siwah — - 
Ruins  of  Ombeydah — The  Mountain  of  the  Dead — The  Temple  of 
Soleb— Battle  of  Kilgou — Desperate  Fighting — Capture  of  Ne- 
groes— Battle  of  Agaro — Ruins  of  Ancient  Cities— Searching  for 
Gold — Religion  of  the  Negroes — Ruins  of  Mount  Berkel 91 

CHAPTER  V. 

Slavery  and  the  Slave  Trade — Ancient  Slavery — The  Brutality  of 
Slavery — Christianity  against  Slavery — Law  of  Ethnolqgy — How 
Slavery  may  be  Introduced — Early  Slavery  in  the  Old  World — 
Columbus  in  the  Slave  Trade — Washington  and  His  Slaves 119 


62 


2 HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Slavery  in  America — Established  by  Custom — Rapid  Increase  of 
Slaves  in  the  South — Decrease  in  the  North — The  Effect  of  Slavery 
on  the  South — Black  Codes  and  Black  Laws — Insurrections 132 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Slavery  in  the  Territories  and  New  States — How  Introduced — Sec- 
tional Opinions — Ordinance  of  1787 — Congressional  Acts  Con- 
cerning Slavery — Not  Recognized  by  the  Mexican  Government — 
Declaration  of  the  Kentucky  Constitution — Results  of  Establish- 
ing the  Custom  by  Law 160 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

First  Direct  Importation  of  Slaves  from  Africa — Decisions  of  English 
Courts — Opinion  on  the  Legality  of  Slavery — Ingratitude  of 
the  Puritans — Georgia  a Free  Colony — Afterward  Becomes  a Slave 
Colony — Influence  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence — Perni- 
cious Effects  of  Slavery  upon  Patriotism — Slave  Census  of  1790 — 
Results  of  the  Invention  of  the  Cotton  Gin  and  Purchase  of  Louis- 
iana— Horrors  of  Slavery — Slavery  in  the  Revolution — Slavery  in 
the  Convention — The  Slave  Trade  in  the  Convention . . 166 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Missouri  Compromise — Slavery  Recognized  by  the  French  and 
Spanish  Law — The  Talmadge  Proviso— Missouri  Admitted  as  a 
State — Equalization  of  Free  and  Slave  States — Jefferson’s  Letter 
— Effects  of  the  Compromise 186 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill — Its  Object — Its  Effect  on  the  Missouri 
Compromise — Sumner’s  Amendment — Results  of  the  Bill — Its 
Effect  on  the  Political  Parties — Sectional  Influence  of  the  Bill. . . 195 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law — Mr.  Butler’s  Measure — Becomes  a Law — 
North  Carolina  Convention — Governor  Seward’s  Speech — Objec- 
tionable to  the  Free  States — Its  Provisions — Cruelty  of  the  Act — 
Arrest  of  Fugitive  Slaves — Decision  of  State  and  United  States 
Supreme  Courts— Kidnappers  at  Work — Singular  Judicial  De- 
cisions— Anthony  Burns  and  Others 199 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Dred  Scott  Case — Brings  Suit  for  Freedom — Decision  of  the  Local 
Court — Appeals  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Missouri— Opinion  of 
the  Court — Brings  Suit  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court — An 
Adverse  Decision  —Appeals  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States — Individual  Opinions  of  the  Court — The  Case  Dismissed — 
Effect  of  the  Decision  on  the  Nation 213 


CONTENTS  OF  HISTORY. 


a 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Kansas  Border  Trouble — Border  Ruffians — Murder  and  Arson — 
Minions  of  the  Slave  Power — The  Fight  at  Lawrence — John  Brown 
and  the  Battle  of  Black  Jack — Burning  of  Osawatomie — Skir- 
mishes at  Leavenworth — Outrages  on  Northern  Emigrants 230 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Civil  War — Causes  That  Produced  It— The  Attack  on  Fort  Sumter 
— The  Surrender— Lincoln  Calls  for  75,000  Volunteers — Riot  at 
Baltimore — Battle  at  Bethel  Church — Lee  Defeated  at  Cheat 
Mountain. 235 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Battle  of  Bull  Ru-n — Centerville — The  Union  Commanders — The  Union 
Plan  of  Attack — Division  Commanders — Strength  of  the  Union 
Army — Forward  Movement  of  the  Union  Army — A Magnificent 
Pageant — Masked  Batteries — Fierce  Fighting — Bravery  of  the 
Enemy — Beauregard’s  Tactics — Confederate  Reinforcements— 
Terrible  Onslaught  by  the  Mississippians— A Panic  in  the  Union 
Army — Shameful  Retreat  of  the  Federals — The  Losses — The  War 
Continued 245 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Battle  of  Shiloh — Gen.  Grant  Commands  the  Union  Forces — 

The  Sunday  Morning  Attack — Flight  of  Ohio  Regiments — An 
Awful  Carnage — The  Hornet’s  Nest — Bayonet  Charges — Capture 
of  Prentiss — Union  Army  Driven  Back — Result  of  the  First  Day’s 
Fight — Arrival  of  Gen.  Buel — The  Second  Day’s  Fight — Retreat 
of  the  Confederate  Army — Continuation  of  the  War 259 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Battle  of  Missionary  Ridge — Grant  Orders  an  Attack — Gallant  Charge 
of  the  Union  Army — Sheridan’s  Advance — The  Enemy  Routed — 
Sheridan’s  Pursuit — The  Confederate  and  Union  Loss — The  War 
at  Other  Places — Battle  of  Fredericksburg — Battle  of  Gettysburg 
— Pickett’s  Charge — Draft  Riots  in  New  York — Burning  of  the 
Colored  Orphan  Asylum — The  Massacre  at  Fort  Pillow — Sher- 
man’s March  to  the  Sea — Sinking  of  the  Alabama 283 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Battle  in  the  Wilderness — Gen.  Lee’s  Battle  Ground — Grant’s  Bold 
Movement — Bloody  Fighting — Hancock’s  Attack — General  Lee’s 
Bravery  — Charge  of  the  Texans  — The  Losses — Grant’s  Next 
Movement 307 


4 HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Battle  of  Spottsylvania — Grant’s  Assault — His  Heavy  and  Determined 
Attacks— The  Bloody  Angle — Terrible  Fighting — A Hand-to-Hand 
Contest — The  Dead  and  Wounded — Lee's  Retreat — Scenes  on  the 
Battlefield  — Confederate  and  Union  Loss — Battle  of  Cold  Harbo'r — 
Grant  Repulsed — Lee  Invades  Maryland — Sheridan  Defeats  Early 
— Sheridan’s  Famous  Ride — Early’s  Army  Destroyed — The  War  in 
Virginia — Surrender  of  Gen.  Lee  at  Appomattox 315 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Colored  Men  as  Soldiers — Gallantry  in  the  Revolution — Loyalists 
Appeal  to  Slaves  for  Help — The  British  Government  Enlists 
Colored  Troops — Negroes  in  the  War  of  1812 — Organization  of 
Colored  Troops  in  the  Civil  War — Recruiting  Negro  Soldiers — 

Use  of  Negroes  in  Aid  of  the  Rebellion — Mr.  Lincoln  on  Protect- 
ing Negro  Soldiers — Number  Engaged  in  the  Union  Army — 
Their  Bravery — Lincoln’s  Emancipation  Proclamation — Military- 
Academy  at  West  Point 330 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Abraham  Lincoln — His  Early  Life  and  Training — Lincoln  as  a Law- 
yer— Enters  the  Political  Arena — Debates  with  Douglas — Elected 
to  Congress — Extracts  from  His  Great  Cooper  Institute  Speech — Is 
Elected  President — His  Inaugural — Re-elected  to  the  Presidency 
— Second  Inaugural — His  Entry  into  Richmond — The  Assassina- 
tion— National  Grief 354 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Frederick  Douglass — His  Early  Life  — Hardship  and  Privations — 
Plantation  Life — The  Horrors  of  Slavery— Food  and  Clothing  of 
the  Slaves — Is  Sent  to  Baltimore— His  Thirst  for  Knowledge — 
Learns  a Trade — Runs  Away — Meets  Garrison — English  Friends 
Purchase  His  Freedom — Edits  a Paper — Lectures  against  Slavery.  389 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

John  Brown — His  Birthplace — Removes  to  Kansas — Settles  near  Har- 
per’s Ferry — Seizes  the  United  States  Arsenal — Battle  with  United 
States  Troops — His  Capture — Tried  and  Convicted— His  Firm- 
ness and  Bravery — The  Execution 4C8 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Rev.  E.  P-  Lovejoy — Edits  a Paper  — Hostility  to  Slavery — Burning  of 
a Colored  Man — Mob  Destroys  His  Press — His  Speeches  in  Court 
— Press  Again  Destroyed — Obtains  New  Press — The  Fight  at  the 
Warehouse— Murder  of  Lovejoy — Acquittal  of  His  Murderers.. . . 413 


CONTENTS  OF  HISTORY. 


5 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Other  Noted  Anti-Slavery  Agitators— Solon — William  Wilberforce — 
Wm.  Lloyd  Garrison — Wm.H.  Seward — -Charles  Sumner— Horace 
Greeley  — Wendell  Phillips — Lucretia  Mott  — Harriet  Beecher 
Stowe — Thaddeus  Stevens 434 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States — Lincoln’s  Policy — General 
Plan  — Various  Conventions  — Congressional  Action  — President 
Johnson — Suffrage  Denied  the  Colored  People — Unjust  and  Op- 
pressive Laws — The  Amendments  to  the  Constitution — Recon- 
struction Completed 446 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

The  Republic  of  Liberia — Its  Location — Its  Founders — Early  Wars — 

Its  First  General  Agent — Form  of  Government — Revenues  and 
Religion — Products — Education — Emigration 457 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Advancement  of  the  Colored  Race — Early  Efforts  Made  for  Them — 
Effects  of  the  Lesson  of  Labor — Necessity  of  Owning  Property — 
Various  Pursuits — An  Address  by  Frederick  Douglass — Resources 
of  the  Southern  States — Extracts  from  Henry  W.  Grady’s  Address  462 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Education  of  Colored  Race — The  Old  and  the  New — Lincoln  and  the 
Constitutional  Amendments — The  Freedmen’s  Bureau — Work  of 
Various  Benevolent  Institutions — The  Hampton  Normal  and 
Industrial  Institute — Aid  for  Education — Wonderful  Advancement 
— Colored  Teachers — Various  Schools  and  Universities — Prudence 
Crandall  — Phillis  Wheatley — Noted  Colored  Men  — Colored 
Churches  and  Church  Work— Slavery  in  Brazil 480 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Civil  and  Political  Rights — Principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence— Historical  and  Analytical  Exposition  of  the  Constitu- 
tion— The  Senate— The  House  of  Representatives — Declaration  of 
War — Army  and  Navy — Amendments  to  the  Constitution — The 


Supreme  Law,  etc.,  etc 535 

APPENDIX. 

Woman’s  Higher  Education 592 


institutions  may  crumble  and  Governments  fall,  but  It  is  only  that  they 
may  renew  a better  youth,  and  mount  upward  like  the  eagle;  the  petals  of  the 
flower  wither,  that  fruit  may  form.  The  desire  of  protection,  springing  always 
from  moral  power,  rules  even  the  sword,  and  escapes  unharmed  even  from  the 
field  of  carnage;  giving  to  battles  all  they  can  have  of  luster,  and  to  warriors 
their  only  glory ; surviving  martyrdoms,  and  safe  amid  the  wreck  of  States.  On 
the  banks  of  the  stream  of  time,  not  a monument  has  been  raised  to  a hero  or 
Nation,  but  tells  a tale  and  renews  the  hope  of  improvement.  Each  people 
that  has  disappeared,  every  institution  that  has  passed  away,  has  been  hut  a step 
in  the  ladder  by  which  humanity  ascends  toward  the  perfecting  of  nature. 

George  Bancroft. 


INTRODUCTORY. 


The  history  of  the  Colored  Race  presents  to  us  a theme  of 
profound  study  and  careful  consideration.  It  is  as  ancient  as 
that  of  the  Egyptians,  and  as  worthy  of  perusal  as  that  of  the 
Jews,  to  which  in  some  respects  it  is  similar.  We  find  in  them 
those  characteristics  that  the  wise  and  just  of  all  time  love  and 
worship — loyalty,  devotion  and  truth;  and  it  is  with  the  hope 
that  the  colored  people  may,  by  tracing  the  history  of  their  race 
through  the  long  years  of  servitude  and  oppression,  to  the 
dawn  of  lasting  freedom,  education,  and  American  citizenship, 
be  able  to  better  understand  the  position  they  occupy  in  the 
annals  of  civilized  nations — whence  they  came,  and  whither 
they  are  drifting,  that  this  work  has  been  arranged;  and  we 
trust  it  may  meet  with  careful  study  by  the  reader. 

We  have  in  Chapter  I.  devoted  a short  space  to  the  early 
history  of  mankind,  in  which  we  have  endeavored  to  make 
clear,  in  the  space  allotted,  that  there  is  no  difference  by  nature 
between  any  two  races  of  mankind.  Research  into  the  early 
history  of  mankind  has  developed  the  fact  that  they  all  had 
one  common  origin,  and  the  reason  that  one  people  are  white 
and  another  black  is  simply  the  workings  of  a law  in  nature, 
which,  although  we  cannot  well  understand,  we  see  going  on 
every  day  around  us.  By  the  closest  analysis  of  the  blood  of 
one  of  each  race  the  slightest  difference  cannot  be  detected; 
and  so,  in  the  aspirations  of  the  mind,  or  the  impulses  of  the 
heart,  we  are  all  one  common  family,  with  nothing  but  the 
development  of  the  mind  through  the  channel  of  education  to 
raise  one  man,  or  one  people,  above  another. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  from  extended  observation 
and  dealings  with  the  Southern  people,  that,  so  far  as  noble 
characteristics  are  concerned,  the  Colored  Race  possess  those 
traits  to  fully  as  great  a degree  as  do  the  white. 


8 HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

We  have  also  considered  the  ancient  history  of  the  race. 
We  give  the  story  of  Atlantis,  which,  though  not  based  on 
history,  is  probable;  but  whether  the  race  came  from  Atlantis 
or  Southern  Asia,  we  must  admit  their  great  antiquity. 

Modern  travelers  in  Africa  have  discovered  vast  ruins  of 
temples,  palaces  and  cities;  everything  goes  to  prove  that 
the  vast  ruins  of  Mount  Berkel  are  of  the  city  of  Napata, 
the  ancient  capital  of  Ethiopia;  and  what  may  yet  be  brought 
to  light  to  reveal  the  wonders  of  this  ancient  people,  or  their 
advancement  in  science,  art  and  civilization,  no  tongue  can  tell. 

The  Colored  Race  in  America  are  direct  descendants  from 
the  ancient  Ethiopians,  who  were  civilized,  built  cities,  and 
whose  armies  invaded  Egypt  and  Nubia  many  centuries  before 
the  Christian  Era. 

Egypt  was  peopled  by  the  Hamitic  Race,  who  founded  two 
kingdoms,  afterwards  united. 

Here,  social,  political  and  industrial  institutions  developed 
very  early  in  great  strength.  Their  language — the  pictorial 
representation  of  their  social,  political  and  religious  affairs — 
and  the  grand  and  gloomy  majesty  of  their  works  of  art,  im- 
ply a long  period  of  growth  before  they  reached  the  maturity 
in  which  we  find  them  when  written  history  commences. 

Their  institutions,  even  in  the  earliest  historic  times, 
showed  signs  of  the  decrepitude  and  decay  of  age.  The  vast- 
ness and  the  grim  maturity  of  their  monuments  and  language 
seem  to  lend  much  support  to  their  claim  of  an  immense  antiq- 
uity. The  future  study  of  their  remains  of  art  and  literature 
will  settle  some  important  problems  in  the  chronology  of  the 
human  race.  The  children  of  Ham  were  clearly  the  first  to 
lead  off  in  the  march  of  civilization. 

What  trials,  bloody  wars  and  fierce  revolutions  this  ancient 
people  passed  through,  which  has  reduced  them  to  the  condi- 
tion in  which  we  now  find  them,  God  only  knows.  Their 
ancient  history  truly  gives  promise  of  future  greatness,  and  it 
is  not  at  all  improbable  that  they  will  soon  over-run  all  of 
Africa,  and  plant  the  standard  of  civilization  once  more  in 
Ethiopia  and  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs. 


INTRODUCTORY. 


9 


The  chapter  relating  to  the  more  recent  travels  in  the 
Dark  Continent  give  many  interesting  accounts  of  the  people 
as  we  now  find  them.  As  a whole,  they  may  not  be  considered 
as  a barbarous  race,  but  the  contrary.  They  treated  our 
travelers  with  the  utmost  kindness,  and  had  it  not  been 
for  the  raids  made  amongst  them  to  capture,  as  slaves,  and 
carry  them  away  captive  into  America  and  other  countries,  they 
would  have  shown  no  antagonism  whatever.  The  white 
man's  influence  among  them  has  been  bad;  taking  them  away 
as  slaves  has  taught  them  to  enslave  one  another,  until 
“slavery  in  Africa,”  as  Livingstone  says,  “has  become  the 
open  sore  of  the  -world.”  Until  the  invasion  of  the  white  man, 
they  were  true  children  of  nature.  In  their  native  land  they 
were  brave,  and  fought  desperately  for  liberty,  as  the  account 
of  the  battle  of  Kilgou,  with  Ismail  Pasha  and  his  army  of 
slave-hunters,  clearly  shows. 

“Breathes  there  a man  with  soul  so  dead, 

That  never  to  himself  hath  said. 

This  is  my  own,  my  native  land.’” 

Then  comes  the  world’s  disgrace — the  dark  pages  in  its 
history — the  long  years  of  slavery.  Though  other  races  have 
been  enslaved,  the  burden  of  this  sin  fell  upon  the  African 
Race.  The  first  recorded  instance  of  slavery  was  during  the 
famine  in  Egypt,  when  the  Egyptians  came  to  Joseph,  saying: 
“There  is  not  aught  left  in  the  sight  of  my  lord,  but  our 
bodies  and  our  lands.  Buy  us  and  our  land  for  bread,  and  we 
and  our  lands  will  become  servants  to  Pharaoh.” 

It  is,  however,  true  that  “Slavery  is  as  ancient  as  war,  and 
war  as  human  nature,”  or  as  human  nature  engrossed  by  the 
love  of  gain,  without  which  it  is  not  natural.  Fred  Douglass 
relates,  touchingly,  that  he  never  knew  a boy  who  did  not 
sympathize  with  him,  “and  hoped  he  would  soon  be  free.” 

Slavery  was  introduced  into  America  by  Colonists  from  the 
Old  World,  who  brought  their  slaves  with  them.  But  the  first 
direct  importation  from  Africa  was  August,  1610,  one  year 
before  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  landed  on  Plymouth  Rock. 

The  early  history  of  slavery  represents  more  the  patriarchal 


10 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


system,  and  was  comparatively  free  from  the  barbarous  and 
cruel  practices  adopted  after  the  invention  of  the  Cotton  Gin, 
which  made  the  cultivation  of  cotton  extremely  profitable.  Then 
came  the  reign  of  the  slave-driver,  and  more  cruel  and  tyranni- 
cal measures  than, were  ever  practiced  by  uncivilized  nations, 
a stigma  and  lasting  disgrace  upon  the  fair  name  of  the  Amer- 
ican Republic.  Half  clad  and  half  fed,  they  worked  early  and 
late,  in  fear  of  the  slave-drivers’  lash,  and  with  no  hope  of  re- 
ward. The  slave  trade  again  flourished,  and  “grew  like  a 
green  bay  tree.”  It  filled  the  coffers  of  Kings,  Potentates,  and 
of  the  unprincipled  for  many  centuries.  It  reigned  in  America 
without  serious  opposition  for  about  240  years.  At  last  the 
cloud  of  deliverance  appeared  on  the  horizon,  at  first  no 
larger  than  a man’s  hand,  but  it  grew,  until  it  bids  fair  to  cover 
the  whole  world. 

The  names, Wilberforce,  Garrison,  Beecher,  Sumner,  Greeley, 
Lincoln,  and  others,  will  be  held  in  tender  remembrance  by  the 
colored  peojde  as  the  deliverers  of  their  race,  and  will  be  re- 
vered by  lovers  of  liberty  through  all  time.  Though  dead, 
their  deeds  live  after  them.  They  did  their  work  well. 

Deliverance  at  last  came,  and  the  race  were  free,  but  the 
struggles  to  retain  the  institution  of  slavery  were  terrible  in  the 
extreme,  and  engaged  the  American  people  in  the  bloodiest  war 
the  world  had  ever  witnessed,  costing  the  lives  of  nearly 
a million  men,  and  taking  the  light  and  life  from  as  many 
loving  hearts  and  happy  homes.  The  just  retribution  that 
works  in  the  law  of  nature  “paid  back”’  as  Lincoln  said, 
“every  drop  of  blood  drawn  by  the  sword  for  ono  drawn 
by  the  lash.”  Every  heart  made  desolate  by  the  divisions 
of  families  on  the  auction  block,  paid,  by  homes  and  hearts 
made  desolate  by  war.  The  war  was  the  direct  result  of 
slavery.  The  South  desired  to  extend  the  slave  territory, 
the  North  to  restrict  it.  The  South  clearly  saw  that  it  must 
be  extended  if  the  institution  lived.  The  opposition  to  its 
extension  as  well  as  its  existence  was  strong,  and  for  every 
new  State  whose  soil  was  free,  the  South  demanded  a 
new  slave  State;  and  when  the  election  of  Lincoln  proclaimed 


INTRODUCTORY. 


11 


to  the  South  that  their  political  prestige  was  gone,  they 
sought  redress  in  arms  and  waged  a deadly  and  desperate  war- 
fare. Having  foreseen  the  impending  struggle,  the  South  had 
in  a measure  prepared  for  it,  and  for  the  fii;st  two  years  the 
tide  seem  to  turn  in  their  favor.  After  that,  the  North  were 
victorious  in  every  important  battle,  and  Lee  surrendered  at 
Appomattox  on  April  9,  1865,  and  the  so-called  “Confederate 
States  of  America”  became  a thing  of  the  past. 

Then  came  the  rejoicing  of  peace,  the  return  of  the  victo- 
rious armies  who  marched  in  review  before  the  President  at 
Washington.  Dr.  Talmage’s  description  of  this  review  is  daz- 
zling; he  says:  “The  grandest  day  I ever  saw.  The  like  was 
never  witnessed  in  this  world  and  never  will  be  again.  God 
knew  that  the  day  was  stupendous,  and  He  cleared  the  heavens 
of  clouds  and  mist  and  chill,  and  strung  the  blue  sky  as  a tri- 
umphal arch  for  the  returning  warriors  to  pass  under.  From 
Arlington  Heights  the  spring  foliage  shook  out  its  welcome  as 
the  hosts  came  over  the  hills,  and  the  sparkling  waters  of  the 
Potomac  tossed  their  gold  to  meet  the  battalions  as  they  came 
over  the  Long  Bridge  in  almost  interminable  lines.  The  Cap- 
itol never  seemed  so  majestic  as  that  morning,  snowy  white, 
looking  upon  the  tide  of  men  that  came  surging  down  billow 
after  billow,  passing  in  silence,  yet  I heard  in  every  step  those 
conflicts  through  which  they  had  waded  and  seemed  to  see 
dripping  from  their  smoky  flags  the  blood  of  our  country’s 
martyrs. 

“For  the  best  part  of  two  days;we  stood  and  watched  the  filing 
on  of  the  same  endless  battalions,  brigade  after  brigade,  division 
after  division,  host  after  host,  ever  moving,  ever  passing, 
marching,  marching ! Tramp,  tramp,  tramp ! Thousands  after 
thousands!  Battery  front!  Arms  shouldered!  Column  solid! 
Shoulder  to  shoulder ! Wheel  to  wheel ! Charger  to  charger ! 
Commanders  on  horses  with  their  reins  entwined  with  roses, 
their  necks  enchained  with  garlands — hundreds  of  thousands 
of  heroes  marching  on!” 

And  now  as  we  look  back  over  those  days  of  blood  and  car- 
nage, we  feel  to  thank  God  that  no  more  we  see  serried  ranks 


12 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


in  battle  array,  nor  hear  the  tramp  of  marching  armies.  No  more 
we  hear  the  cries  of  the  wounded  and  dying,  nor  see  the  brave 
dead  that  covered  the  battle-fields  “thick  as  autumnal  leaves 
that  strew  the  brooks  in  Vallombrosa.”  Old  issues  are  being 
forgotten,  and  the  long-desired  friendly  feeling  once  more 
established  between  the  two  sections.  The  action  of  the  women 
of  Columbus,  Mississippi,  is  commendable  as  acting  those  ever 
memorable  words  of  Grant,  “Let  us  have  peace.”  On 
Decoration  day  they  strewed  flowers  alike  on  the  graves  of  the 
Confederate  and  National  Soldiers,  both  equally  brave  and 
gallant,  and  who  fought  for  a principle  as  they  understood  it. 


“By  the  flow  of  the  inland  river, 

Whence  the  fleets  of  iron  have  fled, 

Where  the  blades  of  the  grave-grass  quiver, 
Asleep  on  the  ranks  of  the  dead: — 

Under  the  sod  and  the  dew. 

Waiting  the  judgment  day; 

Under  the  one,  the  Blue, 

Under  the  other,  the  Gray. 

“From  the  silence  of  sorrowful  hours, 

The  desolate  mourners  go, 

Lovingly  ladened  with  flowers, 

Alike  for  the  friend  and  the  foe:— 

Under  the  sod  and  the  dew. 

Waiting  the  judgment  day; 

Under  the  roses,  the  Blue, 

Under  the  lilies,  the  Gray. 

“Sadly,  but  not  with  upbraiding. 

The  generous  deed  was  done; 

In  the  storm  of  years  that  are  fading, 

No  braver  battle  was  won: — 

Under  the  sod  and  the  dew, 

Waiting  the  judgment  day; 

Under  the  blossoms,  the  Blue, 

Under  the  garlands,  the  Gray. 

“These  in  the  robing  of  glory, 

Those  in  the  gloom  of  defeat. 

All  with  the  battle-blood  gory. 

In  the  dusk  of  eternity  meet:— 

Under  the  sod  and  the  dew, 

Waiting  the  judgment  day; 

Under  the  laurel,  the  Blue, 

Under  the  willow,  the  Gray. 

“No  more  shall  the  war-cry  sever. 

Or  the  winding  rivers  be  red; 

They  banish  our  anger  forever 

When  they  laurel  the  graves  of  our  dead! 


INTRODUCTORY. 


13 


Under  the  sod  and  the  dew, 

W aiting  the  judgment  day; 

Bove  and  tears  for  the  Blue, 

Tears  and  love  for  the  Gray. 

We  have  given  a sketch  of  the  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
the  author  of  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  who,  with  one 
stroke  of  his  pen,  struck  the  shackles  from  four  millions  of 
slaves.  He  was  a representative  American,  who  in  his  great 
heart  could  sympathize  with  the  bearer  of  every  wrong. 

We  cannot  do  better  in  this  connection  than  to  quote  the 
words  of  editor  Grady,  in  his  address  to  the  New  England 
Society.  He  said; 

“Great  types,  like  valuable  plants,  are  slow  to  flower  and 
fruit.  But  from  the  union  of  these  Colonists,  Puritans  and 
Cavaliers,  from  the  strengthening  of  their  purposes  and  the 
crossing  of  their  blood,  slow  perfecting,  through  a century, 
came  he  who  stands  as  the  first  typical  American;  the  first 
who  comprehended  within  himself  all  the  majesty  and  grace 
of  this  Republic — Abraham  Lincoln.  He  was  the  sum  of 
Puritan  and  Cavalier,  for  in  his  ardent  nature  were  fused  the 
virtues  of  both,  and  in  the  depths  of  his  great  soul  the  faults 
of  both  were  lost.  He  was  greater  than  Puritan,  greater  than 
Cavalier,  in  that  he  was  American;  and  that  in  his  homely 
form  were  first  gathered  the  vast  and  thrilling  forces  of  his 
ideal  Government — charging  it  with  such  tremendous  meaning 
and  so  elevating  it  above  human  suffering,  that  martyrdom, 
though  infamously  aimed,  came  as  a fitting  crowm  to  a life  con- 
secrated from  the  cradle  to  human  liberty.” 

We  have  said  that  the  race  were  free.  How  little  can  those 
who  never  knew  by  experience  the  dreadful  meaning  of 
“slavery  ” appreciate  what  freedom  means.  It  is  said  that  at 
first  the  colored  people  did  not  seem  to  realize  its  importance: 
a reality,  a dream,  or  a vision  of  the  fancy.  They  saw  the 
slave  whip  burnt  to  ashes,  their  chains  melted,  saw  a bondage 
which  had,  as  Douglass  says,  “resisted  the  humanity  of  ages, 
defied  earth  and  heaven,  ended.”  The  manifestations  of  their 
joy  and  gratitude  knew  no  bounds,  and  sought  expression  in 
the  loudest  and  wildest  possible  forms.  No  wonder  they  ran 


14 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


about,  and  danced,  and  sang.  They  gazed  into  the  blue  sky 
and  thanked  the  Giver  of  every  blessing;  they  prayed  and 
shouted;  they  laughed  and  wept  for  joy.  A race  of  people 
had  been  born  in  a day.  The  news  of  Emancipation  was  not 
proportionately  less  gratifying  to  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  in 
the  North,  who  through  long  years  of  earnest  working  now 
beheld  the  answer  to  their  prayers,  and  all  civilized  Nations 
rejoiced. 

“When  a deed  is  done  for  freedom, 

Through  the  broad  earth’s  aching  breast 
Runs  a thrill  of  joy  prophetic, 

Trembling  on  from  East  to  West.’’ 

We  have  gathered  some  facts  relative  to  the  colored  man 
as  a soldier.  Their  loyalty  and  devotion  to  a principle  are 
among  their  chief  characteristics,  which  are  also  those  required 
for  a soldier. 

The  record  of  Revolutionary  times  places  this  race  as 
among  the  patriots  who  by  their  blood  secured  liberty  to  the 
Colonies.  They  are  recorded  as  being  brave  and  daring,  and 
we  find  no  instance  where  they  deserted  or  betrayed  their 
country.  They  also  rendered  valuable  service  in  the  war  of 
1812.  General  Jackson,  at  New  Orleans,  found  it  necessary  to 
call  upon  the  colored  people  to  assist  in  its  defence  against 
England. 

Abraham  Lincoln  called  upon  them  to  defend  the  Union 
against  Rebellion,  to  which  they  gallantly  responded.  Lincoln 
praises  the  action  of  the  true  and  patriotic  blacks,  as  compared 
with  the  treacherous  action  of  the  whites,  in  plain  terms. 

There  were  as  many  as  200,000  engaged  in  the  war,  on  the 
side  of  the  Union,  who  always  proved  worthy  and  efficient  sol- 
diers. The  Southern  leaders  made  efforts  to  enlist  them  in 
their  cause,  with  some  success,  under  the  promise  of  freedom. 

In  that  they  were  not  generally  used  in  actual  engage- 
ments on  either  side,  we  can  see  the  ruling  of  God  in  not 
allowing  them  to  be  shot  down,  to,  atone  for  sins  they  never 
committed. 

We  have  also  considered  the  advancement  and  education  of 
the  Colored  Race. 


INTRODUCTORY. 


15 


In  18G3,  we  find  four  millions  of  this  race  turned  out, 
largely  dependent  upon  the  charities  of  the  Southern  people; 
a people  whom  the  ordeal  of  war  had  reduced  to  poverty,  so 
that  those  who  would,  could  give  them  but  little  help. 

During  the  period  of  Reconstruction,  they  suffered  untold 
hardships,  and  in  many  sections  their  littlp  property  and  their 
lives  were  sacrificed  by 'those  whom  war  had  embittered,  and 
prejudice  to  this  people  had  driven  to  desperation.  The  action 
of  the  Ku-Klux  clan  and  White  Leagues  look  back  on  the  pages 
of  United  States  history,  and  Reconstruction  was  retarded 
much,  and  confidence  in  the  good  intentions  of  the  Southern 
people  was  shaken  by  the  depredations  of  these  societies. 

But  all  of  this  has  passed  away,  and  we  now  see  the  Colored 
Race  advancing  step  by  step  in  spite  of  all  the  opposition,  the 
insult,  and  race  prejudice  that  has  beset  their  pathway;  and 
when  the  question  is  asked,  “Are  the  Colored  Race  capable  of 
the  highest  education  known  to  man?”  we  answer,  yes.  That 
which  Avas  possible  once  may  be  accomplished  again.  The 
builders  of  the  Pyramids  and  the  Obelisks  sat  at  the  feet  of  the 
Ethiopians  to  learn  architecture,  philosophy,  letters  and 
religion.  From  the  Colored  Race,  Egypt  obtained  its  civiliza- 
tion, and  a visit  to  the  twenty-two  Universities  and  Colleges  in 
our  own  land  that  are  educating  young  colored  men  and  women 
for  the  highest  walks  in  life  will  convince  the  most  skeptical 
that  in  an  educational  sense  there  are  no  impossibilities  in  the 
way  of  their  receiving  the  highest  education,  of  which  they  are 
truly  susceptible. 

We  find  they  control  and  own  150  neAvspapers,  have  20,000 
public  schools,  attended  by  1,000,000  pupils.  They  produce 
now  150,000,000  pounds  cereals  annually,  and  3,000,000,000 
pounds  cotton,  and  they  pay  taxes  on  about  $120,000,000  worth 
of  property.  This  is  amazing  when  we  realize  that  in  1863 
they  had  nothing,  and  but  few  could  read  or  write. 

We  have  given  in  substance  the  decision  in  the  case  of 
Dred  Scott.  There  was  a time  in  this  country  when  all  bowed 
to  a decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  It  was  unquestioned.  It 
was  regarded  as  “a  voice  from  on  high.”  The  people  heard 


16 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


and  they  obeyed.  The  Dred  Scott  decision  destroyed  that  illu- 
sion forever.  From  that  day  to  this,  the  people  have  claimed 
the  privilege  of  putting  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court 
in  the  crucible  of  reason.  Our  Supreme  Court,  which  is  the 
highest  tribunal  in  our  land,  never  was,  nor  is  now  infallible. 
We  have  to  make  Judges  out  of  men,  and  by  being  made 
Judges  their  prejudices  are  not  diminished  and  their  intelli- 
gence is  not  increased.  No  matter  whether  a man  wears  a 
crown,  or  a robe,  or  a rag.  Under  the  emblem  of  power  and 
the  emblem  of  poverty,  the  man  alike  resides. 

But  now,  after  the  institution  of  slavery  has  been  destroyed 
in  our  country,  and  prejudice  is  rapidly  dying  out,  we  look  at 
the  celebrated  decision  on  Dred  Scott  with  amazement,  and 
wonder  how  those  so  learned  (?)  could  have  taken  so  narrow 
and  so  biased  a view  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and 
of  the  Constitution. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  also  appears  to  us  now  like  a relic 
of  the  dark  ages.  The  act  was  clearly  unconstitutional,  and 
yet  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  found  no  difficulty 
in  upholding  it.  “Any  person  in  any  State  interfering  with  the 
Master,  who  was  endeavoring  to  steal  the  person  he  called  his 
slave,  was  liable  to  indictment,  and  hundreds  and  thousands 
were  indicted,  and  hundreds  languished  in  prison  because  they 
were  noble  enough  to  hold  in  infinite  contempt  such  infamous 
laws  and  such  infamous  decisions.  The  best  men  in  the  Uni- 
ted States — the  noblest  spirits  under  the  flag — were  imprisoned 
because  they  were  charitable,  because  they  were  just,  because 
they  showed  the  hunted  slave  the  path  to  freedom,  and  taught 
him  where  to  find  amid  the  glittering  host  of  heaven  the  blessed 
Northern  Star.” 

We  have  also  considered  the  social  and  political  rights  of 
the  Colored  Race,  which,  by  the  Amendments  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, have  become  the  same  as  those  of  any  other  citizen,  with- 
out regard  to  color  or  class.  Says  a celebrated  writer : 

“The  Thirteenth  Amendment  made  all  free.  It  broke  the 
chains,  pulled  up  the  whipping-posts,  overturned  the  auction- 
blocks,  gave  the  colored  mother  her  child,  put  the  shield  of  the 


INTRODUCTORY. 


17 


Constitution  over  the  cradle,  destroyed  all  forms  of  involuntary 
servitude,  and  in  the  azure  heaven  of  our  flag  it  put  the  North- 
ern Star. 

“The  Fourteenth  Amendment  made  us  all  citizens.  It  is  a 
contract  between  the  Republic  and  each  individual — a contract 
by  which  the  Nation  agrees  to  protect  the  citizen,  and  the  citi- 
zen agrees  to  defend  the  Nation.  This  Amendment  places  the 
crown  of  sovereignty  on  every  brow. 

“The  Fifteenth  Amendment  secured  the  citizen  in  his  right 
to  vote,  in  his  right  to  make  and  execute  the  laws,  and  put  these 
rights  above  the  power  of  any  State.  This  Amendment  placed 
the  ballot — the  sceptre  of  authority— in  every  sovereign’s 
hand. 

“The  moment  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  was  adopted, 
the  slaves  became  freemen.  The  distinction  between  ‘white’ 
and  ‘color’  vanished.  The  Colored  Race  became  as  though 
they  had  never  been  slaves — as  though  they  had  always  been 
free — as  though  they  had  been  white.  They  became  citizens — 
they  became  a part  of  ‘ the  people’  of  the  State  in  which 
they  lived. 

“The  Thirteenth  Amendment  not  only  destroyed,  but  it  built. 
It  destroyed  the  slave-pen,  and  on  its  site  created  the  temple 
of  Liberty.  It  did  not  simply  free  slaves — it  made  citizens. 
It  repealed  every  statute  that  upheld  slavery.  It  erased  every 
report,  every  decision  against  freedom.  It  took  the  word 
‘white’  from  every  law,  and  blotted  from  the  Constitution  all 
clauses  acknowledging  property  in  man. 

“The  Thirteenth  Amendment  did  away  with  slavery  not  only, 
and  with  involuntary  servitude,  but  with  every  badge  and  brand 
and  stain  and  mark  of  slavery.  It  abolished  forever  dis- 
tinctions on  account  of  race  and  color. 

“From  the  moment  of  the  adoption  of  that  Amendment,  the 
law  became  color  blind.  All  distinctions  on  account  of  com- 
plexion vanished.  It  took  the  whip  from  the  hand  of  the  white 
man,  and  put  the  Nation’s  flag  above  the  Negro’s  hut.  It 
gave  horizon,  scope  and  power  to  the  lowliest  life.  It  stretched 
a sky  studded  with  the  Stars  of  Hope  above  the  humblest  head. 


18 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


“Much  has  been  said  by  the  prejudiced  and  generally  uned- 
ucated whites  since  the  time  the  colored  person  became  a citi- 
zen, on  the  subject  of  ‘Social  Equality.’  There  are  thou- 
sands of  people  in  deadly  fear  on  this  subject.  They  are  will- 
ing that  the  colored  women  shall  prepare  their  food — that 
colored  waiters  shall  bring  it  to  them — willing  to  ride  in  the 
same  cars  with  the  porters,  and  to  be  shown  to  their  seats  in 
theatres  by  colored  ushers — willing  to  be  nursed  in  sickness 
by  colored  servants.  They  see  nothing  dangerous  in  any  of 
these  relations — but  the  idea  of  riding  in  the  same  car,  stop- 
ping at  the  same  hotel,  fills  them  with  fear — fear  for  the  future 
of  our  race!  Such  people  can  be  described  only  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Walt.  Whitman:  ‘They  are  the  immutable,  granitic 
pudding-heads  of  the  world!’ 

“The  Federal  soldiers  who  escaped  from  Libby  and  Ander- 
sonville,  and  who  in  swamps,  in  storms,  and  darkness  were 
rescued  and  fed  by  the  slave,  had  no  scruples  about  eating 
with  a Negro.  They  were  willing  to  sit  beneath  the  same  tree 
and  eat  with  them  the  food  he  brought.  The  white  soldier  was 
then  willing  to  find  rest  and  slumber  beneath  the  Negro's 
roof.  Charity  has  no  color.  It  is  neither  white  nor  black. 
Justice  and  patriotism  are  the  same.  Even  the  Confederate 
soldier  was  willing  to  leave  his  wife  and  children  under  the 
protection  of  a man  whom  he  was  fighting  to  enslave. 

“The  cry  about  social  equality  is  born  of  the  spirit  of  caste 
— the  most  fiendish  of  all  things.  It  is  worse  than  slavery. 
Slavery  is  at  least  justified  by  avarice — by  a desire  to  get 
somethng  for  nothing — by  a desire  to  live  in  idleness  upon 
the  labor  of  others— but  the  spirit  of  caste  is  the  offspring  of 
natural  cruelty  and  meanness. 

“In  all  social  relations  we  should  have  the  utmost  liberty — 
but  public  duties  should  be  discharged  and  public  rights 
should  be  recognized,  without  the  slightest  discrimination  on 
account  of  race  or  color.  Riding  in  the  same  cars,  stopping  at 
the  same  inns,  sitting  in  the  same  theatres,  no  more  involve  a 
social  question,  or  social  equality,  than  speaking  the  same 
language,  reading  the  same  books,  hearing  the  same  music, 


INTRODUCTORY. 


19 


traveling  on  the  same  highway,  eating  the  same  food,  breath- 
ing the  same  air,  warming  by  the  same  sun,  shivering  in  the 
same  cold,  defending  the  same  flag,  loving  the  same  country,  or 
living  in  the  same  world. 

“Liberty  is  not  a social  question.  Civil  equality  is  not 
social  equality.  We  are  equal  only  in  rights.  No  two  per- 
sons are  of  equal  weight  or  height.  There  are  no  two  leaves 
in  all  the  forests  of  earth  alike — no  two  blades  of  grass — 
no  two  grains  of  sand — no  two  hairs.  No  two  anythings  in 
the  physical  world  are  precisely  alike.  Neither  mental  nor 
physical  equality  can  be  created  by  law,  but  law  recognizes 
the  fact  that  all  men  have  been  clothed  with  equal  rights  by 
Nature,  the  mother  of  us  all 

“The  man  who  hates  the  black  man  because  he  is  black, 
has  the  same  spirit  as  he  who  hates  the  poor  man  because  he 
is  poor.  It  is  the  spirit  of  caste.  The  proud  useless  despises 
the  honest  useful.  The  parasite,  idleness,  scorns  the  great  oak 
of  labor  on  which  it  feeds  and  that  lifts  it  to  the  light. 

“We  are  the  inferior  of  any  men  whose  rights  we  trample 
under  foot.  Men  are  not  superior  by  reason  of  the  accidents 
of  race  or  color.  They  are  superior  who  have  the  best  heart, 
the  best  brain.  Superiority  is  born  of  honesty,  of  virtue,  of 
charity,  and  above  all,  of  the  love  of  liberty.  The  superior 
man  is  the  providence  of  the  inferior.  He  is  eyes  for  the 
blind,  strength  for  the  weak,  and  a shield  for  the  defenceless. 
He  stands  erect,  by  bending  over  the  fallen.  He  rises,  by 
lifting  others. 

“The  advancement  made  by  the  colored  people  in  the  past 
has  been  wonderful,  and  we  trust  they  will  use  every  possible 
effort  to  secure  education  for  themselves  and  their  children. 
They  can  rest  assured  the  best  white  people  are  their  friends. 
The  humane,  the  civilized,  the  just,  the  most  intelligent,  the 
grandest,  are  on  their  side.  The  sympathies  of  the  noblest  are 
with  them.  Their  enemies  are  also  the  enemies  of  liberty,  of 
progress  and  of  justice.  The  white  men  who  make  the  white 
race  honorable  believe  in  equal  rights  for  all.  The  noblest 
living  are,  the  noblest  dead  were,  their  friends.” 


20 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


These  things  should  inspire  them  to  renewed  exertion,  the 
possibilities  for  them,  as  a race,  are  boundless.  Time  will  erase 
the  memory  of  their  wrongs,  and  by  continued  earnest  endeavor 
they  will  soon  reach  the  position  for  which  God  designed 
them — an  intelligent  and  noble  people. 


CHAPTER  I. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


Like  leaves  on  trees  the  race  of  man  is  found, 

Now  green  in  youth,  now  withering  on  the  ground; 
Another  race  the  following  spring  supplies  ; 

They  fall  successive,  and  successive  rise : 

So,  generations  in  their  course  decay  ; 

So  flourish  these  when  those  have  passed  away. 


HE  human  race  is  known  to  consist  of  different  nations 


1 displaying  considerable  differences  of  external  form  and 
color,  and  speaking,  in  general,  different  languages.  This  has 
been  the  case  since  the  commencement  of  written  record.  It 
is  also  ascertained  that  the  external  peculiarities  of  particular 
nations  do  not  rapidly  change.  There  is  rather  a tendency  to 
a persistency  of  type  in  all  lines  of  descent,  in  so  much  that  a 
subordinate  admixture  of  various  types  is  usually  obliterated 
in  a few  generations.  Numerous  as  the  varieties  are,  they  have 
all  been  found  classified  under  five  leading  ones:  1.  The 
Caucasian  or  Indo-European,  which  extends  from  India  into 
Europe  and  Northern  Africa;  2.  The  Mongolian,  which  occu- 
pies Northern  and  Eastern  Asia;  3.  The  Malayan,  which 
extends  from  the  Ultra-Gangetic  Peninsula  into  the  numerous 
Islands  of  the  South  Sea  and  Pacific;  4.  The  Negro,  chiefly 
confined  to  Africa;  5.  The  Aboriginal  American. 

Each  of  these  is  distinguished  by  certain  general  features 
of  so  marked  a kind  as  to  give  rise  to  a supposition  that  they 
have  had  distinct  or  independent  origins.  Of  these  peculiar- 
ities, color  is  the  most  conspicuous;  the  Caucasians  are  genei’- 
ally  white,  the  Mongolians  yellow,  the  Negroes  black,  and  the 
Americans  red.  The  opposition  of  two  of  these  in  particular, 
white  and  black,  is  so  striking,  that  of  them,  at  least,  it  seems 
almost  necessary  to  suppose  separate  origins.  Of  late  years, 
however,  the  whole  of  this  question  has  been  subjected  to  a 
.rigorous  investigation,  and  it  has  been  successfully  shown  that 


22  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

the  human  race  might  have  had  one  origin  from  anything  that 
can  be  inferred  from  external  peculiarities. 

It  appears  from  this  inquiry,*  that  color  and  other  physio- 
logical characters  are  of  a more  superficial  and  accidental  nature 
than  was  at  one  time  supposed.  One  fact  is  at  the  very  first 
extremely  startling:  that  there  are  nations,  such  as  the  inhab- 
itants of  Hindostan,  known  to  be  one  in  descent,  which  never- 
theless contain  groups  of  people  of  almost  all  shades  and 
color.  Some  other  facts,  which  I may  state  in  brief  terms, 
are  scarcely  less  remarkable.  In  Africa  there  are  Negro 
nations — that  is,  nations  of  intensely  black  complexion,  as  the 
Jolofs,  Mandingoes,  and  Kafirs — whose  features  and  limbs  are 
as  elegant  as  those  of  the  best  European  nations.  While  we 
have  no  proof  of  Negro  races  becoming  white  in  the  course  of 
generations,  the  converse  may  be  held  as  established,  for  there 
are  Arab  and  Jewish  familes  of  ancient  settlement  in  Northern 
Africa  who  have  become  as  black  as  the  other  inhabitants. 
There  are  also  facts  which  seem  to  show  the  possibility  of  a 
natural  transition  by  generation  from  the  black  to  the  white 
complexion,  and  from  the  white  to  the  black.  True  whites 
(apart  from  Albinoes)  are  not  unfrequently  born  among  Negroes, 
and  the  tendency  to  this  singularity  is  transmitted  in  families. 
There  is  at  least  one  authentic  instance  of  a set  of  perfectly 
black  children  being  born  to  an  Arab  couple  in  whose  ancestry 
no  such  blood  had  intermingled.  This  occurred  in  the  valley  of 
the  Jordan,  where  it  is  remarkable  that  the  Arab  population 
in  general  have  flatter  features,  darker  skins,  and  coarser  hair 
than  any  other  tribes  of  the  same  nation. 

It  was  Mr.  Lawrence’s  opinion  that  a pair  in  which  both 
parties  were  so  distinguished  as  were  the  children  of  the  Arab 
family  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  might  be  the  progenitors  of  a 
new  variety  of  the  race,  who  would  be  thus  marked  in  all 
future  time. 

It  is  not  easy  to  surmise  the  causes  which  operate  in  pro- 
ducing such  varieties.  Perhaps  they  are  simply  types  in 


*'See  Dr.  Prichard’s  Researches  into  the  Physical  History  of  Man.  » 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA  . 


23 


nature,  possible  to  be  realized  under  certain  appropriate  con- 
ditions, but  which  conditions  are  such  as  altogether  to  elude 
notice.  I might  cite,  as  examples  of  such  possible  types,  the 
rise  of  whites  amongst  the  Negroes,  the  occurrence  of  the 
family  of  black  children  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  and  the 
comparatively  frequent  birth  of  red-haired  children  amongst 
not  only  Mongolian  and  Malayan  families,  but  amongst  the 
Negroes.  We  are  ignorant  of  the  laws  of  variety  production; 
but  we  see  it  going  on  as  a principle  in  nature,  and  it  is  obvi- 
ously favorable  to  the  supposition  that  all  the  great  families 
of  men  are  of  one  stock. 

The  same  conclusion  must  be  arrived  at  when  we  study  the 
human  figure,  which  differs  much  in  the  different  races  of 
mankind.  We  will  mention  here  only  one  of  the  many  causes 
that  might  be  ascribed  to  the  modification  of  the  physical 
characteristics  of  these  races;  the  style  of  living,  which  is 
ascertained  to  have  a powerful  effect  in  modifying  the  human 
figure  in  the  course  of  generations — and  this  even  in  its  osse- 
ous structure.  About  two  hundred  years  ago  a number  of 
people  were  driven  by  a barbarous  policy  from  the  counties  of 
Antrim  and  Down,  in  Ireland,  towards  the  sea  coast,  where 
they  have  ever  since  been  settled,  but  in  unusually  miserable 
circumstances,  even  for  Ireland;  and  the  consequence  is,  that 
they  exhibit  peculiar  features  of  the  most  repulsive  kind — 
projecting  jaws  with  large,  open  mouths,  high  cheek  bones 
and  bow  legs,  with  an  extremely  diminutive  stature.  These, 
with  an  abnormal  slenderness  of  the  limbs,  are  the  outward 
marks  of  a low  and  barbarous  condition  all  over  the  world;  it 
is  particularly  seen  in  the  Australian  aborigines.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  beauty  of  the  higher  ranks  in  England  is  very 
remarkable,  being  in  the  main  as  clearly  a result  of  good 
external  conditions.  “Coarse,  unwholesome  and  ill-prepared 
food.’’  says  Buffon,  “makes  the  human  race  degenerate.” 
Some  of  the  Negro  nations  of  Africa,  as  the  Jolofs,  Mandin- 
goes  and  Kafirs,  as  we  have  said,  have  features  and  limbs  as 
elegant  as  any  of  the  European  nations,  largely  caused  by  the 
luxuries  abundant  in  that  tropical  and  prolific  country. 


24 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


These  are  modifying  agencies.  There  is,  as  has  been  said, 
a remarkable  persistency  in  national  features  and  forms,  inso- 
much that  a single  individual,  thrown  into  a family  different 
from  himself,  is  absorbed  in  it,  and  all  trace  of  him  lost  after  a 
few  generations.  And  if  true  in  individuals,  might  it  not  be 
true  as  to  a race  of  people,  the  weaker  being  lost  in  the 
stronger,  or  dominant  race?  The  Colored  Race  in  America 
might  in  time,  other  things  being  equal,  be  absorbed  by  the 
white  race,  especially  if  they  were  scattered  evenly  over  the 
whole  country;  and  even  now  we  may  detect  the  workings  of 
this  law  in  the  modifying  influence  the  commingling  of  the 
races  has  wrought. 

The  traces  of  a common  origin  in  all  languages  afford  also 
a ground  for  presumption  for  the  unity  of  the  human  race;  but 
we  cannot  digress.  A careful  study  of  the  early  history  of 
mankind  conclusively  shows  that  of  one  origin  and  one  blood 
sprang  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Plato  tells  us  that  in  prehistoric  time  a great  and  mighty 
people  existed  upon  a continent  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and 
gathered  his  information  thus:  Solon,  who  was  considered  in 
Plato’s  time  the  wisest  and  greatest  of  the  seven  sages,  left 
Athens  for  the  period  of  ten  years,  and  sojourned  in  Egypt,  as 
fully  explained  by  Plutarch,  an  Athenian  philosopher.  Solon 
dwelt,  so  Plutarch  tells  us: 

“ On  the  Canopian  shore,  by  Nile’s  deep  mouth.” 

That  there  he  conversed  on  points  of  philosophy  and  his- 
tory with  the  most  learned  of  the  Egyptian  priests.  Plato 
says:  “Solon  was  a relative  and  friend  of  my  great-grand- 
father, Dropidas,  as  he  himself  says  in  several  of  his  poems; 
and  Dropidas  told  Cretias,  my  grandfather,  who  remembered 
and  told  us,  that  there  were  of  old  great  and  marvelous  actions 
of  the  Athenians,  which  have  pased  into  oblivion  through  time 
and  the  destruction  of  the  human  race.  According  to  the  tale, 
Atlantis,  a great  island  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  comprising  an 
area  as  great  as  Europe  and  Asia,  existed  in  its  glory  about 
ten  thousand  years  before  the  Christian  Era.  This  vast  em- 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


25 


pire,  which  controlled  the  world  at  that  time,  in  commerce, 
agriculture  and  mining,  as  well  as  in  the  glory  of  its  military 
and  naval  power,  was  destroyed  in  one  day  by  sesmic  disturb- 
ances, and  an  earthquake  sank  the  continent  to  the  depth  of 
the  sea.  However,  many  escaped  on  the  ships  (whose  masts 
represented  a forest,  as  they  lay  quietly  anchored  in  their 
great  harbors),  and  became  scattered  over  the  world.  As  we 
have  stated,  they  were  a great  commercial  people  and  traded 
with  and  migrated  to  all  parts  of  the  world. 

We  find  among  the  races  that  inhabited  this  lost  continent, 
the  African  type;  and  the  Colored  Race  in  Africa  are  in  all  prob- 
ability emigrants  from  Atlantis.  As  to  the  evidence  that  such 
a continent  once  existed,  there  is  to  all  intelligent  people,  who 
have  closely  studied  the  matter,  no  reasonable  doubt,  and  it 
has  became  to  such,  a theory  developed  into  a fact.  We  can  not, 
nor  would  it  be  proper  in  this  woi’k,  to  enter  into  a discussion 
of  this  kind,  as  it  would  take  volumes  to  describe  the  nicely 
woven  evidence;  the  discoveries  that  Geology  has  wrought;  the 
Mythology  and  traditions  of  the  ancients;  the  evidences  which 
discovery  has  brought  to  light,  and  the  analysis  of  the  races  of 
mankind.  The  reader,  through  research,  must  form  his  own 
views  as  to  the  existence  of  Atlantis. 

It  is  probable  that  in  time  the  Negro  race  spread  over  all 
of  Africa,  and  for  aught  we  know,  constituted  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants  of  that  country.  In  a very  remote  time  these  peo- 
ple were  driven  out  of  Egypt,  and  subdued  by  bands  of  emi- 
grants from  Asia,  and  settled  in  Ethiopia,  and  gradually  re- 
lapsed into  semi-barbarism,  in  which  state  we  find  by  recent 
discoveries  that  some  of  the  tribes  exist.  The  ancient  history 
of  this  people  is  shrouded  in  obscurity.  Only  here  and  there 
we  get  a glimpse  of  their  ancient  greatness.  The  great  loss  to 
mankind  by  the  burning  of  the  Library  at  Alexandria,  contain- 
ing 700,000  volumes,  can  never  be  iaeplaced,  for  by  it  is  lost  all 
history  that  antedated  that  of  the  Jews. 

Africa,  like  Europe  and  America,  evidences  a commingling 
of  different  stocks:  the  blacks  are  not  all  black,  nor  all  woolly- 
haired ; the  Africans  pass  through  all  shades,  from  that  of  the 


26 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


light  Berber,  no  darker  than  the  Spaniard,  to  the  deep  black 
Jolofs,  between  Senegal  and  Gambia. 

But  the  general  consent  of  mankind  points  to  the  region  of 
Central  Asia  as  having  been  the  original  seat  from  which 
the  human  race  dispersed  itself  over  the  globe;  and  accord- 
ingly it  is  this  region,  and  especially  the  western  portion  of  it, 
which  we  find  to  have  been  the  theatre  of  the  earliest  recorded 
transactions.  In  short,  it  was  in  Central  Asia  that  the  first 
large  mass  of  ripened  humanity  was  accumulated — a great 
central  nucleus  of  human  life,  so  to  speak,  constantly  enlarg- 
ing, and  from  which  emissaries  streamed  out  over  the  globe  in 
all  directions.  In  process  of  time,  this  great  central  mass,  hav- 
ing swollen  out  till  it  filled  Asia  and  Africa,  broke  up  into 
three  fragments— thus  giving  parentage  to  the  three  leading 
varieties  into  which  ethnographers  divide  the  human  species — 
the  Caucasian,  the  Mongolian,  and  the  Ethiopian  or  Negro — 
the  Caucasians  overspreading  southern  and  western  Asia;  the 
Mongolians  overspreading  northern  and  eastern  Asia ; and  the 
Ethiopians  overspreading  Africa.  From  these  three  sources 
streamed  forth  branches  which,  intermingling  in  various  pro- 
portions, have  constituted  the  various  nations  of  the  earth. 

Differing  from  each  other  in  physiological  characteristics, 
the  three  great  varieties  of  human  species  have  also  differed 
widely  in  their  historical  career.  The  germs  of  a grand  pro- 
gressive development  seem  to  have  been  implanted  specially  in 
the  Caucasian  variety,  the  parent  stock  of  all  the  great  civil- 
ized nations  of  ancient  and  modern  times.  History,  therefore, 
has  hitherto  concerned  itself  chiefly  with  this  variety;  in  the 
evolution  of  whose  destinies  the  true  thread  of  human  progress 
is  to  be  found.  But  as  it  is  not  the  author’s  purpose  to  record 
the  early  development  of  this  highly  endowed  variety  of  our 
species  in  the  nations  of  antiquity,  our  observations  are  con 
fined  to  the  Ethiopian  who  began  the  race  of  life  along  with  the 
Caucasian,  and  whose  destiny,  doubtless,  whatever  may  have 
been  his  historical  function  hitherto,  is  involved  in  some  pro 
found  and  beautiful  manner  with  the  bearing  of  the  race  as  a 
whole. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


27 


The  early  Greek  historians  and  poets  were  familiar  with 
the  cities  and  people  of  Ethiopia,  and  it  is  from  them  that  we 
deduce  their  ancient  history.  Herodotus  and  Strabo  both  make 
mention  of  Meroe;  by  the  former  it  is  said  to  be  still  an  exist- 
ing city,  and  by  the  latter  to  be  a formerly  existing  seat  of  royalty 
and  centre  of  the  Ethiopian  reilgion  and  civilization.  Ephorus, 
too  (B.  C.  405),  seems  to  have  had  a very  great  impression  of 
the  Ethiopians,  as  he  mentions  them  among  the  most  mighty 
and  numerous  people  of  the  known  earth.  Already  in  Strabo’s 
time,  however,  their  ancient  powers  had  been  gone  for  an 
indefinite  period,  and  the  Negro  States  found  themselves,  after 
Meroe  had  ceased  to  be  a religious  capital,  almost  in  the  same 
situation  as  that  in  which  they  still  continue.  But  a thorough 
insight  into  the  history  of  the  Ethiopian  race  can  only  be  fully 
elucidated  when  the  interpretation  of  the  inscriptions  onEgyp- 
tian  monuments  shall  have  been  farther  advanced.  Herodotus 
expressly  says  that  a great  portion  of  the  Egyptians  of  his 
time  had  black  skins  and  woolly  hair.  Not  this  notice  only, 
but  the  express  testimony  also  of  the  Hebrew  annals,  shows 
Egypt  to  have  contained  an  abundance  of  Negroes,  and  men- 
tions a conquering  King  invading  it  at  the  head  of  a Negro 
host,  and  governing  it  for  a considerable  time.  Some  years 
ago  a traveler,  Mr.  G.  A.  Hoskins,  visited  the  site  of  the  capital 
State  of  ancient  Ethiopia,  an  island,  if  it  may  be  so  called, 
about  300  miles  long,  enclosed  within  two  forking  branches  of 
the  Nile.  He  found  in  it  several  distinct  groups  of  magnificent 
pyramidal  structures.  Of  one  ruin  he  says:  “Never  were  my 
feelings  more  ardently  excited  than  in  approaching,  after  so 
tedious  a journey,  to  this  magnificent  necropolis.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  pyramids  in  the  distance  announced  their  import- 
ance; but  I was  gratified  beyond  my  most  sanguine  expecta- 
tions when  I found  myself  in  the  midst  of  them.  The  pyramids 
of  Gizeh  are  magnificent,  wonderful,  from  their  stupendous 
magnitude;  but  for  picturesque  effect  and  elegance  of  archi- 
tectural design,  I infinitely  prefer  those  of  Meroe.  I expected 
to  find  few  such  remains  here,  and  certainly  nothing  so  impos- 
ing, so  interesting  as  these  sepulchres,  doubtless  of  the  Kings 


28 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


and  Queens  of  Ethiopia.  I stood  for  some  time  lost  in  admira- 
tion. This,  then,  was  the  necropolis,  or  city  of  the  dead! 
But  where  was  the  city  itself,  Meroe,  its  temples  and  palaces? 
A large  space,  about  2000  feet  in  length,  and  the  same  distance 
from  the  river,  strewed  with  burnt  brick  and  some  fragments 
of  walls  and  stones,  similar  to  those  used  in  the  erection  of  the 
pyramids,  formed,  doubtless,  part  of  that  celebrated  site.  The 
idea  that  this  is  the  exact  situation  of  the  city  is  strengthened 
by  the  remark  of  Strabo,  that  the  walls  of  the  habitations  were 
built  of  bricks.  These  indicate,  without  doubt,  the  site  of  that 
cradle  of  the  arts  which  distinguished  a civilized  from  a barbar- 
ous society.  Of  the  birth-place  of  the  arts  and  sciences, 
the  wild  natives  of  the  adjacent  villages  have  made  a miserable 
burying-place;  of  the  city  of  the  learned — ‘its  cloud-capped 
towers/  its  ‘gorgeous  palaces/  its  ‘solemn  temples’ — there 
is  ‘left  not  a rack  behind.’  The  sepulchres  alone  of  her 
departed  Kings  have  fulfilled  their  destination  of  surviving  the 
habitations  which  their  philosophy  taught  them  to  consider 
inns,  and  are  now  fast  mouldering  into  dust,  and  scarcely  a 
trace  of  a palace  or  a temple  is  to  be  seen.”  The  foregoing 
observations  may  be  summed  up  in  this  proposition : That  in 
the  most  remote  antiquity  Africa  was  overspread  by  the  Negro 
variety  of  the  human  species;  that  in  those  parts  of  the 
Continent  to  which  the  knowledge  of  the  ancient  geographers 
did  not  extend — namely,  all  South  of  Egypt  and  the  Great 
Desert — the  Negro  race  dispersed  into  tribes,  kingdoms,  etc., 
constituted  a great  savage  system  within  its  own  torrid  abode, 
similar  to  that  which,  even  now,  we  are  vainly  attempting  to 
penetrate;  while  the  pure  Ethiopian  himself  retired  from  his- 
toric view  into  Central  Africa,  where  he  lay  concealed,  fill 
again  in  modern  times  he  was  dragged  forth  to  become  the 
slave  of  the  Caucasian.* 


* Had  historians  heen  able  to  pursue  the  Negro  race  into  their  Central 
African  jungles  and  deserts,  they  would  no  doubt  have  found  the  general  Ethi- 
opic  mass  breaking  up  there  under  the  operation  of  causes  connected  with 
climate,  soil,  food,  etc.,  into  vast  sections  or  subdivisions,  and  marked  differ- 
ences from  each  other. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


29 


Mungo  Park  explored  the  Niger  and  was  lost  or  killed  in 
descending  the  river  inlSOfi.  Then  began  a series  of  explora- 
tions toward  the  source  of  the  Nile,  which  gradually  brought 
to  light  the  hidden  mysteries  of  that  country.  Central  Africa 
has  been  aptly  termed  the  heart  of  the  Dark  Continent,  as  it  has 
only  been  of  recent  years  that  any  intelligible  account  of  its 
natural  characteristics  have  been  presented  to  the  public. 

Adventuresome  explorers  have  one  after  another  endeavored 
to  fathom  the  mysteries  of  the  almost  impenetrable  region,  in 
their  laudable  desire  to  add  to  the  knowledge  of  mankind.  But 
one  after  another  have  been  baffled  when  almost  within  reach 
of  the  goal  they  so  dearly  coveted.  The  great  Nile,  which  sends 
its  volume  of  water  down  from  the  great  equatorial  region, 
where  all  was  supposed  to  be  a sterile  wilderness,  became  a 
great  puzzle  to  scientists.  Dr.  Livingstone  was  the  first  to 
make  an  exploration  of  the  Zambesi,  and  found  a labyrinthine 
network  of  rivers  lying  between  the  10th  and  20th  parallel. 
From  this  his  attention  was  directed  further  west,  and  the 
great  water  courses  and  water  sheds  of  the  equatorial  region 
will  forever  link  his  name  with  history.  Speke,  Baker  and  Bur- 
ton played  their  important  part  in  unraveling  the  mysteries  of 
the  unexplored  region.  Livingstone  verified  and  added  to  their 
discoveries,  and,  later  on,  the  American  journalist,  Stanley, 
traversed  the  region  never  before  familiar  to  white  men,  and 
traced  the  Congo  to  its  source. 

One  of  the  first  and  bravest  of  men  who  have  devoted  them- 
selves to  an  exploration  of  a great  portion  of  Africa  was  a 
Scotchman  named  Mungo  Park,  who  was  born  on  the  10th  of 
September,  1771,  in  an  obscure  little  village  on  the  banks  of 
the  Yarrow  river  in  Scotland.  The  occupation  of  his  father 
was  that  of  a farmer,  and  although  he  was  blessed  with  thirteen 
other  children,  he  was  able  to  give  young  Mungo  an  average 
education,  and  to  apprentice  him  to  a surgeon  in  his  fifteenth 
year.  After  his  time  expired,  he  entered  the  University  of 
Edinburgh,  and  made  rapid  progress  in  the  higher  studies. 
His  summer  vacations  were  devoted  to  a study  of  botany  in  the 
Scotch  Highlands. 


30 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


His  education  being  completed,  he  moved  to  London,  intend- 
ing to  establish  himself  in  that  great  city  of  four  millions, 
as  a surgeon.  Through  his  brother-in-law  he  had  the  good 
fortune  to  become  acquainted  with  a gentleman  by  the  name  of 
Banks,  the  patron  of  so  many  travelers,  and  through  whose 
recommendation  he  was  appointed  surgeon  to  an  East  Indiaman 
ship.  In  this  capacity  he  made  a voyage  to  Sumatra,  and  on 
his  return  wrote  a description  of  eight  new  fishes  of  that 
island. 

About  this  time  an  African  exploring  association,  of  which 
Mr.  Banks  was  a very  active  and  zealous  member,  was  desirous 
of  engaging  a person  to  go  to  Africa,  who  could  stand  the 
climate,  and  conciliate  and  make  progress  with  the  natives. 

Park  at  once  offered  his  services,  which,  after  mature  delib- 
eration, were  accepted,  and  the  association  fitted  him  for  his 
perilous  journey  in  the  most  liberal  manner.  In  the  latter  part 
of  May,  1795,  he  departed  from  England  in  a swift  sailing 
vessel.  On  his  arrival  in  Africa  he  was  directed  to  pass  on  to 
the  river  Niger,  by  such  route  as  should  be  found  most  con- 
venient, and  that  he  should  ascertain  the  course,  and,  if  possi- 
ble, the  rise  and  termination  of  the  river;  that  he  should  use 
his  utmost  exertions  to  visit  the  principal  towns  and  cities  in 
its  neighborhood ; and  that  he  should  afterward  be  at  liberty  to 
return  to  Europe,  by  such  route  as  under  all  then  existing 
circumstances  of  his  situation  and  prospects  should  appear  to 
him  to  be  the  most  advisable. 

After  a voyage  of  thirty  days  he  arrived  at  a little  town  on 
the  northern  bank  of  the  Gambia  river  in  the  kingdom  of 
Barra,  Africa.  After  remaining  at  this  place  two  days  he  pro- 
ceeded up  the  river,  in  the  waters  of  which  were  found 
immense  numbers  of  fish,  of  unknown  species,  together  with 
alligators  and  hippopotami,  whose  teeth  furnish  excellent 
ivory.  Park,  having  quitted  the  ship,  proceeded  on  his  journey 
by  land,  until  he  reached  the  King  of  Yam’s  dominions,  where 
he  found  an  English  doctor  by  the  name  of  Laidley,  at  whose 
home  he  took  up  his  residence,  until  he  should  be  able  to  prose 
cute  his  journey  into  the  interior. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


31 


His  first  care  was  to  render  himself  master  of  the  Mandingo 
language,  which  in  the  western  part  of  Africa  is  in  general 
use,  and  to  collect  from  every  source  within  his  power  informa- 
tion respecting  the  unknown  and  unexplored  countries  he  was 
about  to  visit.  In  learning  the  strange  Mandingo  language 
his  progress  depended  on  his  own  application;  but  he  soon 
found  that  little  or  no  reliance  could  be  placed  on  accounts  of 
the  interior  by  the  natives  of  the  King  of  Yam’s  land,  who,  on  the 
most  material  points,  were  frequently  in  direct  contradiction 
with  each  other.  Park’s  anxiety  to  examine  and  judge  for  him- 
self all  about  the  strange  land  beyond  was  therefore  greatly 
increased;  but  all  of  a sudden  the  rainy  season  now  commenced, 
thereby  rendering  traveling  impossible;  and  another  equally 
efficient  bar  to  the  prosecution  of  his  journey  presented  itself: 
in  observing  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  he  imprudently  exposed 
himself  to  the  night  dew,  and  the  next  day  he  found  himself 
attacked  by  fever  and  delirium,  the  commencement  of  an  ill- 
ness that  with  a very  trifling  intermission  confined  him  during 
two  months  within  doors. 

Having  been  disappointed  in  his  expectations  of  proceed- 
ing with  a slave  caravan  toward  Bambarra,  Park  departed 
from  the  King  of  Yam’s  land  on  December  2d,  1795.  He  had 
been  provided  with  an  intelligent  colored  servant  named  John- 
son, who  had  been  many  years  in  Great  Britain,  and  under- 
stood both  the  English  and  Mandingo  languages;  a colored 
boy  named  Demba  also  accompanied  him.  This  boy  was  the 
property  of  Doctor  Laidley,  who  promised  Demba  his  freedom 
upon  his  return,  if  his  behavior  was  of  the  proper  character. 
Besides  these,  Park  was  accompanied  by  four  other  colored 
men,  furnished  by  the  King  of  Yam,  who,  though  entirely 
independent  of  his  control,  were  made  to  understand  by  the 
King  that  their  safe  return  to  his  dominions  would  depend  upon 
the  white  traveler’s  preservation. 

Park’s  equipment  was  by  no  means  magnificent.  A horse 
for  himself,  twTo  mules  for  his  servants,  provisions  for  two 
days,  a small  assortment  of  beads,  amber  and  tobacco,  a fe-^ 
changes  of  linen  and  other  apparel,  an  umbrella,  a pocket 


32 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


astronomical  instrument,  a magnetic  compass,  a thermometer, 
two  guns,  two  pair  of  pistols,  and  some  other  small  articles. 
His  friends  in  the  King  of  Yam’s  land  accompanied  him  dur- 
ing the  first  ten  days,  and  then,  dismissing  him  on  his  way, 
took  their  leave,  secretly  persuaded  that  they  would  never  see 
him  more. 

After  journeying  all  day  through  a wild  and  picturesque 
region,  toward  evening  they  found  themselves  in  a heavy 
wroods,  when  suddenly  a body  of  colored  people  presented 
themselves  in  a clamorous  manner  before  him,  demanding 
custom  dues,  in  default  of  which  they  threatened  to  carry  him 
before  their  King.  It  immediately  occurred  to  Park  that  he 
was  now  across  the  boundary  line  of  another  kingdom,  and 
that  extreme  caution  was  necessary  in  dealing  with  the  new 
people.  To  escape  from  the  honor  of  being  taken  before  their 
King,  which  might  have  proved  a very  costly  one,  Park  kindly 
presented  them  with  a little  tobacco,  upon  which  they  were 
contented,  and  willingly  allowed  him  to  proceed. 

After  proceeding  further  he  ascertained  he  had  reached 
the  kingdom  of  Woolli,  and  that  the  capital  was  named  Medina, 
and  in  it  resided  the  King.  He  therefore  determined  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  capital,  and  that  it  would  be  prudent  to  present 
himself  to  the  King,  as  he  was  about  to  hold  a reception.  The 
benevolent  old  chief  received  the  white  stranger  and  his  guides 
with  great  courtesy,  and  not  only  gave  him  permission  to 
traverse  his  dominions,  but  assured  him  that  he  would  offer  up 
prayers  for  his  safety,  partly  to  secure  which,  he  furnished  him 
with  a trusty  guide. 

Having  bade  the  King  at  Medina  an  affectionate  farewell, 
he  next  safely  reached  the  frontiers  of  the  Woolli  dominions. 
Park  dismissed  the  guide  which  the  Woolli  King  so  kindly 
furnished  him;  and  being  about  to  enter  a new  and  strange 
land  interspersed  with  deserts,  in  which  water  is  frequently 
not  to  be  procured,  he  hired  three  experienced  colored  ele- 
phant hunters,  who  were  at  once  to  serve  as  guides  and  water 
bearers. 

The  three  elephant  hunters  with  great  agility  immediately 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


33 


proceeded  to  fill  their  calabashes  with  water,  which  work 
being  accomplished,  the  entire  party  struck  off  into  the  wilder- 
ness just  as  the  sun  was  appearing  above  the  horizon. 

After  crossing  the  first  desert  they  reached  the  kingdom  of 
Boudon,  of  which  Tulika  and  Fatteconda  were  the  principal 
towns.  As  the  King  resided  in  Fatteconda,  Park  determined 
to  pay  him  a visit.  Accordingly  he  employed  a kind  of  custom 
house  officer  to  accompany  him  to  Fatteconda,  the  residence 
of  the  King.  On  his  arrival  at  the  King’s  palace  he  was  received 
by  the  colored  chief  with  much  apparent  kindness,  although 
he  had  heard  in  his  passage  through  the  country  that  this  same 
King  was  of  a ferocious  and  warlike  disposition.  The  good,  old 
chief,  however,  was  so  completely  captivated  by  Park's  best  blue 
coat  and  gilt  buttons  that  he  could  not  resist  the  temptation  to 
ask  for  it.  It  was  cheerfully  given  to  him;  but  he  endeavored 
in  some  measure  to  remunerate  the  white  stranger  for  his  loss 
by  a present  of  five  drachms  of  gold,  and  by  altogether  abstain- 
ing from  examining  his  baggage,  or  exacting  any  other  present 
than  what  was  willingly  bestowed. 

The  territory  of  these  African  chiefs,  who  are  properly 
denominated  kings,  is  exceeding  limited  in  extent.  Your  road 
conducts  you  to-day  through  one  kingdom,  to  morrow  through 
another,  and  the  next  day  through  a third,  which,  of  all  those 
circumstances  that  obstruct  the  movements  of  the  traveler  in 
Africa,  is  perhaps  the  most  vexatious,  and  the  most  difficult  to 
overcome,  for  the  different  kingdoms  that  lie  in  his  way 
deprive  him  of  passing  through  them  all  on  equal  terms,  owing 
to  the  peculiar  nature  and  laws  of  the  community  and  of  the 
rulers  over  them. 

Late  in  December  the  explorers  left  Fatteconda,  but  in  that 
afternoon  Park  was  informed  that  he  was  about  out  of  the 
kingdom  of  Boudon,  and  was  entering  into  a new  country 
called  Kajaaga,  a very  dangerous  country  for  travelers,  and 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  continue  the  journey  by  night 
until  they  would  reach  a part  of  the  country  where  the  people 
were  kind  and  hospitable.  He  agreed  to  the  proposal  and  hired 
two  men  as  guides  through  the  woods,  and  as  soon  as  it  was 


34 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


dark  they  set  out.  The  moon  now  rose  in  magnificent  splen- 
dor and  cast  a flood  of  golden  glory  over  a wild  and  wonderful 
country.  The  stillness  of  the  soft  air,  the  dreadful  howling  of 
the  wild  beasts  and  the  deep  solitude  of  the  majestic  forest, 
made  the  scene  solemn,  weird  and  impressive.  Not  a word  was 
uttered  by  any  one  of  them  but  in  a whisper;  all  -were  attentive, 
and  every  one  anxious  to  show  his  sagacity  by  pointing  out  to 
the  white  traveler  the  wolves  and  hyenas  as  they  glided  like 
shadows  from  one  thicket  to  another.  Toward  morning 
they  arrived  at  a village  called  Kirnmoo,  when  their  guides 
awakened  one  of  their  acquaintance,  and  the  explorers  stopped 
to  give  their  mules  some  corn  and  roast  themselves  afew  ground 
nuts, and  partake  of  the  wild  fruit.  The  journey  being  resumed, 
the  strangers  arrived  at  Joag  in  the  afternoon,  it  being  the 
chief  town  in  the  kingdom  of  Kajaaga. 

On  arriving  at  Joag  our  explorer,  who  had  taken  up  his 
residence  at  the  house  of  the  chief  man  of  the  town,  was  favored 
with  an  opportunity  of  observing  the  genuine  character  of 
the  colored  man  of  this  part  of  Africa.  The  same  evening, 
says  he,  “Madiboo,  one  of  the  colored  guides  who  had  accom- 
panied me  from  the  King  of  Yam's  dominions,  went  to  pay  a 
visit  to  his  aged  father  and  mother,  who  dwelt  in  a neighbor- 
ing town  called  Dramauet.  He  was  joined  by  my  other  attend- 
ant, who  had  learned  the  trade  of  blacksmith  before  leaving 
with  me,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  dark  I was  invited  to  see  the 
sports  of  the  inhabitants,  it  being  the  custom,  on  the  arrival 
of  strangers,  to  welcome  them  by  diversions  of  different  kinds. 
I found  a great  crowd  surrounding  a party  who  were  dancing 
gracefully  by  the  light  of  some  large  fires  to  the  music  of  four 
drums,  which  were  beat  with  astonishing  exactness  and 
uniformity.” 

At  Joag,  while  preparing  to  advance  further  into  Africa, 
he  was  honored  with  a visit  from  the  King’s  son,  accompanied 
by  a troop  of  splendidly  equipped  horsemen.  As  they  all  spoke 
the  Mandingo  language  fluently,  they  made  many  inquires 
about  England  and  Europe  in  general,  and  of  the  beautiful 
but  far-off  land  across  the  sea,  meaning  America,  and  if  the 


AXCIEXT  AXD  MODERN  LIFE  IX  AFRICA. 


35 


people  in  those  far-off  countries  had  the  same  complexion  as 
the  white  brother.  Before  leaving  the  little  party,  however, 
the  King's  son.  in  behalf  of  that  Monarch,  urged  Park  and  his 
guides  to  visit  his  father’s  palace  at  Kajaaga,  but,  owing  to  its 
great  distance,  our  explorer  reluctantly  declined  the  high  honor 
conferred.  The  King’s  son  now  embraced  each  member  of  the 
exploring  party  and  bade  them  adieu,  and  mounting  his  horse, 
richly  bedecked  with  ostrich  feathers,  waved  his  hat  to  his  men, 
and  in  a few  moments  they  disappeared  from  sight,  moving  in 
the  direction  of  Kimnioo. 

The  party  now  took  up  their  journey,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
day  Joag  was  far  in  the  distance.  They  had  all  this  time  been 
passing  through  a wild,  monotonous  country,  with  blit  an 
occasional  solitary  village  and  few  inhabitants.  Toward  even- 
ing their  supply  of  food  was  almost  exhausted  and  water  was 
nowhere  to  be  found.  In  this  extremity  they  reached  a little 
village  consisting  of  three  huts,  a few  women  and  a band  of 
goats.  Here  they  discovered  they  were  entirely  out  of  food  and 
would  have  to  wait  some  opportunity  of  purchasing  or  begging 
provisions.  At  this  moment,  while  Park  was  sitting  down 
chewing  straws,  an  old  woman,  who  observed  him  in  passing  by, 
was  moved  with  compassion  and  presented  him  with  a quantity 
of  ground  nuts  and  goat’s  milk,  w’hich  he  divided  among  his 
guides,  which  was  a very  seasonable  supply. 

Scarcely  had  the  old  woman  left  him  before  he  received 
information  that  the  nephew  of  the  King  of  Kasson,  who  had 
been  sent  by  his  uncle  on  an  embassy  to  the  King  of  Kajaaga, 
and  was  now  returning  to  his  own  country,  was  about  to  pay 
him  a visit.  He  came  accordingly,  and  upon  Park’s  repre- 
senting to  him  his  situation  and  distress,  kindly  offered  to  be 
his  guide  and  protector  as  far  as  Kasson.  With  him,  there- 
fore, our  traveler  now  continued  his  route  to  the  banks  of  the 
Senegal,  upon  crossing  which,  his  royal  guide,  wTho,  like  other 
guides,  required  a present  for  his  services,  informed  him  they 
were  in  his  uncle’s  dominions  and  in  complete  safety. 

Safe  or  not  safe,  however,  Park  soon  found  that  the  stranger 
and  the  traveler  were  nowhere  beyond  the  reach  of  extortion. 


36 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Half  of  the  little  property  that  had  not  been  touched  by  the 
kind  Kajaaga  people  was  here  taken  from  him.  He  was 
then  permitted  to  depart.  Among  the  honest  colored  guides 
with  whom  he  had  set  out  on  his  journey  from  the  King  of 
Yam’s  dominions,  there  was  a blacksmith  from  the  interior, 
who,  having  amassed  some  little  money  upon  the  coast,  was 
now  returning  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  his  native 
land. 

Shortly  after  quitting  a village  called  Teesee,  the  last  place 
where  our  traveler  had  submitted  to  legal  robbery,  he  and  his 
companions  came  within  sight  of  the  blacksmith’s  village.  The 
news  of  his  return  had,  it  seems,  preceded  him;  his  brother, 
accompanied  by  a singing  man,  came  forth  to:  welcome  the 
wanderer  home,  and  brought  along  with  him  a horse,  that, the 
blacksmith  “might  enter  his  native  town  in  a dignified  man- 
ner.” Park  and  his  companions  were  desired  to  put  a good 
charge  of  powder  into  their  guns.  The  singing  man  led  the 
way ; the  two  brothers  followed ; and  the  cavalcade  was  quickly 
joined  by  a considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants,  who,  by 
extravagant  gestures  and  songs  of  triumph,  testified  their  joy 
at  the  return  of  their  townsman.  Park  says : “When  we  arrived 
at  the  blacksmith’s  place  of  residence,  we  dismounted  and  fired 
our  muskets.  The  meeting  between  him  and  his  relations 
was  very  tender;  for  these  rude  children  of  nature,  freed  from 
restraint,  displayed  their  emotions  in  the  strongest  and  most 
expressive  manner.  Amid  these  transports  the  blacksmith’s 
aged  mother  was  brought  forth  leaning  upon  a staff. 

“Every  one  made  way  for  her;  and  she  stretched  out  her 
hands  to  bid  her  son  welcome.  Being  totally  blind,  she  stroked 
his  hands,  and  arms,  and'  face  with  great  care,  and  seemed 
highly  delighted  that  her  latter  days  were  blessed  by  his  return, 
and  that  her  ears  once  more  heard  the  music  of  his  voice. 
From  this  affectionate  interview  I was  convinced  that  what- 
ever difference  there  is  between  an  African  and  Caucasian  in 
the  conformation  of  the  nose,  and  the  color  of  their  skin,  there 
is  none  whatever  in  genuine  sympathies  and  characteristic 
feelings  of  our  common  nature. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


37 


“During  the  tumult  of  these  congratulations,  I had  seated 
myself  apart,  by  the  side  of  one  of  the  huts,  being  unwilling 
to  interrupt  the  flow  of  filial  and  parental  tenderness;  and  the 
attention  of  the  company  was  so  entirely  taken  up  with  the 
blacksmith,  that  I believe  that  none  of  his  friends  had  observed 
me.  When  all  the  people  present  had  seated  themselves,  the 
blacksmith  was  desired  by  his  father  to  give  some  account  of 
his  adventures;  and  silence  being  commanded,  he  began,  and 
after  repeatedly  thanking  God  for  the  success  that  had  attended 
him,  related  every  material  occurrence  that  had  happened  to 
him  from  his  leaving  Kasson  to  his  arrival  at  the  Gambia 
river;  his  employment  and  success  in  those  parts,  and  the 
dangers  he  had  escaped  in  returning  to  his  native  country. 
In  the  latter  part  of  his  narration  he  had  frequent  occasion  to 
mention  me;  and  after  many  strong  expressions  concerning  my 
kindness  to  him,  he  pointed  to  the  place  where  I was,  and 
exclaimed,  speaking  in  the  Mandingo  language,  ‘Affille  ibi 
siring, ’ which  translated  into  English  means,  ‘See  him  sitting 
there.’  In  a moment  all  eyes  were  turned  towards  the  little  hut 
where  I sat;  I appeared  like  a being  dropped  from  the  clouds; 
every  one  was  surprised  that  they  had  not  observed  me  before, 
and  a few  women  and  children  expressed  great  uneasiness  at 
being  so  near  a man  of  uncommon  appearance,  as  I was  the  first 
white  man  they  ever  beheld.  By  degrees,  however,  their  appre- 
hensions subsided,  and  when  the  blacksmith  assured  them 
that  I was  perfectly  inoffensive,  some  of  them  ventured  so  far 
as  to  examine  the  texture  of  my  clothes,  but  many  of  them 
were  still  very  suspicious,  and  when  by  accident  I happened  to 
move  myself,  or  look  at  the  young  children,  their  mothers 
would  scamper  off  with  them  with  the  greatest  precipitation. 
In  the  course  of  a few  hours,  however,  they  all  became  recon- 
ciled to  me.” 

With  those  kind  and  honest  people  Park  remained  during 
the  whole  of  that  day  and  the  next,  and  then,  accompanied  by 
the  worthy  blacksmith,  who  declared  that  he  would  not  quit 
him  during  his  stay  in  that  part  of  the  country,  set  forward 
toward  Kooniakary.  On  his  arrival  at  this  city,  he  obtained 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

an  audience  of  the  King,  a fine  old  man,  who,  for  his  conduct, 
both  in  peace  and  war,  was  greatly  beloved  by  his  subjects.  His 
behavior  toward  the  white  stranger  was  not  inconsistent  with 
his  character.  He  informed  him,  with  apparent  regret,  that 
the  direct  route  to  Bambarra  was  about  to  be  closed  by  war; 
but,  after  vainly  advising  his  guest  to  retrace  his  footsteps, 
added  that  there  yet  remained  some  hopes  of  peace,  respecting 
the  validity  of  which  he  should  be  able  to  pronounce  an  opinion 
in  the  course  of  four  or  five  days.  In  the  meantime  he  invited 
Park  to  remain  in  the  neighborhood. 

On  the  first  of  February,  1796,  the  King’s  messenger 
returned  from  the  adjacent  Kingdom  of  Kaarta,  bringing 
intelligence  that  the  Bambarra  army  had  not  yet  entered  the 
country,  and  that  it  was  possible  the  traveler  might  be  enabled 
to  traverse  it  before  the  invasion  took  place.  Accordingly, 
being  provided  with  two  guides  by  the  King,  Park  took  leave 
of  his  friend,  the  blacksmith,  and  set  forward  on  his  dangerous 
journey.  The  country,  at  all  times  thickly  peopled,  now 
swarmed  with  fugitives,  whom  the  fear  of  the  Bambarrans  had 
terrified  from  their  homes.  The  scenery  in  many  places  was 
romantically  wild.  “On  coming  in  sight  of  the  mountains  of 
Footado,  we  traveled,”  says  Park,  “with  great  difficulty  down 
a stony  and  abrupt  precipice,  and  continued  our  way  in  the  bed 
of  a dried  river  course,  where  the  trees  meeting  over  our  heads 
made  the  place  dark  and  cool.  In  a little  time  we  reached  the 
bottom  of  this  romantic  glen,  and  about  ten  o’clock  emerged 
from  between  two  rocky  hills  and  found  ourselves  on  the  level 
and  sandy  plains  of  Kaarta.  At  noon  we  arrived  at  a korree, 
or  watering  place,  where  for  a few  strings  of  beads  I purchased 
as  much  milk  and  corn  meal  as  we  could  eat,  and  which  are 
here  so  cheap  and  the  shepherds  live  in  such  affluence  that  they 
seldom  ask  any  pay  for  what  refreshment  a traveler  receives 
from  them.” 

From  this  place,  having  prevailed  upon  his  landlord,  an 
intelligent  African,  to  accompany  him  as  a guide  to  Kimmoo, 
Park  set  forward  on  the  11th  of  February.  He  gives  the  fol- 
lowing narrative:  “We  had  no  sooner  got  into  a dark  and 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


39 


lonely  part  of  the  first  wood,  than  he  made  a sign  for  us  to 
stop;  and  taking  hold  of  a hollow  piece  of  bamboo  that  hung 
as  an  amulet  round  his  neck,  whistled  very  loud  three  times. 
I confess  I was  somewhat  startled,  thinking  it  was  a signal  for 
some  of  his  companions  to  come  and  attack  us,  but  he  assured 
me  it  was  done  merely  with  a view  to  ascertain  what  success 
we  were  likely  to  meet  with  on  our  present  journey.  He 
then  dismounted,  laid  his  spear  across  the  road,  and  said  a 
number  of  short  prayers,  concluding  with  three  loud  whistles; 
after  which  he  listened  for  some  time,  as  if  in  expectation  of  an 
answer,  and  receiving  none,  told  us  "we  might  proceed  without 
fear,  for  there  was  no  danger.” 

Adventures  now  appeared  to  come  thick  upon  the  party. 
The  country  through  which  their  road  lay  being  thickly 
sprinkled  with  wild  fruit  trees,  they  amused  themselves,  as 
they  rode  slowly  along,  with  picking  and  eating  the  fruit. 
“In  this  pursuit,”  says  Park,  “I  had  wandered  a little  from  my 
people,  and  being  uncertain  whether  they  were  before  or 
behind  me,  I hastened  to  a rising  ground  to  look  about  me. 
As  I was  proceeding  toward  this  eminence,  two  African  horse- 
men, armed  with  guns,  came  galloping  from  among  the  bushes. 
On  seeing  them,  I made  a full  stop;  the  horsemen  did  the 
same;  and  all  three  of  us  seemed  equally  surprised  and  con- 
founded at  this  interview.  As  I approached  them,  and  seeing 
that  I was  white,  their  fears  increased,  and  one  of  them,  after 
casting  a look  of  horror  on  me,  rode  off  at  full  speed;  the 
other,  in  a panic  of  fear,  put  his  hand  over  his  eyes,  and  con- 
tinued muttering  prayers  until  his  horse,  seemingly  without 
his  rider’s  knowledge,  conveyed  him  slowly  after  his  companion. 
About  a mile  to  the  westward  they  fell  in  with  my  attendants, 
to  whom  they  related  a frightful  story.  It  seems  their  fears 
had  dressed  me  in  flowing  robes  of  a tremendous  white  spirit; 
and  one  of  them  affirmed  that  when  I made  my  appearance,  a 
cold  blast  of  wind  came  pouring  down  upon  him  from  the  sky 
like  so  much  cold  water.” 

Shortly  after  this  they  arrived  at  Kaarta,  where  he  was  an 
object  of  such  extraordinary  curiosity  to  the  populace — the 


40 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


majority  of  whom  had  never  seen  a white  man — that  they 
burst  forcibly  into  his  hut,  crowd  after  crowd.  Those  who 
beheld  the  white  monster  gave  way  to  those  who  had  not,  until, 
as  he  observes,  the  hut  was  filled  and  emptied  thirteen  different 
times.  Here  he  found  out  that  the  war  with  Bambarra  had 
actually  commenced;  that  all  communication  between  the 
countries  had  consequently  ceased;  and  that,  if  it  was  his 
determination  to  persevere,  it  would  be  necessary  to  take  a 
circuitous  route  through  the  kingdom  of  Ludamar.  The 
people  of  Kaarta  belonged  to  the  Mohammedan  church,  but 
instead  of  the  fine  sonorous  voice  of  the  Muezzin,  by  which  the 
members  of  that  faith  are  summoned  to  their  devotions  else- 
where, the  hour  of  prayer  was  here  announced  by  the  beating 
of  drums,  and  blowing  through  large  elephants’  teeth  hollowed 
out  in  such  a manner  as  to  resemble  bugle  horns.  The 
sound  of  these  horns  Park  thought  melodious,  and  approach- 
ing nearer  to  the  human  voice  than  any  other  artificial  sound. 
Being  very  desirous  to  depart  from  the  seat  of  war,  he  pre- 
sented his  horse  pistols  and  holsters  to  the  King;  and  on 
pressing  to  be  dismissed,  received  in  return  an  escort  of  eight 
horsemen  to  conduct  him  to  Jarra.  Three  of  the  King’s  sons, 
with  two  hundred  horsemen,  kindly  undertook  to  accompany 
him  a little  way  on  his  journey. 

On  his  arrival  at  Jarra,  in  the  Kingdom  of  Ludamar,  he 
dispatched  a messenger  to  the  King,  who  was  then  encamped 
near  Benowm,  soliciting  permission  to  pass  unmolested  through 
his  territories;  and  having  waited  fourteen  days  for  his  reply, 
a slave  at  length  arrived  from  the  chief,  affirming  that  he  had 
been  instructed  to  conduct  the  traveler  in  safety  as  far  as 
Goomba.  His  faithful  and  intelligent  colored  man,  Johnson, 
who  had  accompanied  him  thus  far  from  the  King  of  Yam’s 
land,  here  refused  to  follow  him  any  further,  and  signified  his 
intention  of  pushing  back  without  delay  to  the  Gambia  river, 
upon  which  Park,  fearful  of  the  success  of  his  enterprise, 
intrusted  him  with  a copy  of  his  journal,  reserving  another  for 
himself,  directing  him  to  deliver  the  papers  to  the  English  on 
the  coast.  A portion  of  his  baggage  and  apparel  he  committed 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


41 


to  the  care  of  a slave  merchant  at  Jarra,  who  was  known  to 
Dr.  Laidley.  He  then  departed  with  his  slave  boy,  accompanied 
by  the  King's  messenger.  On  the  road  he  was  robbed  by 
coloredMohainmedans,  who  added  insult  to  violence;  and  when 
he  was  nearly  famishing  from  thirst, they  beat  away  his  faithful 
slave  from  the  wells  without  permitting  him  to  draw  a particle 
of  water. 

Howrever,  after  much  fatigue  and  extraordinary  privations, 
they  arrived  in  the  King’s  camp  at  Benowm,  when  Park  was 
immediately  surrounded  by  crowds  of  fanatical  colored  men; 
all  belonging  to  the  Mohammedan  church,  attracted  partly  by 
curiosity  to  see  a white  man,  and  partly  from  a desire  to  vent 
their  fierce  zeal  against  a Christian. 

“My  arrival  at  Benowm,”  says  he,  “was  no  sooner  observed 
than  the  people  who  drew  water  at  the  wells  threw  down  their 
buckets;  those  in  the  tents  mounted  their  horses,  and  men, 
women  and  children  came  running  or  galloping  toward  me.  I 
soon  found  myself  surrounded  by  such  a crowd  that  I could 
scarcely  move;  one  pulled  my  clothes,  another  took  off  my  hat; 
a third  stopped  me  to  examine  my  waistcoat  buttons,  and  a 
fourth  called  out,  ‘La  Mali  il  allali,  Mohammed  rossool  allah’ 
(‘There  is  no  god  but  God,  and  Mohammed  is  His  prophet’),  and 
signified  in  a threatening  manner  that  I must  repeat  those 
words. 

“We  reached  at  length  the  King’s  tent,  where  we  found  a 
great  number  of  people,  men,  women  and  children,  assembled. 
The  King  was  sitting  on  a black  leathern  cushion,  clipping  a 
few  hairs  from  his  upper  lip,  a female  attendant  holding  up  a 
looking-glass  before  him.  He  appeared  to  be  an  old  man, 
with  long  -white  beard,  and  he  had  a sullen  and  indignant 
aspect.  He  surveyed  me  with  attention,  and  enquired  of  his 
people  if  I could  speak  their  language;  he  appeared  much  sur- 
prised, and  continued  silent.  The  surrounding  attendants,  and 
particularly  the  ladies,  were  abundantly  more  inquisitive;  they 
asked  a thousand  questions,  inspected  every  part  of  my  apparel, 
searched  my  pockets,  and  compelled  me  to  unbutton  my  waist- 
coat and  display  the  whiteness  of  my  skin;  they  even  counted 


42 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


my  toes  and  fingers,  as  if  they  doubted  whether  I was  in  I ml  b 
a human  being.” 

The  King  now,  with  the  base  idea  of  insulting  an  unprotected 
Christian  stranger,  ordered  a wild  boar  to  be  brought  in, 
which  he  signified  his  desire  that  Park  should  kill  and  eat. 
This,  well  knowing  their  religious  prejudices,  he,  of  course, 
refused  to  do;  upon  which  the  boys  who  led  in  the  boar  were 
commanded  to  let  it  loose  upon  him,  the  colored  Mohammedans 
supposing  that  there  exists  an  inveterate  feud  between  pigs 
and  Christians,  and  that  it  would  immediately  run  upon  and 
gore  him.  The  boar,  however,  was  not  such  a fool.  Scorning 
to  attack  a defenseless  stranger,  he  no  sooner  found  himself  at 
liberty,  than,  brandishing  his  tusks  at  the  natives,  he  rushed 
at  them  indiscriminately,  and  then,  to  complete  their  consterna- 
tion, took  shelter  under  the  very  couch  upon  which  the  tyrant 
was  sitting. 

This  bold  proceeding  of  the  unclean  beast  dissolved  the 
assembly,  and  the  traveler  was  led  away  to  the  tent  of  a slave, 
in  front  of  which,  not  being  permitted  to  enter,  he  received  a 
little  food.  Here  he  likewise  passed  the  night,  lying  on  the 
sand,  surrounded  by  the  curious  multitude.  Next  day,  a hut, 
constructed  with  corn  stalks,  was  given  to  him,  but  the  boar, 
which  had  been  recaptured,  was  tied  to  a stake  in  the  end  of  it, 
as  his  fittest  companion. 

By  degrees,  however,  these  fanatics  began  to  conceive  that 
the  white  Christian  might,  in  one  way  or  another,  be  rendered 
useful,  but  could  think  of  no  better  employment  for  him  than 
that  of  a barber.  In  this  capacity  he  made  his  first  attempt, 
in  the  presence  of  the  King,  on  the  head  of  the  young  Prince 
of  Ludamar.  This  dignified  office  he  had  no  desire  to  monopo- 
lize, and  his  unskillfulness  in  performing  the  operation,  for  he 
almost  at  the  outset  made  an  incision  in  the  young  Prince’s 
head,  causing  royal  blood  to  flow,  which  quickly  reduced  him 
once  more  to  the  rank  of  a common  mortal. 

The  King,  however,  seemed  by  no  means  desirous  of  dispens- 
ing altogether  with  his  services,  wishing,  perhaps,  to  preserve 
him  from  the  same  motives  which  induce  us  to  preserve  a wild 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


43 


beast;  and,  therefore,  to  render  his  escape  the  more  impracti- 
cable, took  possession  of  the  whole  of  his  baggage,  including 
his  gold,  amber,  watch,  and  one  of  his  pocket  compasses;  the 
other  he  had  fortunately  buried  in  the  sand  composing  the 
floor  of  his  hut. 

“The  gold  and  the  amber  were  highly  gratifying  to  the 
King's  avarice,  but  the  pocket  compass  soon  became  an  object 
of  superstitious  curiosity.  The  old  King  was  very  desirous  to 
be  informed  why  that  small  piece  of  iron,  the  needle,  always 
pointed  to  the  Great  African  Desert,  and  I found  myself  some- 
what puzzled  to  answer  the  question.  To  have  pleaded  my 
ignorance  would  have  created  a suspicion  that  I wished  to 
conceal  the  real  truth  from  him;  I therefore  told  him  that  my 
mother  resided  far  beyond  the  sands  of  the  Great  Desert,  and 
that  while  she  was  alive  the  piece  of  iron  would  always  point 
that  way,  and  serve  as  a guide  to  conduct  me  to  her;  and  that 
if  she  was  dead  it  would  point  to  her  grave.  The  King  now 
examined  the  compass  with  redoubled  amazement,  turned  it 
round  and  round  repeatedly,  but  observing  that  it  always 
pointed  the  same  way,  he  took  it  up  with  great  caution  and 
returned  it  to  me,  manifesting  that  he  thought  there  was  some- 
thing of  magic  in  it,  and  that  he  was  afraid  of  keeping  so  dan- 
gerous an  instrument  in  his  possession.” 

It  now  began  to  be  debated  between  the  King  and  his 
advisers  what  should  be  done  with  the  prisoner.  Their  decisions 
were  very  dissimilar.  Some  were  of  the  opinion  the  white  man 
should  be  put  to  death;  others  that  he  should  merely  lose  his 
right  hand,  while  a third  party  thought  that  his  eyes  ought  to 
be  put  out.  The  King  himself,  however,  determined  that  mat- 
ters should  remain  as  they  were  until  his  queen  Fatima,  then 
in  the  north,  had  seen  him. 

Meanwhile  all  these  reports  were  related  to  our  traveler, 
and  tended  not  a little  to  distress  and  agitate  his  mind.  His 
demand  to  be  permitted  to  depart  was  formally  refused.  The 
accumulated  horror  of  his  situation,  united  with  the  want  of 
food  and  sleep,  at  length  brought  on  a fever,  by  which  his  life 
was  endangered.  But  his  persecution  from  the  fanatical 


44 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


colored  Mohammedans  did  not  therefore  cease.  They  plucked 
his  coat  from  him,  they  overwhelmed  him  with  insults,  they 
tortured  him  like  some  ferocious  animal,  for  their  amusement, 
and  when,  to  escape  from  this  detested  thraldom,  he  crawled 
away  a short  distance  from  the  camp,  he  was  forced  back  by 
menaces  and  violence. 

At  length,  after  more  than  a month’s  detention  at  Benowm, 
he  was  commanded  to  follow  the  King  to  the  northern  encamp- 
ment of  Bubaker,  on  the  skirts  of  the  Great  Desert,  and  on  the 
way  endured  the  extremity  of  hunger,  thirst,  and  fatigue. 
Upon  arriving  at  Bubaker,  he  was  shown  as  a strange  white 
animal  to  Queen  Fatima,  who,  though  far  from  being  exempt 
from  the  Mohammedan  prejudices  against  a Christian,  or  in  any 
remarkable  degree  disposed  to  humanity,  still  treated  him 
with  somewhat  greater  lenity  than  the  rest  of  the  colored 
fanatics;  and  upon  the  departure  of  her  husband  for  Jarra, 
not  only  obtained  him  permission  to  join  the  party,  but  pre- 
vailed upon  her  hard-hearted  husband  to  restore  him  his  horse, 
saddle,  and  bridle,  together  with  a part  of  his  clothing.  The 
faithful  colored  boy  Demba,  furnished  him  by  Dr.  Laidley,  at 
the  time  he  took  his  departure  from  the  King  of  Yam’s  land, 
was  here  taken  from  him,  notwithstanding  Park’s  animated 
remonstrances  to  the  King,  who,  upon  pressing  the  point  rather 
warmly,  only  replied,  that  if  he  did  not  instantly  mount  his 
horse  and  depart  he  should  share  the  fate  of  Demba. 

“There  is  something  in  the  frown  of  a tyrant,”  says  Park, 
“which  rouses  the  most  secret  emotions  of  the  heart;  I could 
not  suppress  my  feelings,  and  for  once  entertained  an  indignant 
wish  to  rid  the  world  of  such  a monster.  Poor,  faithful  Demba 
was  not  less  affected  than  myself;  he  had  formed  a strong 
attachment  toward  me,  and  had  a cheerfulness  of  disposition 
which  often  beguiled  the  tedious  hours  of  captivity.  He  had 
likewise  learned  to  speak  the  Bambarra  language  fluently,  and 
promised  on  that  account  to  be  of  great  assistance  to  me  in 
the  future.  But  it  was  in  vain  to  expect  anything  favorable 
to  humanity  from  a people  who  are  strangers  to  its  dictates. 
So  having  shaken  hands  with  this  unfortunate  boy,  and  blended 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


45 


my  tears  with  his,  assuring  him,  however,  I would  do  my  best 
to  redeem  him  from  the  colored  Mohammedans,  I saw  him  led 
off  in  chains  by  three  of  the  King’s  slaves  toward  the  camp  of 
Eubaker.” 


46 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  II. 

ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 

“ And  he  who ’s  doom’d  o’er  waves  to  roam, 

Or  wander  on  a foreign  strand, 

Will  sigh  whene’er  he  thinks  of  home. 

And  better  love  his  native  land.”  . 

UPON  liis  arrival  at  Jarra,  where  he  was  shortly  afterward 
transferred  by  the  King  to  tyrants  of  a lower  grade,  his 
condition,  far  from  being  improved,  was  only  rendered  the 
more  intolerable.  The  city  itself,  moreover,  was  in  a state  of 
the  utmost  confusion.  Malcontents  from  Kaarta,  having  taken 
refuge  there,  had  recently  made  an  incursion  into  their  native 
country,  carried  off  a large  quantity  of  plunder,  and  thus 
drawn  the  vengeance  of  their  King  against  the  city.  All  those 
who  had  occasion  to  dread  his  resentment  were  now,  therefore, 
preparing  to  flee  into  Bambarra;  and  Park,  whose  route  lay  in 
the  same  direction,  became  exceedingly  desirous  of  effecting 
his  escape  from  the  colored  Mohammedans,  and  that  he  might 
seize  upon  this  fortunate  occasion  of  fulfilling  the  object  of 
his  mission.  “Their  departure,”  says  he,  speaking  of  the 
colored  fugitives,  “was  very  affecting:  the  women  and  children 
crying,  the  men  sullen  and  dejected,  and  all  of  them  looking 
back  with  regret  on  their  native  town,  and  on  the  walls  and 
rocks  beyond  which  their  ambition  had  never  tempted  them  to 
stray,  and  where  they  had  laid  all  their  plans  of  future  happi- 
ness, all  of  which  they  were  now  forced  to  abandon,  and  to  seek 
shelter  among  strangers.” 

Hoping  to  escape  in  this  confused  throng,  he  mounted  his 
horse,  and  taking  a bag  of  corn  before  him,  rode  slowly  off 
along  with  the  townspeople.  On  their  arrival  at  a village  at 
no  great  distance  from  the  city,  Park  began  to  flatter  himself 
that  he  had  really  eluded  the  vigilance  of  his  persecutors,  but 
before  the  agreeable  idea  had  got  a firm  footing  in  his  mind, 
he  saw  the  King’s  chief  slave,  accompanied  by  four  colored 


ANCIENT  AND.  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


47 


Mohammedans,  arrive  and  take  up  their  lodgings  with  the 
chief.  The  colored  man  (mentioned  in  the  preceding  pages) 
Johnson,  Park’s  interpreter,  who  had  been  captured  by  the 
King’s  men  before  he  could  escape  from  Jarra,  suspecting 
the  design  of  this  visit,  sent  two  boys  to  overhear  their  conver- 
sation, by  which  means  he  learned  that  it  was  their  intention 
to  make  a prisoner  of  Park,  and  carry  him  back  to  Bubaker. 
Upon  learning  this,  he  at  once  came  to  the  desperate  resolu- 
tion to  effect  that  very  night  his  deliverance  from  his  pursuers, 
or  to  perish  in  the  attempt.  Johnson,  who  applauded  this 
determination,  but  wanted  the  courage  to  imitate  it,  was  never- 
theless exceedingly  well  disposed  to  aid  in  effecting  his  master’s 
escape.  He  therefore  undertook  to  keep  watch  upon  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy,  while  Park  was  preparing  for  flight. 
About  midnight  he  got  all  his  clothing  in  readiness,  which 
consisted  of  two  shirts,  two  pair  of  trousers,  two  pocket  hand- 
kerchiefs, an  upper  and  under  waistcoat,  a hat,  a pair  of  half 
boots,  and  a cloak.  Besides  these  things  he  had  not  in  his 
possession  a single  bead  or  any  other  article  with  which  to 
purchase  food  for  himself  or  provender  for  his  horse.  “About 
daybreak,  Johnson,  who  had  been  listening  to  the  colored 
Mohammedans  all  night,  came,”  says  he,  “and  whispered  to  me 
that  they  were  all  asleep.  The  awful  crisis  was  now  arrived 
when  I was  again  either  to  taste  the  blessings  of  freedom,  or 
languish  out  my  days  in  bondage.” 

“A  cold  sweat  moistened  my  forehead  as  I thought  of  the 
dreadful  alternative,  and  reflected  that,  one  wav  or  the  other, 
my  fate  must  be  decided  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  day.  But 
to  deliberate  was  to  lose  the  only  chance  of  escaping.  So 
taking  up  my  bundle,  I stepped  gently  over  my  colored  pursuers, 
who  were  sleeping  in  the  open  air,  and  having  mounted  my 
horse,  I bade  Johnson  farewell,  desiring  him  to  take  particular 
care  of  my  papers  I had  entrusted  him  with,  and  inform  my 
friends  on  the  Gambia  that  he  had  left  me  in  good  health  on 
my  way  to  Bambarra.  I proceeded  with  great  caution,  sur- 
veying each  bush,  and  frequently  listening  and  looking  behind 
me  for  the  colored  horsemen,  until  I was  about  a mile  from  the 


48 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


town,  when  I was  surprised  to  find  myself  in  the  neighborhood 
of  a korree,  belonging  to  colored  Mohammedans.  The  shep- 
herds followed  me  for  about  a mile,  hooting  and  throwing 
stones  after  me;  and  when  I was  out  of  their  reach,  and  began 
to  indulge  the  pleasing  hope  of  escaping,  I was  again  greatly 
alarmed  to  hear  some  one  halloo  behind  me,  and  looking  back, 
I saw  three  colored  fanatics  on  horseback  coming  after  me  at 
full  speed,  whooping  and  brandishing  their  double-barreled 
guns.  I knew  it  was  in  vain  to  think  of  escaping,  and  there- 
fore turned  back  and  met  them,  when  two  of  them  caught  hold 
of  my  bridle,  one  on  each  side,  and  the  third,  presenting  his  gun, 
told  me  I must  go  back  to  the  King. 

“It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  these  three  horsemen  were 
merely  private  robbers  who  were  fearful  that  their  master,  the 
King,  had  not  sufficiently  pillaged  the  stranger;  for,  after 
examining  my  bundle  and  robbing  me  of  my  cloak,  they  bade 
me  begone,  and  follow  them  no  further.”  Too  happy  to  be  rid 
of  the  villains  at  any  rate,  Park  immediately  struck  into  the 
woods  and  continued  his  journey. 

His  joy  at  thus  escaping  from  the  colored  Mohammedans 
was  quickly  damped  by  the  consideration  that  he  must  soon 
be  in  want  of  both  food  and  water,  neither  of  which  could  he 
procure  without  approaching  villages  or  wells,  where  he  would 
almost  inevitably  encounter  his  old  enemies.  He  therefore 
pushed  on  with  all  the  vigor  of  which  he  was  possessed,  in  the 
hope  of  reaching  some  town  or  village  of  the  kingdom  of 
Bambarra.  But  he  already  began  to  experience  the  tortures  of 
thirst;  his  mouth  was  parched  and  inflamed;  a sudden  dim- 
ness, accompanied  by  symptoms  of  fainting,  would  frequently 
come  over  his  eyes;  and  as  his  horse  also  was  exceedingly 
fatigued,  he  began  to  apprehend  that  he  should  perish  of 
thirst. 

Some  shrubs,  the  leaves  of  which  he  chewed  to  relieve  the 
burning  pain  in  his  mouth  and  throat,  were  all  found  to  be  too 
bitter  and  of  no  service.  “A  little  before  sunset,  having  reached 
the  top  of  a gentle  eminence,”  says  Park,  “I  climbed  a high  tree, 
from  the  topmost  branches  of  which  I cast  a melancholy  look 


ANCIENT  AND.  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


49 


over  the  barren  wilderness,  but  without  discovering  the  most 
distanttrace  of  a human  dwelling.  The  same  dismal  uniformity 
of  shrubs  and  sand  everywhere  presented  itself,  and  the  horizon 
was  level  and  uninterrupted  as  that  of  the  sea. 

“Descending  from  the  tree,  I found  my  horse  devouring  the 
stubble  and  brushwood  with  great  avidity;  and  as  I was  now 
too  faint  to  attempt  walking,  and  my  horse  too  much  fatigued 
to  carry  me,  I thought  it  but  an  act  of  humanity,  and  perhaps 
the  last  I should  ever  have  it  in  my  power  to  perform,  to  take  off 
his  bridle  and  let  him  shift  for  himself;  in  doing  which  I was 
affected  with  sickness  and  giddiness;  and  falling  upon  the 
sand,  felt  as  if  the  hour  of  death  was  fast  approaching.  Here 
then,  I reflected,  after  a short,  but  ineffectual  struggle,  termi- 
nate all  my  hopes  of  being  useful  in  my  day  and  generation — - 
here  must  the  short  span  of  my  life  come  to  an  end.  I cast, 
as  I believed,  a last  look  on  the  surrounding  scene,  and  while 
I thought  on  the  awful  change  that  was  about  to  take  place, 
this  world  and  its  enjoyments  seemed  to  vanish  from  my 
recollection.  Nature,  however,  at  length  resumed  its  func- 
tions, and  on  recovering  my  senses,  I found  myself  stretched 
upon  the  sand,  with  the  bridle  still  in  my  hand,  and  the  sun  still 
sinking  behind  the  trees.  I now  summoned  all  my  resolution 
and  determined  to  make  another  effort  to  prolong  my  existence; 
and  as  the  evening  was  somewhat  cool,  I resolved  to  travel  as 
far  as  my  limbs  would  carry  me,  to  the  only  thing  that  would 
save  me,  a watering  place. 

“With  this  view  I put  the  bridle  upon  my  horse,  and  driving 
him  before  me,  went  slowly  along  for  about  an  hour,  when  I 
perceived  some  lightning  from  the  northeast — a most  delightful 
sight,  for  it  promised  rain.  The  darkness  and  lightning 
increased  very  rapidly,  and  in  less  than  an  hour,  I heard  the 
wind  roaring  behind  the  bushes.  I had  already  opened  my 
mouth  to  receive  the  refreshing  drops  which  I expected;  but  I 
was  instantly  covered  with  a cloud  of  sand,  driven  with  such 
force  by  the  wind  as  to  give  a very  disagreeable  sensation  to 
my  face  and  arms,  and  I was  obliged  to  mount  my  horse  and 
stop  under  a bush  to  prevent  being  suffocated.  The  sand  con- 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

tinued  to  fly  for  nearly  an  hour  in  amazing  quantities,  after 
which  I again  set  forward,  and  traveled  with  difficulty  until  ten 
o’clock.  About  this  time  I was  agreeably  surprised1  by  some 
very  vivid  flashes  of  lightning,  followed  by  a few  heavy  drops 
of  rain.  In  a little  time  the  sand  ceased  to  fly,  and  I alighted 
and  spread  out  all  my  clean  clothes  to  collect  the  rain,  which 
at  length  I saw  certainly  would  fall.  For  more  than  an  hour 
it  rained  plentifully,  and  I quenched  my  thirst  by  wringing  and 
sucking  my  clothes. 

“There  being  no  moon,  it  was  remarkably  dark;  so  that  I 
was  obliged  to  lead  my  horse,  and  direct  my  way  by  the  com- 
pass, which  the  lightning  enabled  me  to  observe.  In  this  man- 
ner I traveled  with  tolerable  expedition  till  midnight;  when 
the  lightning  became  more  distant,  and  I was  under  the  neces- 
sity of  groping  along,  to  the  no  small  danger  of  my  hands  and 
eyes.  About  two  o’clock  my  horse  started  at  something;  and 
looking  around,  I was  not  a little  surprised  to  see  a tight  at  a 
short  distance  among  the  trees,  and  supposing  it  to  be  a town, 
I groped  along  the  sand  in  hopes  of  finding  corn  stalks,  cotton, 
or  other  appearances  of  cultivation,  but  found  none.  As 
I approached,  I perceived  a number  of  other  lights  in  dif- 
ferent places,  and  began  to  suspect  that  I had  fallen  upon  a 
party  of  colored  Mohammedans.  However,  in  my  present 
situation,  I was  resolved  to  see  who  they  were,  if  I could  do  it 
with  safety. 

“I  accordingly  led  my  horse  cautiously  toward  the  light, 
and  heard,  by  the  lowing  of  the  cattle  and  the  clamorous 
tongues  of  the  herdsmen,  that  it  was  a watering-place,  and  most 
likely  belonged  to  the  colored  Mohammedans.  Delightful  as 
the  sound  of  the  human  voice  was  to  me,  I resolved  once  more 
to  strike  into  the  woods,  and  rather  run  the  risk  of  perishing 
with  hunger  than  trust  myself  again  in  their  hands;  but  being 
still  thirsty,  and  dreading  the  approach  of  the  burning  day, 
I thought  it  prudent  to  search  for  the  wells,  which  I expected 
to  find  at  no  great  distance.  In  this  pursuit  I inadvertently 
approached  so  near  one  of  the  tents  as  to  be  perceived  by  a 
woman,  who  immediately  screamed  out.  The  people  came 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


51 


running  to  her  assistance  from  some  of  the  neighboring  tents, 
and  passed  so  very  near  me  that  I thought  I was  discovereu, 
and  hastened  again  into  the  woods. 

“About  a mile  from  this  place,  I heard  a loud  and  confused 
noise,  somewhere  to  the  right  of  my  course,  and  in  a short 
time  was  happy  to  find  it  was  the  croaking  of  frogs,  which  was 
heavenly  music  to  my  ears.  I followed  the  sound  and  at  day- 
break arrived  at  some  shallow,  muddy  pools,  so  full  of  frogs 
that  it  was  difficult  to  discern  the  water.  The  noise  they  made 
frightened  my  horse,  and  I was  obliged  to  keep  them  quiet  by 
beating  the  water  with  a branch  until  he  had  drunk.  Having 
here  quenched  my  thirst,  I ascended  a tree,  and  the  morning 
being  clear,  I soon  perceived  the  smoke  of  the  watering  place 
which  I had  passed  in  the  night,  and  observed  another 
pillar  of  smoke,  east,  southeast,  distant  twelve  or  fourteen 
miles.” 

Toward  this  column  of  smoke,  which,  as  he  was  informed, 
arose  from  a Foulah  village,  he  now  directed  his  course;  but 
on  arriving  at  the  place,  was  inhospitably  driven  from  every 
door,  except  that  of  an  old  colored  woman,  who  kindly  received 
him  into  her  dwelling,  and  furnished  him  with  food  for  him- 
self and  with  provender  for  his  horse.  Even  here,  however, 
the  evil  influence  of  the  old  King  pursued  him  like  his  evil 
genius.  The  people  who  had  collected  round  him  while  he 
was  eating,  began,  as  he  clearly  discovered  from  their  expres- 
sions, to  form  the  design  of  carrying  him  back  once  more  to 
Bubaker  or  Benowm.  He,  therefore,  hastened  his  departure, 
and  having  wandered  among  the  woods  all  day,  passed  the 
night  under  a tree.  In  this  way  he  continued  his  journey, 
sometimes  meeting  with  hospitality,  but  more  frequently 
avoiding  the  dwellings  of  man,  and  subsisting  upon  the  wild 
produce  of  the  woods  and  the  water  of  a few  pools,  to  which  the 
croaking  of  the  frogs  directed  him. 

At  length  he  entered  the  kingdom  of  Bambarra,  where  he 
found  the  people  more  hospitable  in  proportion  as  they  were 
more  opulent  than  their  neighbors.  Cultivation  was  here 
carried  on  in  a spirited  manner,  and  on  an  extensive  scale,  and 


52 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


“hunger,”  as  the  natives  expressed  it,  “was  never  known.” 
The  country  itself  was  beautiful,  intersected  on  all  sides  by 
rivulets,  which,  after  a rain  storm,  were  swelled  into  rapid 
streams.  Park’s  horse  was  now  so  attenuated  by  fatigue  that 
it  appeared  like  a mere  skeleton,  which  the  traveler,  fearing 
to  mount,  drove  before  him,  as  if  to  scare  away  the  crows. 
Tho|  Bambarrans,  whose  hospitable  disposition  was  accom- 
panied by  but  little  delicacy,  were  infinitely  amused  at  this  droll 
spectacle.  Taking  him  for  a missionary,  they  supposed  from 
his  appearance  that  he  must  be  one  of  those  religious  mendi- 
cants, who,  having  performed  the  pilgrimage  to  the  holy  cities, 
thenceforward  consider  themselves  fully  entitled  to  subsist 
upon  the  labors  of  their  industrious  co-religionists.  “He  has 
been  at  Mecca,”  said  one,  “you  may  see  that  by  his  clothes.” 
“Another  asked  if  my  horse  was  sick,  and  a third  one  wished  to 
buy  it.  So  that  I believe  the  very  slaves  were  ashamed  to  be 
seen  in  my  company.” 

However,  in  spite  of  all  this  ridicule  and  laughter,  he  pro- 
ceeded on  his  way,  and  at  length  had  the  satisfaction  to  be 
informed  that  on  the  morrow  he  should  see  the  Niger,  denomi- 
nated the  Joliba,  or  the  “Great  Water,”  by  the  natives.  Next 
morning,  the  21st  of  July,  after  passing  through  several  large 
villages,  he  saw  the  smoke  ascend  over  Sego,  the  capital  of 
Bambarra,  and  felt  thrilled  with  joy  at  the  thought  of  drawing 
near  so  important  an  object  of  his  mission.  “As  we  approached 
the  town,”  says  Park,  “I  was  fortunate  enough  to  overtake  the 
fugitive  Kaartans,  to  whose  kindness  I was  so  much  indebted 
in  my  journey  through  Bambarra.  They  readily  agreed  to 
introduce  me  to  the  King,  and  we  rode  together  through  some 
marshy  ground,  where,  as  I anxiously  looked  around  for  the 
river,  one  of  them  called  out,  ‘Geo  afplliV  (‘See  the  water!’)  and 
looking  forward,  I saw  with  infinite  pleasure  the  great  object 
of  my  mission — the  long-sought-for  majestic  Niger,  glittering 
in  the  splendor  of  the  morning  sun,  as  broad  as  the  Thames 
at  Westminster,  England,  and  flowing  slowly  to  the  eastward. 
I hastened  to  the  brink,  and,  having  drunk  of  the  water, 
lifted  up  my  fervent  thanks  in  prayer  to  the  Great  Ruler 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


53 


of  all  things  for  having  thus  far  crowned  my  endeavors  with 
success.” 

Sego,  the  capital  of  Bambarra,  consisted  of  four  distinct 
towns,  two  on  the  northern,  and  two  on  the  southern  bank  of 
the  Niger.  The  King,  at  this  period,  resided  on  the  southern 
bank,  while  Park  had  arrived  on  the  opposite  side.  The  com- 
munication between  the  different  quarters  of  the  city  was  kept 
up  by  means  of  large  canoes,  which  were  constantly  passing 
and  repassing;  notwithstanding  which,  so  great  was  the  pres- 
sure of  passengers,  that  Park  was  compelled  to  wait  upward  of 
two  hours  before  he  could  even  obtain  a chance  of  being  ferried 
across  the  Niger. 

Meanwhile  the  prospect  before  him  was  novel  and  striking 
in  the  highest  degree.  “The  view  of  this  extensive  city,”  he 
observes,  “the  numerous  canoes  on  tike  river,  the  crowded  popu- 
lation and  the  cultivated  state  of  the  surrounding  country, 
formed  all  together  a prospect  of  civilization  and  magnificence 
which  I little  expected  to  find  in  the  bosom  of  Africa.” 

While  he  was  thus  waiting  for  a passage,  the  news  was 
conveyed  to  King  Mansong  that  a white  man  was  on  the  banks 
of  the  river,  coming  to  see  him.  The  King  was  dreadfully 
alarmed  at  this  intelligence,  and  immediately  dispatched  a 
messenger,  who  was  directed  to  inform  the  stranger  that  he 
would  not  be  admitted  into  the  royal  presence  until  the  pur- 
port of  his  mission  was  made  known;  and  that  in  the  mean- 
while he  was  prohibited  from  passing  the  river.  He  was  like- 
wise told  that  the  King  desired  to  seek  lodgings  in  one  of 
the  villages  in  the  vicinity  of  the  capital.  As  there  was  no 
alternative,  he  at  once  set  out  for  the  village,  where,  to  his 
great  mortification,  he  found  that  no  person  would  admit  him 
into  a house.  “I  was  regarded  with  astonishment  and  fear,” 
he  observes,  “and  was  obliged  to  sit  all  day  without  victuals 
in  the  shade  of  a tree,  and  the  night  threatened  to  be  very 
uncomfortable,  for  the  wind  rose  and  there  was  a great  appear- 
ance of  a heavy  rain;  and  the  wild  beasts  were  so  very  numerous 
in  the  neighborhood  that  I should  have  been  under  the  neces- 
sity of  climbing  up  a tree  and  resting  among  the  branches. 


64 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


About  sunset,  however,  as  I was  preparing  to  pass  the  night 
in  this  manner,  and  had  turned  my  horse  loose  that  he  might 
graze  at  liberty,  a woman,  returning  from  the  labors  of  the 
field,  stopped  to  observe  me,  and  perceiving  that  I was  weary 
and  dejected,  inquired  into  my  situation,  which  I briefly 
explained  to  her;  whereupon,  with  looks  of  great  compassion, 
she  took  up  my  saddle  and  bridle,  and  told  me  to  follow  her 
“Having  conducted  me  into  her  hut,  she  lighted  up  a lamp, 
spread  a mat  upon  the  floor,  and  told  me  I might  remain  there 
for  the  night.  Finding  that  I was  very  hungry,  she  said1  she 
would  procure  me  something  to  eat;  she  accordingly  went  out 
and  returned  in  a short  time  with  a very  fine  fish,  which, 
having  caused  it  to  be  half  broiled  upon  some  embers,  s'he  gave 
me  for  supper.  The  rites  of  hospitality  being  thus  performed 
towards  a stranger  in  distress,  my  worthy  benefactress,  point- 
ing to  the  mat,  and1  telling  me  I might  sleep  there  without 
apprehension,  called  to  the  female  part  of  her  family,  who  had 
stood  gazing  on  me  all  the  while  in.  fixed  astonishment,  to 
resume  their  task  of  spinning  cotton,  in  which  they  continued 
to  employ  themselves  a great  part  of  the  night.  They  light- 
ened their  labor  by  songs,  one  of  which  was  composed  on  the 
occasion  for  me,  as  I was  the  subject  of  it;  it  was  sung  by  one 
of  the  young  women,  the  rest  joining  in  a sort  of  chorus.  The 
air  was  sweet  and  plaintive,  and  the  words  literally  translated 
were  these: 

“ The  winds  came  and  the  rains  fell ; 

The  poor  white  man,  faint  and  weary, 

Came  and  sat  under  our  tree. 

He  has  no  mother  to  bring  him  milk, 

No  wife  to  grind  bis  corn.” 

Chorus— “Let  us  pity  the  white  man; 

No  mother  has  he  to  bring  him  milk, 

No  wife  to  grind  his  corn. 


“This  story  may  appear  trifling  to  the  reader,  but  to  a 
person  in  my  situation  the  circumstance  was  affecting  in  tin* 
highest  degree.  I was  so  oppressed  by  such  unexpected  kind- 
ness that  sleep  fled  my  eyes.  In  the  morning  I presented  my 
compassionate  landlady  with  two  of  the  four  brass  buttons 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


55 


which  remained  on  mj  waistcoat,  the  only  recompense  I could 
make  her.” 

Although  Mansong  refused  to  admit  the  traveler  into  his 
presence,  and  seemed  at  first  to  neglect  him,  it  soon  appeared 
that  his  conduct  did  not  arise  from  any  churlish  or  inhospita- 
ble feelings;  for  while  he  persisted  in  his  refusal  to  see  him, 
and  signified  his  pleasure  that  he  should  forthwith  depart  from 
the  city,  he  sent  him  a present  of  five  thousand  cowries,  and  a 
guide  to  Sansanding.  Park  immediately  obeyed  the  royal 
command,  and  learned  from  the  conversation  of  his  guide  on 
the  way  that  the  King’s  motives  for  thus  dismissing  him  with- 
out an  audience  were  at  once  prudent  and  liberal,  since  he 
feared  that  by  the  least  show  of  favor  he  should  excite  the 
jealousy  of  the  colored  Mohammedan  people,  from  whose  invet- 
erate malice  he  might  be  unable  to  protect  him. 

With  his  guide  he  proceeded  to  Sansanding,  where  he  was 
hospitably  received  by  the  King,  and  would,  as  his  stranger, 
have  enjoyed  much  quiet  and  consideration,  had.  he  not  the 
misfortune  to  meet  some  of  his  old  enemies,  the  colored  Moham- 
medans, who  insisted  on  conducting  him  to  their  church  and 
converting  him  into  a Mohammedan  at  once.  However,  the 
King,  by  exerting  his  authority,  freed  him  from  these  fanatics, 
and  ordered  a sheep  to  be  killed  and  part  of  it  dressed  for 
his  supper. 

“About  midnight,  when  the  fanatics  left  me,”  says  Park,  “he 
paid  me  a visit,  and  with  muc'h  earnestness  desired  me  to  write 
him  a saphie,  which  means  charm.  ‘If  a colored  man’s  saphie 
is  good,’  said  this  'hospitable  old  man,  ‘a  white  man’s  must 
needs  be  better.’  I readily  furnished  him  with  one  possessed 
of  all  the  virtues  I could  concentrate,  for  it  contained  the 
Lord’s  prayer.  The  pen  with  which  it  was  written  was  made 
of  a reed,  a little  charcoal  and  gain  water  made  a very  tolerable 
ink,  and  a thin  board  answered  the  purpose  of  paper.” 

From  Sansanding  he  departed  early  in  the  morning,  before 
his  enemies  were  stirring.  Tlhe  road  now  lay  through  deep 
and  dark  woods,  and  the  guide,  who  understood  the  dangers 
of  the  way,  moved  forward  with  the  greatest  circumspection, 


56 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IB  AMERICA. 


frequently  stopping  and  looking  under  the  bushes.  Upon 
observing  this,  Park  inquired  the  reason,  and  was  told  that 
the  lions  were  very  plentiful  in  that  part  of  the  country,  and 
often  attacked  travelers  in  the  woods.  While  they  were  con- 
versing on  this  subject,  Park  discovered  a giraffe  at  a little 
distance.  “Shortly  after  this,”  says  he,  “as  we  were  crossing 
a large  open  plain,  where  there  were  a few  scattered  bushes, 
my  guide,  who  was  a little  way  before  me,  wheeled  his  horse 
round  in  a moment,  calling  out  something  in  the  Foulah  lan- 
guage, which  I did  not  understand. 

“I  inquired  in  Mandingo  what  he  meant.  lWara  billi  1)1111,’ 
said  he,  meaning,  ‘A  very  large  lion,’  and  made  signs  for  me  to 
ride  away.  But  my  horse  was  too  much  fatigued,  so  we  rode 
slowly  past  the  bush  from  which  the  animal  had  given  us  the 
alarm.  Not  seeing  anything  myself,  however,  I thought  my 
guide  had  been  mistaken,  when  he  suddenly  put  his  hand  to  his 
mouth,  exclaiming,  ‘God  protect  us!’  and  to  my  great  sur- 
prise I then  perceived  a large  red  lion  at  a short  distance 
from  the  bush,  with  his  head  couched  between  his  fore  paws. 
I expected  he  would  instantly  spring  upon  me,  and  instinctively 
pulled  my  feet  from  my  stirrups  to  throw  myself  on  the  ground, 
that  my  horse  might  become  the  victim  rather  than  myself. 
But  it  is  probable  the  lion  was  not  hungry,  for  he  quietly  allowed 
us  to  pass,  though  we  were  fairly  in  his  reach.” 

About  sunset  they  arrived  at  Modiloo,  a delightful  village 
on  the  banks  of  the  Niger,  commanding  a view  of  the  river  for 
many  miles,  both  to  the  east  and  west.  “The  small  green 
islands,  the  peaceful  retreat  of  the  industrious  colored  peasants, 
whose  cattle  were  here  secure  from  the  attack  of  wild  beasts, 
and  the  majestic  breadth  of  the  river,  which  is  here  much  larger 
than  at  Sego,  render  the  situation  one  of  the  most  enchanting  in 
the  world.”  Park  was  now  so  worn  out  with  fatigue  and  suf- 
fering that  his  landlord,  fearing  he  might  die  in  his  house, 
hurried  him  away,  though  he  was  scarcely  able  to  walk,  and 
his  horse  less  able  to  carry  him.  In  fact,  they  had  not  pro- 
ceeded far  before  the  animal  fell  down  and  could  no  more  rise; 
so  that,  taking  off  his  saddle  and  bridle,  our  traveler  with 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


57 


extreme  reluctance  abandoned  him  to  his  fate,  and  began  to  toil 
along  on  foot  after  h’s  guide.  In  this  way  they  reached  Rea, 
a small  fishing  village  on  the  Niger,  where  Park  embarked  in 
a fisiherman’s  canoe,  which  was  going  down  the  stream,  while 
the  guide  returned  to  Sego. 

In  this  canoe  he  reached  Moorzan,  whence  he  was  con- 
veyed across  the  river  to  Silla,  a large  town  on  the  opposite 
shore. 

It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  he  here  obtained  admission 
into  the  stranger’s  room  of  the  King’s  house,  a damp,  uncom- 
fortable place,  where  he  had  a severe  paroxysm  of  fever  during 
the  night.  Here  his  resolution  and  energy,  of  which  no  traveler 
possessed  a greater  share,  began  at  length  to  fail.  No  hope 
of  success  remained. 

He  therefore,  with  extreme  sorrow  and  anguish  of  mind, 
determined  on  returning.  His  own  simple  and  manly, account 
of  the  matter  cannot  fail  to  impress  even  the  most  insensible 
with  veneration  for  a degree  of  courage  and  intrepidity  amount- 
ing to  heroism.  “Worn  down  by  sickness,  exhausted  by 
hunger  and  fatigue,  half  naked,  and  without  any  article  of 
value  by  which  I might  procure  provisions,  clothes,  or  lodg- 
ing, I began,”  says  Park,  “to  reflect  seriously  on  my  situation. 
I was  now  convinced  by  painful  experience  that  the  obstacles 
to  my  further  progress  were  insurmountable.  The  tropical 
rains  had  already  set  in  with  all  their  violence;  the  rice  grounds 
and  swamps  were  already  overflowed;  and  in  a few  days 
more  traveling  of  every  kind,  except  by  water,  would  be 
completely  obstructed.  The  cowries  (money)  which  remained 
of  the  King  of  Bambarra’s  present  were  not  sufficient  to  hire 
a canoe  for  any  great  distance;  and  I had  but  little  hopes 
of  subsisting  by  charity  in  a country  where  the  colored  Moham- 
medans have  such  influence.  But,  above  all,  I perceived  I was 
advancing  more  and  more  within  the  power  of  these  mem- 
less  fanatics;  and  from  my  reception,  both  at  Sego  and  San- 
sanding,  I was  apprehensive  that,  in  attempting  to  reach  even 
Jenne — unless  under  the  protection  of  some  man  of  conse- 
quence among  them,  which  I had  no  means  of  obtaining — I 


58 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


should  sacrifice  1113’  life  to  no  purpose;  for  m3’  discoveries  would 
perish  with  me. 

‘‘The  prospect  either  way  was  gloomy.  In  returning  to  the 
Gambia,  a journey  on  foot  of  many  hundred  miles  presented 
itself  to  my  contemplation,  through  regions  and  countries 
unknown.  Nevertheless,  this  seemed  to  me  the  only  alterna- 
tive, for  I saw  inevitable  destruction  in  attempting  to  proceed 
to  the  eastward.  With  this  conviction  on  my  mind,  I hope  my 
readers  will  acknowledge  I did  right  in  going  no  further.  I 
had  made  every  exertion  to  execute  my  mission  in  the  fullest 
extent  which  prudence  could  justify.  Had  there  been  the 
most  distant  prospect  of  a successful  termination,  neither  the 
unavoidable  hardships  of  the  journey  nor  the  clangers  of  a 
second  captivity  should  have  forced  me  to  desist.  This,  how- 
ever, necessity  compelled  me  to  do.” 

When  he  had  come  to  this  resolution,  he  thought  it  incum- 
bent upon  him,  before  he  left  Silla,to  collect  whatever  infor- 
mation might  be  within  his  reach  respecting  the  further  course 
of  the  Niger,  and  the  situation  and  extent  of  the  various  king- 
doms in  its  vicinity.  Subsequent  travelers  have  salved  the 
problem,  the  honor  of  explaining  which  was  denied  to  Park. 
We  now  know  that  this  great  river,  after  flowing  to  a consider- 
able distance  eastward  of  Timbuctoo,  makes  a bend  to  the 
south,  and  after  pursuing  a southwesterly  course,  empties  into 
the  Atlantic  Ocean  on  the  east  of  Benin. 

On  the  30th  of  July  he  commenced  his  return  westward  by 
the  same  route  through  which  he  had  reached  Silla.  In  a few 
days  he  recovered  his  horse,  which  had  in  some  measure 
regained  its  strength,  though  it  was  still  too  weak  to  be  ridden. 
The  rainy  season  having  now  set  in,  the  whole  of  the  plain 
country  was  quickty  inundated;  so  that  he  was  often  in  danger 
of  losing  his  way  while  traversing  savannahs  many  miles  in 
extent,  knee  deep  in  water.  In  several  places  he  waded  breast 
deep  across  the  swamps.  The  huts  of  the  villages  in  which 
he  passed  the.  night,  being  undermined  or  softened  by  the 
rain,  often  fell  in;  and  the  noise  of  their  fall  sometimes  kept 
him  awake,  expecting  that  his  own  might  be  the  next.  His 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


59 


situation,  was  now  even  worse  than  during  his  progress  east- 
ward. A report  had  been  widely  circulated  that  he  was  a spy, 
in  consequence  of  which  ‘he  was  in  some  places  civilly  refused 
admittance  into  the  towns,  in  others  driven  from  the  gates 
with  violence;  so  that  'he  now  appeared  inevitably  doomed  to 
perish  with  hunger.  However,  when  the  fatal  hour  seemed  at 
hand,  some  charitable  being  always  appeared  with  a poor,  but 
seasonable,  supply;  such,  perhaps,  as  a little  raw  corn,  which 
prolonged  his  life,  and  supplied  him  with  strength  to  achieve 
his  memorable  journey. 

“On  the  evening  of  the  15tli  of  August,”  says  Park,  “I 
arrived  at  a small  village  called  Song,  the  surly  inhabitants  of 
which  would  not  receive  me,  nor  so  much  as  permit  me  to  enter 
the  gate;  but  as  the  lions  were  very  numerous  in  this  neigh- 
borhood, and  I had  frequently,  in  tllie  course  of  the  day,  seen 
the  impression  of  their  feet  upon  the  road,  I resolved  to  stay 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  village.  Having  collected  some  grass 
for  my  horse,  I accordingly  lay  down  under  a tree  by  the  gate. 
About  ten  o’clock  I heard  the  hollow  roar  of  a lion  at  no 
great  distance,  and  attempted  to  open  the  gate,  but  the  people 
within  told  me  that  no  person  must  attempt  to  enter  without 
the  King's  permission.  I begged  them  to  inform  the  King 
that  a lion  was  approaching  the  village,  and  I hoped  he  would 
allow  me  to  come  within  the  gate.  I waited  for  an  answer 
to  this  message  with  great  anxiety;  for  the  lion  kept  prowling 
round  the  village,  and  once  advanced  so  near  me  that  I heard 
him  rustling  among  the  grass,  whereupon  I climbed  a tree 
for  safety. 

“About  midnight  the  King  with  some  of  his  people  opened 
the  gate,  and  desired  me  to  come  in.  They  were  convinced, 
they  said,  I was  not  a colored  Mohammedan,  for  none  of  those 
people  ever  waited  so  long  at  the  gate  of  a village  without 
cursing  the  inhabitants.” 

The  history  of  bis  journey  now  becomes  nothing  more  than 
a repetition  of  similar  sufferings.  Hunger,  fatigue,  and  depres- 
sion of  spirits  attack  the  traveler  by  turns.  Nothing,  however, 
subdues  his  courage.  Obstacle  after  obstacle  yields  to  his 


60 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


persevering  intrepidity,  and  the  indomitable  explorer  pushes 
forward  with  invincible  ardor  toward  the  coast.  In  one  place, 
at  the  request  of  a native  who  had  grown  opulent  by  indus- 
trious application  to  commerce,  he  wrote  charms  for  a good 
supper;  and  finding  the  contrivance  productive,  continued  the 
practice  next  day  for  small  presents  of  various  kinds.  On 
other  occasions,  where  superstition  did  not  come  to  his  aid, 
humanity  interposed  and  snatched  him  from  starvation.  At 
Bammakoohe  was  hospitably  treated,  even  by  a colored  Moham- 
medan, who,  having  been  in  a Christian  country,  had  conversed 
with  them,  and  conceived  a favorable  idea  of  their  character. 

Finding  that  a singing  man  was  about  to  proceed  by  this 
road  to  Sibidooloo,  our  traveler  placed  himself  under  his  guid- 
ance, and  quitted  Bammakoo.  He  had  not  proceeded  far,  how- 
ever, before  his  companion,  finding  that  he  had  taken  the  wrong 
path,  escaped  among  the  rocks,  and  left  him  to  find  his  way 
as  he  best  might.  He  soon  arrived  at  a village,  where  he  was 
entertained  with  hospitality,  and  where  he  passed  the  night. 
Next  day  as  he  was  quietly  pursuing  his  course,  a troop  of 
peasants  presented  themselves,  whom  he  at  first  took  for 
elephant  hunters,  but  who  very  shortly  proved  themselves 
to  be  robbers.  Pretending  to  arrest  him  in  the  name  of  their 
King,  they  commanded  him  to  follow  them,  until  they  reached  a 
dark,  lonely  part  of  the  wood,  when  one  of  them  exclaimed  in  the 
Mandingo  language:  “This  place  will  do!”  and  immediately 
snatched  his  hat  from  his  head.  “Though  I was  by  no  means 
free  from  apprehension,”  says  Park,  “yet  I was  resolved  to  show 
as  few  signs  of  fear  as  possible;  and  therefore  told  them  that 
unless  my  hat  was  returned  to  me  I should  proceed  no  further. 
But  before  I had  time  to  receive  an  answer  another  drew  a 
knife,  and  seizing  upon  a metal  button  which  remained  upon  my 
waistcoat,  cut  it  off  and  put  it  into  his  pocket.  Their  inten- 
tions were  now  obvious;  and  I thought  that  the  easier  they  were 
permitted  to  rob  me  of  everything,  the  less  I had  to  fear;  I 
therefore  allowed  them  to  search  my  pockets  without  resist- 
ance, and  examine  every  part  of  my  apparel,  which  they  did 
with  the  most  scrupulous  exactness.  But,  observing  that  I had 


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61 


one  waistcoat  under  another,  they  insisted  that  I should  cast 
them  both  off;  and  at  last,  to  make  sure  work,  stripped  me 
quite  naked.  Even  my  half-boots,  though  the  sole  of  one  of 
them  was  tied  on  to  my  foot  with  a broken  bridle-rein,  were 
minutely  inspected.  While  they  were  examining  the  plunder, 
I begged  them  with  great  earnestness  to  return  my  pocket 
compass;  but  when  I pointed  it  out  to  them,  one  of  the  robbers, 
thinking  I was  about  to  pick  it  up,  cocked  his  gun,  and  swore 
he  would  shoot  me  dead  upon  the  spot  if  I dared  to  put  my 
hand  upon  it.  After  this,  some  of  them  went  away  with  my 
horse,  and  the  remainder  stood  considering  whether  they  should 
leave  me  quite  naked,  or  allow  me  something  to  shelter  me 
from  the  sun.  Humanity  at  last  prevailed;  they  returned 
me  the  most  of  two  shirts  and  a pair  of  trousers;  and  as  they 
went  away,  one  of  them  threw  back  my  hat,  in  the  crown  of 
which  I kept  my  memorandums,  and  this  is  probably  the 
reason  why  they  did  not  wish  to  keep  it.” 

This  was  the  most  terrible  misfortune  which  had  hitherto 
befallen  him,  and  at  first  his  mind  appeared  to  sink  under  the 
united  influence  of  grief  and  terror.  For  a while  he  sat  in 
sullen  dejection,  half  persuaded  that  he  had  no  alternative  but 
to  lie  down  and  perisih.  Presently,  however,  reliance  upon 
Providence  succeeded  this  extreme  dejection,  and  his  mind 
gradually  regained  its  tone.  “I  was,  indeed,  a stranger,”  he 
thought,  “in  a strange  land;  yet  I was  still  under  the  protect- 
ing eye  of  that  Providence  who  has  condescended  to  call  him- 
self the  stranger’s  friend.  At  this  moment,  painful  as  my 
reflections  were,  the  extraordinary  beauty  of  a small  moss 
irresistibly  caught  my  eye.  • I mention  this  to  sfhow  from  what 
trifling  circumstances  the  mind  will  sometimes  derive  consola- 
tion; for  though  the  whole  part  was  not  larger  than  the  top 
of  one  of  my  fingers,  I could  not  contemplate  the  delicate  con- 
formation of  its  roots,  leaves  and  capsular  without  admiration, 
‘Can  that  Being,’  thought  I,  ‘who  planted,  watered  and  brought 
to  perfection,  in  this  obscure  part  of  the  world,  a thing  which 
appears  of  so  small  importance,  look  with  unconcern  upon  the 
situation  and  sufferings  of  creatures  formed  after  His  own 


32 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


image?  Surely  not!’  Reflections  like  these  would  not  allow 
me  to  despair;  I started  up,  and  disregarding  both  danger  and 
fatigue,  traveled  forward,  assured  that  relief  was  at  hand,  and 
I was  not  disappointed.” 

On  arriving  at  Sibidooloo,  Park  related  to  the  Mausa  or 
Chief  of  the  town  the  misfortune  which  had  befallen  him. 
This  humane  and  excellent  man,  having  heard  him  patiently 
to  the  end,  took  the  pipe  from  his  mouth,  and  turning  up  the 
sleeve  of  his  coat  with  an  indignant  air,  ‘-'Sit  down,”  said  he; 
you  shall  have  everything  restored  to  you;  I have  sworn  it.” 
He  then  took  the  necessary  measures  for  the  recovery  of  the 
traveler’s  property,  and  invited  him  to  partake  of  his  hospitable 
fare  until  this  should  have  been  effected.  After  spending  a 
few  days  at  this  place,  without  hearing  any  news  of  his  horse 
or  other  property,  our  traveler  removed  to  a distant  village, 
where  he  remained  until  the  whole  was  discovered  and  restored 
to  him,  with  the  exception  of  his  pocket  compass,  which  had 
been  broken  to  pieces. 

Having  nothing  else  to  bestow  upon  his  hospitable  land- 
lords, he  gave  his  horse  to  one  and  his  saddle  and  bridle  to  the 
other,  and  then  taking  his  leave,  proceeded  on  foot  to  Kamalia, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  16th  of  September.  At  this  town, 
romantically  situated  at  the  foot  of  a lofty  mountain,  he  found 
a slave  merchant,  who,  intending  to  descend  to  the  coast  with 
a small  caravan  in  the  beginning  of  the  dry  season,  offered  the 
traveler  an  asylum  until  he  should  set  out.  Conceiving  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  proceed  during  the  rains,  Park  accepted 
his  kind  proposal,  and  promised  in  return  to  give  him  the 
price  of  a slave  upon  their  arrival  on  the  coast.  Here  a fever, 
which  had  for  some  time  menaced  him,  manifested  itself  with 
great  violence,  and  continued  to  torment  him  during  the  whole 
season  of  the  rains.  His  landlord,  meanwhile,  exerted  himself 
to  keep  up  his  hopes,  and  having  by  some  means  or  another 
obtained  possession  of  an  English  common  prayer  book,  he 
communicated  the  use  of  it  to  Park,  who  was  thus  enabled  to 
beguile  the  gloomy  hours  of  his  solitude  and  sickness.  At 
length  the  rains  became  less  frequent,  and  the  fever  abated,  so 


CARAVAN  APPROACHING  TIMBUCTOO. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


63 


that  he  could  move  out  and  enjoy  the  fresh  air  in  the  fields. 

On  the  19th  of  April,  after  Park  had  remained  seven  months 
at  Kamalia,  Kaarfa,  the  slave  merchant,  having  collected 
his  slaves,  and  completed  all  necessary  preparations,  set  out 
toward  the  coast,  taking  the  traveler,  to  w'hom  his  behavior 
had  always  been  marked  by  the  greatest  kindness,  along  with 
him.  Their  road  led  them  across  the  Jallonka  wilderness, 
where  the  sufferings  of  every  member  of  the  caravan,  and 
more  particularly  of  the  slaves,  were  most  acute;  but  affliction 
was  far  from  having  taught  them  commiseration,  for  a fine 
young  female  slave,  fainting  from  fatigue,  had  no  sooner  signi- 
fied her  inability  to  go  on,  than  the  universal  cry  of  the  caravan 
was,  “Cut  her  throat!  cut  her  throat!” 

By  the  interposition  of  Kaarfa  her  life  was  spared,  but  she 
was  abandoned  on  the  road,  where  she  wras,  no  doubt,  soon 
devoured  by  wild  beasts.  At  length,  after  a long,  toilsome 
journey,  Kaarfa  succeeded  in  fulfilling  his  promise,  and  con- 
ducted Park  safely  back  to  the  King  of  Yam’s  land,  whieh  he 
reached  on  the  10th  of  June,  and  where  the  good  old  man  was 
overwhelmed  with  the  gratitude  of  his  guest.  Park  now  took 
his  passage  in  an  American  vessel,  and  on  arriving  in  the  West 
Indies,  quitted  this  ship  for  a packet  bound  for  an  English  port, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  22d  of  December,  1797,  after  an  absenee 
of  two  years  and  seven  months. 

Immediately  on  his  landing,  he  hastened  to  London,  where 
he  arrived  before  daylight  on  the  morning  of  Christmas  day. 
It  being  too  early  an  hour  to  call  on  his  brother-in-law,  he 
strolled  about  for  some  time  in  the  neighboring  streets.  At 
length,  finding  one  of  the  entrances  into  the  gardens  of  the 
British  Museum  accidentally  open,  he  went  in  and  w'alked 
about  there  for  some  time.  It  happened  that  Mr.  Dickson, 
who  had  the  care  of  these  gardens,  went  there  early  that 
morning  on  some  trifling  business.  What  must  have  been 
his  emotions  on  beholding,  at  that  extraordinary  time  and  place, 
the  vision,  as  it  must  at  first  have  appeared,  of  his  long-lost 
friend,  the  object  of  so  many  anxious  reflections,  and  whom 
he  had  long  numbered  with  the  dead. 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IX  AMERICA. 

He  was  now  received  with  distinguished  honor  by  the 
African  Association,  and  the  various  literary  men  whom  he 
met  with  in  London.  In  the  meantime  his  travels,  which  the 
Association  permitted  him  to  publish  on  his  own  account,  were 
commenced;  and  both  during  his  stay  in  London  and  the  visit 
which  he  paid  to  his  friends  in  Scotland,  all  his  leisure  hours 
were  devoted  to  the  compiling  and  arranging  of  the  materials 
for  the  work.  It  appeared  in  the  spring  of  1799,  and  imme- 
diately acquired  that  degree  of  popularity  which  it  has  ever 
since  maintained. 

Soon  after  the  publication  of  his  travels,  Park  returned  to 
Scotland,  where  he  married  and  lived  for  two  years  on  a farm 
with  his  mother  and  one  of  his  brothers.  He  then  removed  to 
town,  where  he  resumed  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  in 
a short  time  acquired  most  of  the  business  of  the  place.  His 
kindness  and  charity  greatly  endeared  him  to  the  poor  of  the 
district.  He  soon  began  to  tire,  however,  of  the  obscure  life 
of  a country  surgeon;  the  fascination  of  Africa  was  upon  him, 
and  he  longed  to  return  to  the  scenes  of  his  dangers  and  suf- 
ferings. At  the  close  of  the  year  1S04,  Park  again  entered 
Africa,  and  after  many  exciting  adventures,  reached  the  Niger, 
and  from  the  brow  of  a hill  had  once  more  the  satisfaction  to 
behold  it,  rolling  its  immense  stream  along  the  plain. 

Our  traveler  now  proposed  following  the  course  of  the 
river  to  its  termination,  whether  that  should  prove  to  be  in 
some  great  lake  or  inland  sea,  or,  as  he  rather  believed,  in  the 
Atlantic  Ocean.  In  a letter  to  a person  of  high  rank  with 
whom  he  was  in  correspondence  in  England,  he  says:  “With 
the  assistance  of  one  of  the  soldiers,  I have  changed  a large 
canoe  into  a tolerably  good  schooner,  on  board  which  I this  day 
hoisted  the  English  flag,  and  shall  set  sail  to  the  East,  with  the 
fixed  resolution  to  discover  the  termination  of  the  Niger,  or 
perish  in  the  attempt.  I have  heard  nothing  that  I can  depend 
on  respecting  the  course  of  this  mighty  stream ; but  I am  more 
and  more  inclined  to  think  that  it  can  end  nowhere  but  in  the 
sea.” 

Mr.  Park  was  never  seen  again  by  any  of  his  friends,  after 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


65 


embarking-  on  the  Niger,  and  the  theory  is  that  he  was  mur- 
dered by  some  of  the  wild  tribes  who  infest  its  banks,  or 
drowned  in  descending  its  waters.  It  should  be  remem- 
bered that  the  Africans  who  were  questioned  by  subsequent 
explorers  on  this  subject  seemed  all  exceedingly  desirous  of 
exculpating  their  countrymen,  perhaps  their  own  friends  and 
relations,  of  the  charge  of  having  murdered  Park  and  his  com- 
panions; according  to  one  narrator,  the  canoe  was  caught 
between  two  rocks,  where  the  river,  being  obstructed  in  its 
course,  rushed  through  its  narrow  channel  with  prodigious 
fury.  Here  the  travelers,  in  attempting  to  disembark,  were 
drowned  in  sight  of  an  immense  multitude,  who  had  assembled 
to  see  them  pass,  and  were  too  timid  to  attack  or  assist  them. 
This  melancholy  event  appears  to  have  occurred  about  March 
1st,  1806. 

Park  possessed  in  a high  degree  the  qualities  necessary  for 
a successful  traveler — intrepidity,  enthusiasm,  perseverance, 
veracity  and  prudence — -all  of  which  were  admirably  illustrated 
by  his  first  journey,  as  few  men  ever  passed  through  circum- 
stances so  trying  with  equal  nerve  and  self-possession. 

In  person  he  was  tall,  being  about  six  feet  high,  and  per- 
fectly well  proportioned.  His  countenance  and  whole  appear- 
ance were  highly  interesting;  his  frame,  active  and  robust, 
fitted  for  great  exertions  and  extreme  hardships.  His  consti- 
tution had  suffered  considerably  from  the  effects  of  his  first 
journey  into  Africa,  but  seems  afterward  to  have  been  restored 
to  its  original  vigor,  of  which  his  last  expedition  afforded  the 
most  abundant  proofs.  In  all  the  relations  of  private  life  he 
appears  to  have  been  highly  exemplary.  To  the  more  gentle  and 
amiable  parts  of  his  character  the  most  certain  of  all  testimo- 
nies may  be  found  in  the  warm  attachment  of  his  friends,  and 
in  the  fond  and  affectionate  recollections  of  every  branch  of 
his  family. 


60 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  III. 

LIFE  IN  SOUTHERN  AFRICA. 

’ “ I am  aa  free  as  Nature’s  flrst-made  man. 

Ere  the  base  laws  of  servitude  began, 

When  unrestrained  in  woods  the  noblest  native  ran." 

IN  the  year  1817,  the  Rev.  Robert  Moffat  was  sent  to  South 
Africa  as  an  agent  of  the  London  Missionary  Society.  As 
he  was  not,  strictly  speaking,  an  explorer,  and  his  work  is  a 
series  of  observations  and  reflections,  rather  than  a connected 
narrative,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  extract  those  portions  which 
best  describe  the  country  and  its  inhabitants.  In  1842  he 
published  in  London  an  account  of  his  experience,  entitled 
“Missionary  Labors  and  Scenes  in  South  Africa.”  On  arriving 
in  Africa,  he  immediately  entered  on  the  duties  of  his  office 
with  zeal,  courage  and  alacrity,  departing  from  Cape  Town, 
soon  after  his  arrival,  into  a country  of  colored  people,  called 
the  Bechuanas,  where  he  remained  many  years,  enduring  the 
rude  life  of  one  of  the  humblest  varieties  of  the  human  race, 
encountering  many  dangers  and  difficulties,  but  sustained 
through  all  by  a truly  Christian  patience  and  humanity.  He 
labored  in  the  field  until  1840 — a period  of  twenty-three  years 
— during  which  time  he  became  familiar  with  the  character 
and  habits  of  nearly  all  the  wild  colored  tribes  between  the 
English  settlements  and  the  mountains  of  Bamanguato,  far 
beyond  the  Orange  river,  on  the  borders  of  the  unknown  coun 
try  recently  explored  by  Livingstone  and  Stanley. 

The  following  is  the  account  of  the  region  where  so  many 
years  of  Mr.  Moffat’s  life  were  spent. 

“Great  Namaqualand,  as  it  is  usually  called,  lies  north  of 
the  Orange  river,  on  the  western  coast  of  Africa,  between  the 
twenty -third  and  twenty-eighth  degrees  of  south  latitude; 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Damaras,  and  on  the  east  by  the 


ANCIENT  AiND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


67 


extensive  sand  desert,  called  the  Southern  Zara,  Zahara. 
Meeting  with  an  individual,  on  my  journey  thither,  who  had 
spent  years  in  that  country,  I asked  what  was  its  character  and 
physical  appearance?  ‘Sir,’  he  replied,  ‘you  will  find  plenty 
of  sand  and  stones,  a thinly  scattered  population,  always  suf- 
fering from  want  of  water,  on  plains  and  hills,  roasted  like  a 
burned  leaf,  under  the  rays  of  a cloudless  sun.’  Of  the  truth 
of  this  description  I soon  had  ample  demonstration.  It  is 
intersected  by  the  Fish  and  Oup  rivers,  with  their  numberless 
tributary  streams,  if  such  tlheir  dry  and  often  glowing  beds 
may  be  termed.  Sometimes,  for  years  together,  they  are  not 
known  to  run;  when,  after  stagnant  pools  are  dried  up,  the 
natives  congregate  to  their  beds  and  dig  holes,  or  wells,  in  some 
instances  to  the  depth  of  twenty  feet,  from  which  they  draw 
water,  generally  of  a very  inferior  quality.  They  place  branches 
of  trees  in  the  excavation,  and  with  great  labor,  under  a hot 
sun,  hand  the  water  in  a wooden  vessel,  and  pour  it  into  an 
artificial  trough,  to  which  the  panting,  lowing  herds  approach, 
partially  to  satiate  their  thirst.  Thunder  storms  are  eagerly 
anticipated,  for  by  these  only  rain  falls;  and  frequently  these 
storms  will  pass  over  with  tremendous  violence,  striking  the 
inhabitants  with  awe,  while  not  a single  drop  of  rain  descends 
to  cool  and  fructify  the  parched  waste. 

“When  the  heavens  do  let  down  their  watery  treasures,  it 
is  generally  in  a partial  strip  of  country  which  the  electric 
cloud  has  traversed;  so  that  the  traveler  will  frequently  pass, 
almost  instantaneously,  from  ground  on  wthic'h  there  is  not  a 
blade  of  grass,  into  tracts  of  luxuriant  green,  sprung  up  after 
a passing  storm.  Fountains  are  indeed  few  and  far  between, 
the  best  very  inconsiderable,  frequently  very  salt,  and  some  of 
them  but  springs;  while  the  soil  contiguous  is  generally  so 
impregnated  with  saltpeter  as  to  crackle  under  the  feet  like 
hoar  frost,  and  it  is  with  great  difficulty  that  any  vegetable 
can  be  made  to  grow.  Much  of  the  country  is  hard  and  stony, 
interspersed  with  plains  of  deep  sand.  There  is  much  granite; 
and  quartz  is  so  abundantly  scattered,  reflecting  such  a glare 
of  light  from  the  rays  of  the  sun,  that  the  traveler,  if  exposed 


68 


UISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


at  noonday,  can  scarcely  allow  bis  eyelids  to  be  sufficiently 
open  to  enable  him  to  keep  the  course  he  wishes  to  pursue. 

‘‘The  inhabitants  are  a tribe  or  tribes  of  Hottentots,  distin- 
guished by  all  the  singular  characteristics  of  that  nation,  which 
includes  Hottentots,  Curannas,  Namaquas  and  Bushmen. 
Their  peculiar  clicking  language  is  so  similar,  that  it  is  witlh 
little  difficulty  they  converse  with  the  two  former.  In  their 
native  state  the  aborigines,  though  deeply  sunk  in  ignorance, 
and  disgusting  in  their  manners  and  mien,  were  neither  very 
bloody  nor  warlike  in  their  disposition.  The  enervating 
influence  of  climate  and  scanty  sustenance  seemed  to  have 
deprived  them  of  that  bold  martial  spirit  which  distinguishes 
the  tribes  who  live  in  other  parts  of  the  interior,  which,  in 
comparison  with  Namaqualand,  may  be  said  to  ‘flow  with 
milk  and  honey.’  With  the  exception  of  the  solitary  traveler 
whose  objects  were  entirely  of  a scientific  character,  those  white 
men  who  ventured  into  the  interior  carried  on  a system  of 
cupidity,  and  perpetrated  deeds  calculated  to  make  the  worst 
impression  upon  the  mindis  of  the  natives,  and  influence  them 
to  view  white  men,  and  others  described  from  them,  as  an 
‘angry’  race  of  human  beings,  fit  only  to  be  classed  with  the 
lions  which  war  for  their  prey  in  their  native  wilds.  Inter- 
course with  such  visitors  in  the  southern  districts,  and  dis- 
graceful acts  of  deceit  and  oppression,  committed  by  sailors 
from  ships  which  visited  Angra  Piquena,  and  other  places  on 
the  western  coast,  had,  as  may  easily  be  conceived,  the  most 
baneful  influence  on  the  native  tribes,  and  nurtured  in  their 
heathen  minds,  naturally  suspicious,  a savage  disgust  for  all 
intercourse  with  white  men — alas!  professedly  Christian.  It 
was  to  such  a people,  and  to  such  a country,  that  the  mission- 
aries directed  their  course,  to  lead  a life  of  the  greatest  self- 
denial  and  privation.” 

The  Rev.  J.  Campbell,  on  his  first  visit  to  Africa,  crossed 
the  interior  to  Namaqualand.  During  his  journey  he  found 
every  village  in  terror  of  a chief  whom  they  called  Africaner. 
The  chief’s  tribe  had  removed  farther  and  farther  from  the 
home  of  their  fathers,  as  the  Dutch  settlers  encroached  on 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


69 


their  territory,  until  at  length  they  became  subject  to  one  of 
the  pursuers.  Here  Africaner  lived  several  years  with  his 
diminished  tribe,  serving  his  master  faithfully  until  the  cruel- 
ties to  which  his  people  were  subjected  at  length  awakened  his 
resentment  and  aroused  him  to  vengeance.  His  master  was 
slain,  and  he  led  the  remnant  of  his  party  to  the  Orange  river, 
beyond  the  reach  of  their  pursuers.  In  their  attempts  to  get 
rid  of  him  the  colonists  bribed  other  chiefs,  and  a long  series 
of  bloody  conflicts  ensued  between  the  family  of  Africaner  and 
the  Chief  Berend  and  his  associates,  in  which  neither  con- 
quered. Africaner  frequently  visited  the  boundaries  of  the 
colony  and  harassed  the  settlers.  Some,  whom  he  knew  to  be 
engaged  in  a plot  against  him,  fell  victims  to  his  fury,  and 
their  cattle  and  other  property  were  carried  off.  He  thus 
became  a scourge  to  the  colonists  on  the  south  and  the  tribes 
on  the  north ; and  mutual  provocations  and  retaliations  became 
common.  He  paid  back  the  aggressions  with  large  interest, 
and  his  name  carried  dismay  even  to  the  remote  deserts.  On 
reaching  a place  called  Pella,  Mr.  Campbell  wrote  a concilia- 
tory letter  to  Africaner,  and  continued  his  journey.  The  chief 
sent  a favorable  reply,  and  soon  afterward  another  missionary, 
by  the  name  of  Ebner,  was  sent  out  from  Pella.  It  required 
no  little  circumspection  and  decision  to  gain  an  influence  over 
apeople  whose  hand  had  been  against  every  one,  but  Mr.  Ebner's 
labors  were  blessed,  and  in  a short  time  Africaner  and  his  two 
brothers,  and  a number  of  others,  were  baptized. 

Mr.  Ebner  visited  Cape  Town  for  supplies  in  1817,  where 
he  met  with  Mr.  Moffat,  who  hailed  him  with  delight  as  his 
companion  and  guide  in  his  future  labors,  upon  which  he  was 
now  entering.  After  traveling  awhile  together,  Mr.  Moffat 
proceeded  to  Bysondermeid,  in  Little  Namaqualand.  “As  I 
approached  the  boundaries  of  the  colony,”  he  writes,  “it  was 
evident  to  me  that  the  farmers,  who,  of  course,  had  not  one 
good  word  to  say  of  Africaner,  were  skeptical  to  the  last  degree 
about  his  reported  conversion,  and  most  unceremoniously  pre- 
dicted my  destruction. 

“One  said  he  would  set  me  up  as  a mark  for  his  boys  to 


70 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


shoot  at;  and  another,  that  he  would  strip  off  mj  skin  and 
make  a drum  of  it  to  dance  to;  another  most  consoling  predic- 
tion was,  that  he  would  make  a drinking  cup  of  my  skull.  I 
believed  they  were  serious,  and  especially  a kind,  motherly  lady, 
who,  wiping  the  tears  from  her  eyes,  bade  me  farewell,  saying: 
‘Had  you  been  an  old  man  it  would  have  been  nothing,  for 
you  would  soon  have  died,  whether  or  no;  but  you  are  young, 
and  going  to  become  a prey  to  that  monster.’  ” 

After  spending  a month  at  Bysondermeid,  he  proceeded,  by 
way  of  Pella,  to  Africaner’s  kraal,  or  village,  where  he  arrived 
on  the  26th  of  January,  1818,  and  was  kindly  received  by  Mr. 
Ebner.  The  natives,  however,  seemed  reserved,  and  it  was 
some  time  before  Africaner,  the  chief,  came  to  welcome  him. 
It  appeared,  as  Mr.  Moffat  afterward  learned,  that  some 
unpleasant  feeling  existed  between  the  missionary  and  the 
people.  “After  remaining  an  hour  or  more  in  this  situation,” 
he  continues,  “Christian  Africaner  made  his  appearance,  and 
after  the  usual  salutation,  inquired  if  I was  the  missionary 
appointed  by  the  directors  in  London;  to  which  I replied  in 
the  affirmative.  This  seemed  to  afford  him  much  pleasure; 
and  he  added  that  as  I was  young,  he  hoped  I would  live  long 
with  him  and  his  people.  He  then  ordered  a number  of 
women  to  come.  I was  rather  puzzled  to  know  what  he 
intended  by  sending  for  women,  till  they  arrived  bearing  bun- 
dles of  native  mats  and  long  sticks,  like  fishing  rods.  Afri- 
caner, pointing  to  a spot  of  ground,  said,  ‘There  you  must 
build  a house  for  the  missionary.’  A circle  was  instantly 
formed,  and  the  women,  evidently  delighted  with  the  job,  fixed 
the  poles,  tied  them  down  in  the  hemispheric  form  and  covered 
them  with  the  mats,  all  ready  for  habitation  in  the  course  of 
little  more  than  half  an  hour. 

“Since  that  time  I have  seen  houses  built  of  all  descriptions, 
and  assisted  in  the  construction  of  a good  many  myself;  but  I 
confess  I never  witnessed  such  expedition.  The  houses  of  the 
Carannas,  Hottentots,  Namaquas  and  Bushmen,  for  such  they 
may  be  called,  are  at  best  not  very  stylish  nor  comfortable.  I 
lived  nearly  six  months  in  this  native  hut,  which1  very  fre- 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


71 


quentlv  required  tightening  and  fastening  after  a storm.  When 
the  sun  shone  it  was  unbearably  hot;  when  the  rain  fell.  I 
came  in  for  a share  of  it;  when  the  wind  blew,  I had  frequently 
to  decamp  to  escape  the  dust;  and  in  addition  to  these  little 
inconveniences,  any  hungry  cur  of  a dog  that  wished  a night’s 
lodging  would  force  itself  through  the  frail  wall,  and  not 
unfrequently  deprive  me  of  my  anticipated  meal  for  the  coming 
day;  and  I have  more  than  once  found  a poisonous  serpent 
snugly  coiled  up  in  a corner.  Nor  were  these  all  the  contin- 
gencies of  such  a dwelling,  for  as  the  cattle  belonging  to  the 
village  had  no  fold,  but  strolled  about,  I have  been  compelled 
to  start  up  from  a sound  sleep  and  try  to  defend  myself  and  my 
dwelling  from  being  crushed  to  pieces  by  the  rage  of  two  furi- 
ous bulls  which  had  met  to  fight  a nocturnal  duel.” 

Mr.  Moffat  soon  afterward  entered  upon  his  labors,  and  was 
cheered  by  the  interest  which  Africaner  manifested  in  his 
instructions.  He  learned  to  read  and  became  a constant  reader 
of  the  Scriptures,  and  loved  to  converse  on  religious  subjects, 
and  at  the  same  time  greatly  assisted  in  the  labors  of  the  mis- 
sion. “During  the  whole  period  I lived  there,”  continues  Mr. 
Moffat,  “I  do  not  remember  having  occasion  to  be  grieved  with 
him,  or  to  complain  of  any  part  of  his  conduct;  his  very  faults 
seemed  to  lean  to  virtue’s  side.  One  day,  when  seated  together, 
I happened,  in  absence  of  mind,  to  be  gazing  steadfastly  on 
him.  It  arrested  his  attention,  and  he  modestly  inquired  the 
cause.  I replied,  ‘I  was  trying  to  picture  to  myself  your 
carrying  fire  and  sword  through  the  country,  and  I could  not 
think  how  eyes  like  yours  could  smile  at  human  woe.’  He 
answered  not,  but  shed  a flood  of  tears.  He  zealously  seconded 
my  efforts  to  improve  the  people  in  cleanliness  and  industry; 
and  it  would  have  made  any  one  smile  to  have  seen  Christian 
Africaner  and  myself  superintending  the  school  childdren,  now 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty,  washing  themselves  at  the 
fountain.  He  was  a man  of  peace;  and  though  I could  not 
expound  to  him  that  the  ‘sword  of  the  magistrate’  implied  that 
he  was  calmly  to  sit  at  home  and  see  the  Bushmen  or  marauders 
carry  off  his  cattle  and  slay  his  servants,  yet  so  fully  did  he 


72 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IE  AMERICA. 


understand  and  appreciate  the  principles  of  the  gospel  of  peace, 
that  nothing  could  grieve  him  more  than  to  hear  of  individuals, 
or  villagers,  contending  with  one  another.” 

As  the  spot  on  which  they  lived  was  not  suitable  for  a 
permanent  missionary  station,  it  was  determined  to  take  a 
journey  northward  and  examine  the  country  bordering  on 
Dawarraland,  where  it  was  reported  that  water  abounded.  On 
the  route  they  occasionally  met  with  Namaqua  villages,  whose 
inhabitants  were  exceedingly  ignorant,  though  not  so  stupid 
as  some  travelers  have  reported  these  people  to  be.  In  this 
connection  Mr.  Moffat,  speaking  of  the  liability  of  travelers  to 
be  led  astray,  refers  to  a traveler,  who,  having  asked  his  guide 
the  name  of  a place,  was  proceeding  to  write  down  the  answer 
“Na  Reng,”  when  told  by  Mr.  Moffat  that  the  guide  merely 
asked  what  he  said.  In  another  instance  “mountains”  was  the 
reply,  instead  of  the  name  of  the  mountain.  “And  in  reference 
to  points  of  faith  or  extent  of  knowledge,”  continues  he,  “the 
traveler  may  be  completely  duped,  as  I was  in  the  present 
journey.  At  an  isolated  village,  far  in  the  wilds  of  Namaqua- 
land,  I met  an  individual  who  appeared  somewhat  more  intel- 
ligent than  the  rest;  to  him  I put  a number  of  questions,  to 
ascertain  if  there  was  any  tradition  in  the  country  respecting 
the  deluge,  of  which  vestiges  are  to  be  found  in  almost  every 
part  of  the  known  world.  I had  made  many  inquiries  before, 
but  all  to  no  purpose.  Discovering  that  he  possessed  some 
knowledge  on  the  subject,  and  being  an  utter  stranger  to  any 
of  the  party,  and  to  all  appearances  a child  of  the  desert,  I 
very  promptly  took  up  my  pen  and  wrote,  thinking  myself  a 
lucky  discoverer.  I was  perfectly  astonished  at  some  of  his 
first  sentences,  and,  afraid  lest  I should  lose  one  word,  I 
appointed  two  interpreters;  but  by  the  time  I reached  the  end 
of  his  story,  I began  to  suspect  it  bore  the  impress  of  the  Bible. 
On  questioning  him  as  to  the  source  of  his  information,  he  posi- 
tively asserted  that  he  had  received  it  from  his  forefathers, 
and  that  he  never  saw  or  heard  of  a missionary.  I secretly 
instituted  inquiries  into  his  history,  but  could  elicit  nothing. 
I folded  up  my  paper  and  put  it  into  my  trunk,  very  much 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


73 


puzzled,  and  resolving  to  leave  the  statement  in  wiser  hands 
than  mine.  On  our  return  this  man  accompanied  us  some 
days  southward,  towards  the  Karas  mountains,  where  we  halted 
at  a village;  and  meeting  a person  who  had  been  at  Bethany, 
lying  northwest  of  us  and  which  was  occupied  by  a missionary 
named  Schmelen,  1 entreated  him  to  guide  us  thither,  as  I was 
anxious  to  visit  the  place.  He  could  not,  being  worn  out  with 
the  journey;  but  pointing  to  the  deluge  narrator,  he  said: 
‘There  is  a man  that  knows  the  road  to  Bethany,  for  I have 
seen  him  there.'  The  mystery  of  the  tradition  was  in  a 
moment  unraveled,  and  the  man  decamped,  on  my  seeing  that 
the  forefather  who  told  him  the  story  was  our  missionary 
Schmelen.  Stories  of  a similar  kind  originally  obtained  at  a 
missionary  station,  or  from  some  pious  traveler,  get,  in  course 
of  time,  so  mixed  up  and  metamorphosed  by  heathen  ideas  that 
they  look  exceedingly  like  native  traditions.” 

Finding  the  natives  unfriendly,  they  returned  unsuccessful. 
Once,  when  they  had  been  a day  and  night  without  water,  they 
drew  near  some  bushes  which  seemed  to  skirt  on  a ravine,  and 
hastened  forward  with  joy.  “On  reaching  the  spot,”  says  Mr. 
Moffat,  “we  beheld  an  object  of  heart-rending  distress.  It 
was  a venerable-looking  old  woman,  a living  skeleton,  sitting 
with  her  head  leaning  on  her  knees.  She  appeared  terrified 
at  our  presence,  and  especially  at  me.  She  tried  to  rise,  but, 
trembling  with  weakness,  sank  again  to  the  earth.  I addressed 
her  by  the  name  which  sounds  sweet  in  every  clime,  and 
charms  even  the  savage  ear:  ‘My  mother,  fear  not;  we  are 
friends,  and  will  do  you  no  harm.’  I put  several  questions  to 
her,  but  she  appeared  either  speechless  or  afraid  to  open  her 
lips.  I again  repeated,  ‘Pray,  mother,  who  are  you,  and  how 
do  you  come  to  be  in  this  situation?’  To  which  she  replied: 
‘I  am  a woman;  I have  been  here  four  days;  my  children 
have  left  me  here  to  die.’  ‘Your  children!’  I exclaimed.  ‘Yes,’ 
said  she,  raising  her  trembling  hand  to  her  withered  bosom, 
‘my  own  children;  three  sons  and  two  daughters.  They  are 
gone,’  pointing  with  her  finger  to  yonder  blue  mountains,  ‘and 
have  left  me  to  die.’  ‘And  pray  why  did  they  leave  you?’  I 


74 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


inquired.  Spreading  out  her  hands:  ‘I  am  old.  you  see, 
and  I am  no  longer  able  to  serve  them;  when  they  kill  game 
I am  too  feeble  to  help  in  carrying  home  the  flesh;  I am  not 
able  to  gather  wood  to  make  fire;  and  cannot  carry  other  chil- 
dren on  my  back  as  I used  to  do.’  This  last  sentence  was 
more  than  I could  bear;  and  though  my  tongue  was  cleaving 
to  the  roof  of  my  mouth  for  want  of  water,  this  reply  opened 
a fountain  of  tears.  I remarked  that  I was  surprised  that  she 
had  escaped  the  lions  which  seemed  to  abound,  and  to  have 
approached  very  near  the  spot  where  she  was.  She  took  hold 
of  the  skin  of  her  left  arm  with  her  fingers,  and,  raising  it  up 
as  one  would  do  a loose  linen,  she  added,  ‘I  fear  the  lions? 
There  is  nothing  on  me  they  would  eat;  I have  no  flesh  on  me 
for  them  to  scent.’ 

“At  this  moment  the  wagon  drove  near,  which  greatly 
alarmed  her,  for  she  supposed  it  was  a huge  animal.  Assuring 
her  that  it  would  do  her  no  harm,  I said  that,  as  I could  not 
stay,  I would  put  her  in  the  wagon  and  take  her  with  me. 
At  this  remark  she  became  convulsed  with  terror.  Others 
addressed  her,  but  all  to  no  effect.  She  replied,  that  if  we 
took  her,  and  left  her  at  another  village,  they  would  only  do 
the  same  thing  again.  ‘It  is  our  custom;  I am  nearly  dead; 
I do  not  want  to  die  again.’  The  sun  was  now  piercingly  hot; 
the  oxen  were  raging  in  the  yoke,  and  we  ourselves  nearly 
delirious.  Finding  it  impossible  to  influence  the  woman  to 
move,  without  running  the  risk  of  her  dying  convulsed  in  our 
hands,  we  collected  a quantity  of  fuel,  gave  her  a good  supply 
of  dry  meat,  some  tobacco  and  a knife,  with  some  other  arti- 
cles, telling  her  we  should  return  in  two  days  and  stop  the 
night,  when  she  would  be  able  to  go  with  us;  only  she  must 
keep  up  a good  fire  at  night  as  the  lions  would  smell  the 
dried  flesh,  if  they  did  not  scent  her.  We  then  pursued  our 
course;  and  after  a long  ride,  passing  a rocky  ridge  of  hills, 
we  came  to  a stagnant  pool,  into  which  men  and  oxen  rushed 
precipitately,  though  the  water  was  almost  too  muddy  to  go 
down  our  throats.’’ 

After  this  journey,  which  lasted  a few  weeks,  Mr.  Moffat 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


75 


lived  an  itinerating  missionary  life  for  several  months,  and 
then  undertook  a journey  at  the  request  of  Africaner,  to  the 
Griqua  country,  east  of  the  desert,  to  inspect  a situation  offered 
to  him  and  his  pepole.  The  journey  was  long  and  difficult, 
but  the  result  was  satisfactory  to  Africaner.  Meanwhile  the 
want  of  intercourse  with  the  colony  made  it  necessary  for  Mr. 
Moffat  to  visit  Cape  Town,  and  he  proposed  that  Africaner 
should  accompany  him.  The  chief  was  startled  at  this  propo- 
sition, and  asked  if  he  did  not  know  that  a thousand  rix  dollars 
were  offered  for  his  head.  Others  also  made  objections,  but 
finally  all  difficulties  were  removed,  and  they  set  forward. 
They  spent  a few  days  at  Pella,  while  the  subject  of  getting 
Africaner  safely  through  the  territories  of  the  colonists  to  the 
Cape  was  discussed.  Many  thought  the  step  hazardous,  but  it 
was  arranged  that,  although  he  was  a chief,  he  should  pass 
for  one  of  Mr.  Moffat’s  servants.  As  they  proceeded,  the  peo- 
ple often  expressed  wonder  that  Mr.  Moffat  had  escaped  from 
such  a monster  of  cruelty,  and  it  sometimes  afforded  no  little 
entertainment  to  Africaner  and  the  Namaquas  to  hear  a farmer 
denounce  this  supposed  irreclaimable  savage.  A novel  scene 
which  occurred  atone  farm  is  thus  described: 

“On  approaching  the  house,  which  was  on  an  eminence,  I 
directed  my  men  to  take  the  wagon  to  the  valley  below,  while 
I walked  toward  the  house.  The  farmer,  seeing  a stranger, 
came  slow'ly  down  the  descent  to  meet  me.  When  within  a 
few  yards,  I addressed  him  in  the  usual  way,  and  stretching 
out  my  hand,  expressed  my  pleasure  at  seeing  him  again.  He 
put  his  hand  behind  him  and  asked  me  rather  mildly,  who  I 
was.  I replied  that  I was  Moffat,  expressing  my  wonder  that 
he  should  have  forgotten  me.  ‘Moffat!’  he  rejoined  in  a fal- 
tering voice;  ‘it  is  your  ghost!’  and  moved  some  steps  backward. 
‘I  am  no  ghost.’  ‘Don’t  come  near  me!’  he  exclaimed,  ‘you 
have  been  long  murdered  by  Africaner.’  ‘ But  I am  no  ghost’ 
I said,  feeling  my  hands,  as  if  to  convince  him  and  myself,  too, 
of  my  materiality;  but  his  alarm  only  increased.  ‘Everyobdy 
says  you  were  murdered ; and  a man  told  me  he  had  seen  your 
bones;’  and  he  continued  to  gaze  at  me,  to  the  no  small  aston- 


76 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ishment  of  the  good  wife  and  children,  who  were  standing  at 
the  door,  as  also  to  that  of  my  people,  who  were  looking  on  from 
the  wagon  below.  At  length  he  extended  his  trembling  hand, 
saying,  ‘When  did  you  rise  from  the  dead?’  As  he  feared  my 
presence  would  frighten  his  wife,  we  bent  our  steps  toward 
■the  wagon,  and  Africaner  was  the  subject  of  our  conversation. 
I ga\e  him  in  a few  words  my  view  of  his  present  character, 
saying,  ‘He  is  now  a truly  good  man,’  to  which  he  replied,  ‘I 
can  believe  almost  anything  you  say,  but  that  I cannot  credit.’ 
By  this  time  we  were  standing  with  Africaner  at  our  feet,  on 
whose  countenance  sat  a smile,  well  knowing  the  prejudices  of 
some  of  the  farmers.  The  farmer  closed  the  conversation  by 
saying  with  much  earnestness,  ‘Well,  if  what  you  assert  be 
true  respecting  that  man,  I have  only  one  wish,  and  that  is  to 
see  him  before  I die;  and  when  you  return,  as  sure  as  the  sun 
is  over  our  heads,  I will  go  with  you  to  see  him,  though  he 
killed  my  own  uncle.’  I was  not  before  aware  of  this  fact,  and 
now  felt  some  hesitation  whether  to  discover  to  him  the  object 
of  his  wonder;  but  knowing  the  sincerity  of  the  farmer,  and 
the  goodness  of  his  disposition,  I said,  ‘This,  then,  is  Africaner!’ 
He  started  back,  looking  intently  at  the  man,  as  if  he  had 
just  dropped  from  the  clouds.  ‘Are  you  Africaner?’  he 
exclaimed.  The  dreaded  chief  arose,  doffed  his  old  hat,  and 
making  a polite  bow,  answered,  ‘I  am.’  The  farmer  seemed 
thunder-struck;  but  when,  by  a few  questions,  he  had  assured 
himself  of  the  fact  that  the  former  bugbear  of  the  border 
stood  before  him,  meek  and  lamb-like  in  his  whole  deportment, 
he  lifted  up  his  eyes  and  exclaimed,  ‘O  God,  what  a miracle 
of  Thy  power!  What  can  not  Thy  grace  accomplish!’  The 
kind  farmer,  and  his  no  less  hospitable  wife,  now  abundantly 
supplied  our  wants;  but  we  hastened  our  departure,  lest  the 
intelligence  might  get  abroad  that  Africaner  was  with  me,  and 
bring  unpleasant  visitors. 

“On  arriving  at  Oape  Town,  I waited  on  his  excellency,  the 
Governor,  Lord  Somerset,  who  appeared  to  receive  with  consid- 
erable skepticism  my  testimony  that  I had  brought  the  far- 
famed  Africaner  on  a visit  to  his  excellency.  The  following 


CHIEF  AFRICANER. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


77 


day  was  appointed  for  an  interview,  when  the  chief  was  re- 
ceived by  Lord  Charles  with  great  affability  and  kindness; 
and  he  expressed  his  pleasure  at  seeing  thus  before  him  one 
who  had  formerly  been  the  scourge  of  the  country  and  the 
terror  of  the  border  colonists. 

‘‘His  excellency  was  evidently  much  struck  with  this  result 
of  missionary  enterprise,  the  benefit  of  which  he  had  some- 
times doubted.  Whatever  he  might  think  of  his  former  views, 
his  excellency  was  now  convinced  that  a most  important  point 
had  been  gained;  and,  as  a testimony  of  his  good  feeling,  he 
presented  Africaner  with  an  excellent  wagon,  valued  at  eighty 
pounds  sterling,  nearly  four  hundred  dollars.” 

Africaner’s  appearance  in  Cape  Town  excited  considerable 
attention,  as  his  name  and  exploits  had  been  familiar  to  many 
of  its  inhabitants  for  more  than  twenty  years.  Many  were 
struck  with  the  unexpected  mildness  and  gentleness  of  his 
demeanor,  and  others  with  his  piety  and  accurate  knowledge 
of  the  Scriptures. 

After  spending  some  time  at  Griqua  Town,  Mr.  Moffat 
joined  the  mission  at  the  Kuruman,  in  May,  1821.  Here  he 
had  to  labor  with  a people  ignorant  in  the  extreme,  and  utterly 
destitute  of  a system  of  religion  to  which  he  could  appeal,  or 
of  ideas  kindred  to  those  he  wished  to  impart.  To  tell  them 
of  a creator,  or  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  was  to  speak  of 
what  was  fabulous  and  extravagant.  “A  wily  rain  maker,” 
continues  Mr.  Moffat,  “who  was  the  oracle  of  the  village  in 
which  he  dwelt,  once  remarked,  after  hearing  me  enlarge  on 
the  subject  of  creation,  ‘If  you  verily  believe  that  the  great 
Being  created  all  men,  then,  according  to  reason,  you  must  also 
believe  that  in  making  white  people  he  has  improved  on  his 
work;  he  tried  his  hand  on  Bushmen  first,  and  did  not  like 
them,  because  they  were  so  ugly,  and  their  language  like  that 
of  frogs.  He  then  tried  his  hand  on  the  Hottentots,  but  these 
did  not  please  him  either.  He  then  exercised  his  power  and 
skill  and  made  the  Beehuanas,  which  was  a great  improve- 
ment; and  at  last  he  made  the  white  people;  therefore  [exulting 
with  an  air  of  triumph  at  the  discovery]  the  white  people 


78 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


are  so  much  wiser  than  we  are  in  making  walking  houses 
[meaning  wagons],  teaching  the  oxen  to  draw  them  over  hill 
and  dale,  and  instructing  them  also  to  plow  the  gardens  instead 
of  making  their  wives  do  it,  like  the  Bechuanas.’  His  discov- 
ery received  the  applause  of  the  people,  while  the  poor  mission- 
ary’s arguments,  drawn  from  the  source  of  Divine  truth,  were 
thrown  into  the  shade. 

“With  all  their  concessions,  they  would,  with  little  cere- 
mony, pronounce  our  customs  clumsy,  awkward,  and  trouble- 
some. They  could  not  account  for  our  putting  our  legs,  feet, 
and  arms  into  bags,  and  using  buttons  for  the  purpose  of  fast- 
ening bandages  round  our  bodies,  instead  of  suspending  them 
as  ornaments  from  the  neck  or  hair  of  the  head.  Washing  the 
body,  instead  of  lubricating  it  with  grease  and  red  ocher,  was  a 
disgusting  custom,  and  cleanliness  about  our  food,  house,  and 
bedding  contributed  to  their  amusement  in  no  small  degree. 
A native,  who  was  engaged  in  roasting  a piece  of  fat  zebra 
flesh  for  me  on  the  coals,  was  told  that  he  had  better  turn  it 
with  a stick  or  fork,  instead  of  his  hands,  which  he  invariably 
rubbed  on  his  dirty  body  for  the  sake  of  the  precious  fat. 
This  suggestion  of  mine  made  him  and  his  companions  laugh 
extravagantly,  and  they  were  wont  to  repeat  it  as  an  interest- 
ing joke  wherever  they  came. 

“Among  the  Becliuana  tribes,  the  name  adopted  by  the 
missionaries  for  God  is  Morimo.  This  has  the  advantage  of 
the  names  used  by  the  Kafirs  and  Hottentots,  being  more 
definite,  as  its  derivation  at  once  determines  its  meaning. 
Mo  is  a personal  prefix  and  rimo  is  from  gorimo,  signifying 
“above.”  From  the  same  root  legorimo , “heaven,”  and  ils 
plural,  magorimo , are  derived.  The  genius  of  the  Becliuana 
language  warrants  us  to  expect  a correspondence  between  the 
name  and  the  thing  designated;  but  in  this  instance  the  order 
is  reversed.  Morimo,  to  those  who  know  anything  about  it, 
had  been  represented  by  rain  makers  and  sorcerers  as  a malev- 
olent sclo,  or  thing,  which  the  natives  in  the  south  described 
as  existing  in  a hole,  and  which,  like  the  fairies  in  the  High- 
lands of  Scotland,  sometimes  came  out  and  inflicted  diseases 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


79 


on  men  and  cattle,  and  even  caused  death.  This  Morimo 
served  the  purposes  of  a bugbear,  by  which  the  rain-maker 
might  constrain  the  chiefs  to  yield  to  his  suggestions  when 
he  wished  for  a slaughter  ox,  without  which  he  pretended  he 
could  not  make  rain.” 

The  mission  among  the  Bedhuanas  had  now  been  estab- 
lished five  years,  but  the  natives  had  become  indifferent  to  all 
instruction,  except  when  it  was  followed  by  some  temporal 
benefit.  The  time  of  the  missionaries  was  much  occupied  in 
building  and  in  attending  to  the  wants  of  daily  life.  The 
light,  sandy  soil  required  constant  irrigation  for  the  produc- 
tion of  any  kind  of  crops,  and  a water  ditch  some  miles  in 
length  had  been  led  from  the  Kuruman  river,  and  passed  in 
its  course  through  the  gardens  of  the  natives.  The  native 
women,  seeing  the  fertilizing  effects  of  the  water  in  the 
gardens  of  the  mission,  took  the  liberty  of  cutting  open  the 
ditch,  often  leaving  the  mission  without  a drop  of  water  even 
for  culinary  purposes.  The  missionaries  were  often  obliged 
to  go  three  miles  with  a spade  in  the  hottest  part  of  the  day  to 
close  up  these  outlets  and  obtain  moisture  for  their  burnt-up 
vegetables. 

As  soon  as  they  had  left  the  women  would  open  the  outlets 
again,  and  thus  they  were  sometimes  many  days  without  water, 
except  what  was  carried  from  a distant  fountain,  under  a cloud- 
less sky,  when  the  thermometer  at  noon  would  frequently  rise 
to  one  hundred  and  twenty  degrees  in  the  shade. 

“The  following  is  a brief  sketch  of  the  ceremony  of  bury- 
ing the  dead,  as  practiced  among  the  tribes  of  South  Africa. 
When  they  see  any  indications  of  approaching  dissolution 
in  fainting  fits  or  convulsive  throes,  they  throw  a net  over  the 
body  and  hold  it  in  a sitting  posture,  with  the  knees  brought 
in  contact  with  the  chin,  till  life  is  gone.  The  grave,  which  is 
frequently  made  in  the  fence  surrounding  the  cattle  fold,  or  in 
the  fold  itself,  if  for  a man,  is  about  three  feet  in  diameter 
. and  six  feet  deep.  The  body  is  not  conveyed  through  the  door 
of  the  fore-yard  or  court  connected  with  each  house,  but 
an  opening  is  made  in  the  fence  for  that  purpose.  It  is 


80 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


carried  to  the  grave,  having  the  head  covered  with  a skin,  and 
is  placed  in  a sitting  posture.  Much  time  is  spent  in  order  to 
fix  the  corpse  exactly  facing  the  north;  and  though  they  have 
no  compass,  they  manage,  after  some  consultation,  to  place  it 
very  nearly  in  the  required  position. 

“Portions  of  an  ant-hill  are  placed  about  the  feet,  when  the 
net  which  held  the  body  is  gradually  withdrawn;  as  the  grave 
is  tilled  up,  the  earth  is  handed  in  with  bowls,  while  two 
men  stand  in  the  hole  and  tread  it  down  round  the  body, 
great  care  being  taken  to  pick  out  everything  like  a root  or 
pebble.  When  the  earth  reaches  the  height  of  the  mouth,  a 
small  twig  or  branch  of  an  acacia  is  thrown  in,  and  on  the 
top  of  the  head  a few  roots  of  grass  are  placed;  and  when 
the  grave  is  nearly  filled,  another  root  of  grass  is  fixed  imme- 
diately above  the  head,  part  of  which  stands  above  ground. 
When  finished,  the  men  and  women  stoop,  and  with  their 
hands  scrape  the  loose  soil  around  on  to  the  little  mound.  A 
large  bowl  of  water,  with  an  infusion  of  bulbs,  is  then  brought, 
when  the  men  and  women  wash  their  hands  and  the  upper  part 
of  their  feet,  shouting  ‘Pula!  pula!’  (‘Rain!  rain!’)  An  old 
woman,  probably  a relative,  will  then  bring  his  weapons,  bows, 
arrows,  war-ax  and  spears,  also  grain  and  garden  seeds  of  vari- 
ous kinds,  and  even  the  bones  of  an  old  pack-ox,  with  other 
things,  and  address  the  grave,  saying,  ‘These  are  all  your 
articles.’  These  are  then  taken  away,  and  bowls  of  water  are 
poured  on  the  grave,  when  all  retire,  the  women  wailing  ‘Yo! 
yo!  yo.r  with  some  doleful  dirge,  sorrowing  without  hope. 
These  ceremonies  vary  in  different  localities,  and  according  to 
the  rank  of  the  individual  who  is  committed  to  the  dust. 

“Years  of  drought  had  been  severely  felt,  and  the  natives, 
tenacious  of  their  faith  in  the  potency  of  a man,  held  a council, 
and  passed  resolutions  to  send  for  a rain  maker  of  renown  from 
the  Bahurutsi  tribe,  two  hundred  miles  northeast  of  the  Kuru- 
nmn  station.  Rain  makers  have  always  most  honor  among  a 
strange  people,  and  therefore  they  are  generally  foreigners. 
The  heavens  had  been  as  brass,  scarcely  a cloud  had  been  seen 
for  months,  even  on  the  distant  horizon.  Suddenly  a shout 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


81 


was  raised,  and  the  whole  town  was  in  motion.  The  rain  maker 
was  approaching.  Every  voice  was  raised  to  the  highest  pitch 
with  acclamations  of  enthusiastic  joy.  He  had  sent  a harbin- 
ger to  announce  his  approach,  with  peremptory  orders  for  all 
the  inhabitants  to  wash  their  feet.  Every  one  seemed  to  fly  in 
swiftest  obedience  to  the  adjoining  river.  Noble  and  ignoble, 
even  the  girl  who  attended  to  our  kitchen  fire,  ran;  old  and 
young  ran.  All  the  world  could  not  have  stopped  them.  By 
this  time  the  clouds  began  to  gather,  and  a crowd  went  out  to 
welcome  the  mighty  man.  who,  as  they  imagined,  was  now  col- 
lecting in  the  heavens  his  stores  of  rain. 

“Just  as  he  was  descending  the  height  into  the  town,  the 
immense  concourse  danced  and  shouted,  so  that  the  very  earth 
rang,  and  at  the  same  time  the  lightnings  darted,  and  the 
thunders  roared  in  awful  grandeur.  A few  heavy  drops  fell, 
which  produced  the  most  thrilling  ecstasy  on  the  deluded 
multitude,  whose  shouting  baffled  all  description.  Faith  hung 
upon  the  lips  of  the  impostor,  while  he  proclaimed  aloud  that 
this  year  the  women  must  cultivate  gardens  on  the  hills,  and 
not  in  the  valleys,  for  these  would  be  deluged.  After  the  din 
had  somewhat  subsided,  a few  individuals  came  to  our  dwell- 
ings to  treat  us  and  our  doctrines  with  derision.  ‘Where  is 
your  God?’  one  asked  with  a sneer.  We  were  silent,  because 
the  wicked  were  before  us.  ‘Have  you  not  heard  with  your 
ears,  his  voice  in  the  clouds?’  adding  with  an  interjection  of 
supreme  disgust,  ‘You  talk  of  Jehovah,  and  Jesus,  what  can 
they  do?’  Never  in  my  life  do  I remember  a text  being 
brought  home  with  such  power  as  the  words  of  the  Psalmist, 
‘Be  still,  and  know  that  I am  God:  I will  be  exalted  among 
the  heathen.’ 

“The  rain-maker  found  the  clouds  in  our  country  rather 
harder  to  manage  than  those  he  had  left.  He  complained  that 
secret  rogues  were  disobeying  his  proclamations.  When  urged 
to  make  repeated  trial,  he  would  reply,  ‘You  only  give  me 
sheep  and  goats  to  kill,  therefore  I can  only  make  goat  rain; 
give  me  fat  slaughter  oxen,  and  I shall  let  you  see  ox  rain.’ 
One  day,  as  he  was  taking  a sound  sleep  a shower  fell,  on  which 


82 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


one  of  his  principal  men  entered  his  house  to  congratulate  him, 
but  to  his  utter  amazement  found  him  totally  insensible  to 
what  was  transpiring.  ‘Held,  ka  rare!  (Halloo,  my  father!)  I 
thought  you  were  making  rain,’  said  the  intruder.  When 
arising  from  his  slumbers,  and  seeing  his  wife  sitting  on  the 
floor  shaking  a milk-sack,  in  order  to  obtain  a little  butter  to 
anoint  her  hair,  he  replied,  pointing  to  the  operation  of 
churning,  ‘Do  you  not  see  my  wife  churning  rain  as  fast  as 
she  can?’  This  reply  gave  entire  satisfaction,  and  it  presently 
spread  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  town,  that  the 
rain-maker  had  churned  the  shower  out  of  a milk-sack.  The 
moisture  caused  by  this  shower  was  dried  up  by  a scorching 
sun,  and  many  long  weeks  followed  without  a single  cloud,  and 
when  these  did  appear  they  might  sometimes  be  seen,  to  the 
great  mortification  of  the  conjurer,  to  discharge  their  watery 
treasures  at  an  immense  distance. 

“The  rain  maker  had  recourse  to  numerous  expedients  and 
stratagems,  and  continued  his  performances  for  many  weeks. 
All  his  efforts,  however,  proved  unsuccessful.  He  kept  him- 
self very  secluded  for  a fortnight,  and,  after  cogitating  how  lie 
could  make  his  own  cause  good,  he  appeared  in  the  public 
fold,  and  proclaimed  that  he  had  discovered  the  cause  of  the 
drought.  All  were  now  eagerly  listening;  he  dilated  some 
time,  till  he  had  raised  their  expectation  to  the  highest  pitch, 
when  he  revealed  the  mystery.  ‘Do  you  not  see,  when  clouds 
come  over  us,  that  Mr.  Moffat  looks  at  them?’  This  ques- 
tion receiving  a hearty  and  unanimous  affirmation,  he  added, 
that  my  white  face  frightened  away  the  clouds,  and  they  need 
not  expect  rain  so  long  as  there  were  any  missionaries  in  the 
country.  This  was  a home  stroke,  and  it  was  an  easy  matter 
for  all  missionaries  to  calculate  what  the  influence  of  such  a 
charge  would  be  on  the  public  mind.  We  were  very  soon 
informed  of  the  evil  of  our  conduct,  to  which  we  plead  guilty, 
promising  that,  as  we  were  not  aware  that  we  were  doing 
wrong,  being  as  anxious  as  any  of  them  for  rain,  we  would 
willingly  look  to  our  chins,  or  the  ground,  all  the  day  long,  if 
it  would  serve  their  purpose.  It  was  rather  remarkable  that 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


83 


as  much  as  they  admired  my  long,  black  beard,  they  thought 
that  in  this  ease  it  was  most  to  blame.  However,  this  season 
of  trial  passed  over,  to  our  great  comfort,  though  it  was 
followed  for  some  time  with  many  indications  of  suspicion  and 
distrust.” 

In  October,  1S23,  Mr.  Moffat  having  occasion  to  visit 
Cape  Town  with  his  family,  he  writes:  “As  Mothibi  (the 
chief)  was  anxious  that  his  son  should  see  the  country  of  the 
white  people,  he  sent  him  with  us,  and  appointed  Taisho,  one 
of  his  principal  chiefs,  to  accompany  him.  The  kind  recep- 
tion they  met  with  from  his  excellency,  the  Governor,  and  the 
friends  in  Cape  Town,  and  the  sights  they  saw,  produced 
strange  emotions  in  their  minds.  They  were  delighted  with 
everything  they  beheld,  and  were  in  raptures  when  they  met 
again  their  old  friend  named  Thompson,  and  who  showed  them 
much  kindness. 

“It  was  with  some  difficulty  that  they  were  prevailed  upon 
to  go  on  board  one  of  the  ships  in  the  bay;  nor  would  they 
enter  the  boat  until  I had  preceded  them.  They  were  per- 
fectly astounded  when  hoisted  on  the  deck,  with  the  enormous 
size  erf  the  hull,  and  the  height  of  the  masts;  and  when  they 
saw  a boy  mount  the  rigging  and  ascend  to  the  very  masthead, 
they  were  speechless  with  amazement.  Taisho  whispered  to 
the  young  prince,  ‘A  ga  si  kliatla?’  (‘Is  it  not  an  ape?’)  When 
the}-  entered  the  splendid  cabin,  and  looked  into  the  deep  hold, 
they  could  scarcely  be  convinced  that  the  vessel  was  not  rest- 
ing on  the  bottom  of  the  ocean.  ‘Do  these  water  houses 
[ships]  unload,  like  wagon  oxen,  every  night?’  they  inquired. 
‘Do  they  graze  in  the  sea  to  keep  them  alive?’  A ship  in  full 
sail  approaching  the  roads,  they  were  asked  what  they  thought 
of  that.  ‘We  have  no  thoughts  here;  we  hope  to  think  again 
when  we  get  to  the  shore,’  was  their  reply.  They  would  go 
anywhere  with  me  or  Mr.  Thompson,  for  whom  they  enter- 
tained a kindly  feeling,  but  they  would  trust  no  one  else.” 

After  his  return,  Mr.  Moffat,  accompanied  by  some  Griquas, 
set  out  on  the  first  of  July,  1824,  to  visit  Makaba,  the  chief  of 
the  Buangketsi.  A few  days  afterwards,  they  were  joined  by 


84 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


another  party,  under  the  chief  Berend.  Before  reaching  the 
town,  the  train  was  met  by  the  messengers  of  Makaba,  who 
welcomed  them,  and  when  they  came  near,  Makaba  desired 
them  to  conduct  the  wagons  through  the  principal  street,  but 
as  it  was  a narrow  path,  winding  among  a number  of  houses, 
Mr.  Moffat  pronounced  the  thing  impossible  without  seriously 
injuring  the  fences.  “Never  mind  that,”  says  Makaba,  “only 
let  me  see  the  wagons  go  through  my  town;”  and  on  they  went, 
while  the  chieftain  stood  on  an  eminence  before  his  door,  look- 
ing with  inexpressible  delight  on  the  wagons,  which  were 
breaking  down  corners  of  fences,  while  the  good  wives  within 
were  so  much  amazed  at  the  oxen,  and  what  appeared  to  them 
ponderous  vehicles,  that  they  hardly  found  time  to  scold, 
though  a few  did  not  fail  to  express  their  displeasure. 

They  found  a dense  population  of  the  Buangketsi;  and  early 
next  morning  they  were  surrounded  by  thousands,  so  that  it 
was  difficult  to  pass  from  one  wagon  to  another.  “The  country 
of  the  Buangketsi  is  hilly,  and  even  mountainous  toward  the 
north  and  east.  The  soil  in  general  is  very  rich;  but  water  is 
rather  scarce,  and  though  I believe  rains  are  pretty  abundant, 
yet,  from  what  I could  learn,  irrigation  would  be  absolutely 
necessary  to  raise  European  vegetables  and  grain.  The 
countries  to  the  north  and  east  abound  with  rivers,  and  are  very 
fruitful  and  populous.  The  mountains  are  adorned  to  their 
very  summits  with  stately  trees  and  shrubs,  unknown  in  the 
southern  parts  of  the  continent,  which  give  the  country  a pic- 
turesque and  inspiring  appearance.”  On  their  return  they 
were  attacked  by  a party  of  Barolongs,  who  were  repulsed  only 
after  a fierce  encounter  and  the  loss  of  several  lives.  Some  of 
Berend’s  people  likewise  captured  several  hundred  of  the  ene- 
my’s cattle 

“At  the  close  of  the  year  1826,  having  removed  into  our 
new  habitation,  and  the  state  of  the  country  being  somewhat 
more  tranquil,  a journey  was  resolved  on  to  the  Barolongs, 
near  the  Molapo,  in  order  to  attend  exclusively  to  the  language, 
which  hitherto  it  had  not  been  possible  to  do,  owing  to  the 
succession  of  manual  labor  connected  with  commencing  a new 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA.  85 

station,  when  the  missionaries  must  be  at  the  beginning,  mid- 
dle and  end  of  everything.  Mr.  Hamilton,  who  felt  that  his 
advanced  age  was  a serious  barrier  to  his  acquisition  of  the 
language,  was  anxious  for  my  progress,  and  cheerfully  under- 
took the  entire  labors  of  the  station  for  a short  season,  preach- 
ing to  the  Batlopes  in  the  neighborhood,  and  keeping  up 
public  service  for  the  few  on  the  station.  Two  attempts  had 
been  previously  made  for  this  very  purpose,  but  I had  not  long 
left  the  place  before,  in  both  instances,  I was  recalled  on 
account  of  threatened  attacks.” 

Arrived  at  the  village  of  BogaChu,  ruled  by  a Barolong  chief, 
Mr.  Moffat  spent  ten  weeks  there,  attending  to  tbe  language. 
He  writes:  ‘‘The  people,  to  please  me,  would  assemble  on  the 
Sabbath,  and  our  attendance  at  public  worship  would  vary  from 
forty  to  fifty.  In  the  course  of  my  sermon  I told  them  I could 
not  be  happy  without  telling  them  about  their  souls  and  another 
world.  One  day,  while  describing  the  day  of  judgment,  several 
of  my  hearers  expressed  great  concern  at  the  idea  of  all  their 
cattle  being  destroyed,  together  with  their  ornaments.  They 
never  for  one  moment  allowed  their  thoughts  to  dwell  on  death, 
which,  according  to  their  views,  is  nothing  less  than  annihi- 
lation. Their  supreme  happiness  consits  in  having  an  abun- 
dance of  meat.  Asking  a man  who  was  more  grave  and 
thoughtful  than  his  companions,  what  was  the  finest  sight  he 
could  desire,  he  instantly  replied,  ‘A  great  fire  covered  with 
pots  full  of  meat;’  adding,  ‘How  ugly  the  fire  looks  without  a 
pot!’ 

“A  custom  prevails  among  all  the  Bec'huanas  whom  I have 
visited,  of  removing  to  a distance  from  the  towns  and  villages 
persons  who  have  been  wounded.  Two  young  men,  who  had 
been  wounded  by  the  poisoned  arrows  of  the  Bushmen,  were 
thus  removed  from  the  Kuruman.  Having  visited  them,  to 
administer  relief,  I made  inquiries,  but  could  learn  no  reason, 
except  that  it  was  a custom.  This  unnatural  practice  exposed 
the  often  helpless  invalid  to  a great  danger;  for,  if  not  well 
attended  during  the  night,  his  paltry  little  hut,  or  rather  shade 
from  the  sun  and  wind,  would  be  assailed  by  the  hyena  or 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

lion.  A catastrophe  of  this  kind  occurred  a short  time  before 
my  arrival  among  the  Barolongs.  The  son  of  one  of  the 
principal  chiefs,  a fine  young  man,  had  been  wounded  by  a 
buffalo;  he  was,  according  to  custom,  placed  on  the  outside  of 
the  building  till  he  should  recover;  a portion  of  food  was  daily 
sent,  and  a person  appointed  to  make  his  fire  for  the  evening. 
The  fire  went  out;  and  the  helpless  man,  notwithstanding  his 
piteous  cries,  was  carried  off  by  a lion  and  devoured.  Some 
might  think  that  this  practice  originated  in  the  treatment  of 
infectious  diseases,  such  as  leprosy;  but  the  only  individual  I 
ever  saw  thus  affected  was  not  separated.  This  disease,  though 
often  found  among  slaves  in  the  colony,  is  unknown  among  the 
tribes  in  the  interior,  and  therefore  they  have  no  name  for  it. 

“Although,  as  has  been  stated,  ‘the  savages,’  when  applied 
to  Bechuanas,  must  be  understood  in  a restricted  sense,  there 
was  nothing  either  very  comely  or  comfortable  in  the  dress  of 
either  sex;  yet  such  was  their  attachment  to  it,  that  any  one 
deviating  from  it  was  considered  a clown.  The  child  is  car- 
ried in  a skin  on  its  mother’s  back,  with  its  chest  lying  close  to 
her  person;  when  it  requires  to  be  moved  from  that  position, 
it  is  often  wet  with  perspiration;  and  from  being  thus  exposed 
to  cold  wind,  lung  complaints  are  not  infreqeutnly  brought 
on.  As  soon  as  a baby  is  born,  its  head  is  shaved,  leaving  a 
small  tuft  on  the  imperfectly  ossified  part  of  the  skull;  and 
when  but  a few  weeks  old,  the  little  head  may  be  seen 
hanging  over  the  skin  in  which  it  is  carried,  shining  with 
grease,  and  exposed  to  the  rays  of  an  almost  vertical  sun;  yet 
sunstroke  is  not  of  frequent  occurrence,  either  in  infants  or 
adults.  The  natives,  however,  are  far  from  admiring  a hot  sun, 
and  it  is  not  uncommon  to  hear  them  say,  ‘Letmtsi  utluega 
yang ?’  (‘How  does  the  sun  feel?')  and  this  exclamation  is  not  to 
be  wondered  at,  for  I have  known  the  action  of  the  sun’s  rays 
so  powerful  on  the  masses  of  green  and  black  shining  ocher 
on  the  head,  as  to  cause  it  to  run  down  their  necks  and  blister 
the  skin.  They  are  therefore  often  found  carrying  a parasol 
made  of  black  ostrich  feathers,  and  in  the  absence  of  these  will 
hold  a small  bunch  over  their  heads.  I have  frequently  ob- 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


87 


served  the  Matobele  warriors  carrying  their  shields  over  their 
heads  for  the  same  purpose. 

“For  a long  period,  when  a man  was  seen  to  make  a pair  of 
trousers  for  himself,  or  a woman  a gown,  it  was  a sure  intima- 
tion that  we  might  expect  additions  to  our  inquirers.  Aban- 
doning the  custom  of  painting  the  body,  and  beginning  to  wash 
with  water,  was  with  them  what  cutting  off  the  hair  was  among 
the  South  Sea  Islanders,  a public  renunciation  of  heathenism. 
In  the  progress  of  improvement  during  the  year  which  fol- 
lowed, and  by  which  many  individuals  who  made  no  profession 
of  the  Gospel  were  influenced,  we  were  frequently  much 
amused.  A man  might  be  seen  in  a jacket  with  but  one  sleeve, 
because  the  other  was  not  finished,  or  he  lacked  material  to 
complete  it.  Another  in  a leathern  or  doffed  jacket,  with  the 
sleeves  of  different  colors,  or  of  fine  printed  cotton.  Gowns 
were  seen  like  Joseph’s  coat,  of  many  colors,  and  dresses 
of  such  fantastic  shapes  as  were  calculated  to  excite  a smile 
in  the  gravest  of  us.  It  was  somewhat  entertaining  to  wit- 
ness the  various  applications  made  to  Mrs.  Moffat,  who  was 
the  only  European  female  on  the  station,  for  assistance  in 
the  fabrication  of  dress,  nor  were  these  confined  to  female 
applicants. 

“Our  congregation  now  became  a variegated  mass,  includ- 
ing all  descriptions,  from  the  lubricated  wild  man  of  the  des- 
ert, to  the  clean,  comfortable  and  well-dressed  believer.  The 
same  spirit  diffused  itself  through  all  the  routine  of  household 
economy.  Formerly  a chest,  a chair,  a candle,  or  a table  were 
things  unknown,  and  supposed  to  be  only  the  superfluous 
accompaniments  of  beings  of  another  order.  Although  they 
never  disputed  the  superiority  of  our  attainments,  in  being  able 
to  manufacture  these  superfluities,  they  would,  however,  ques- 
tion our  common  sense  in  taking  so  much  trouble  about  them. 
They  thought  us  particularly  extravagant  in  burning  fat  in  the 
form  of  candles,  instead  of  rubbing  it  on  the  body,  or  depositing 
it  in  our  stomachs.  Hitherto  when  they  had  milked  their  cows, 
they  retired  to  their  houses  and  yards  to  sit  moping  over  a few 
cinders,  seldom  affording  sufficient  light  to  see  what  they  were 


88 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


eating,  or  even  each  other;  at  night,  spreading  the  dry  hide  of 
some  animal  on  the  floor,  they  would  lie  down  in  their  skin- 
cloaks,  making  a blanket  of  what  had  been  their  mantles  all 
day.  They  soon  found  that  to  read  in  the  evening  or  by  night 
required  a more  steady  light  than  that  afforded  by  a flickering 
flame  from  a bit  of  wood.  Candle-molds  and  rags  for  wick 
were  now  in  requisition,  and  tallow  carefully  preserved,  when 
bunches  of  candles  were  shortly  to  be  seen  suspended  from  the 
wall,  a spectacle  far  more  gratifying  to  us  than  the  most 
charming  picture,  an  indication  of  the  superior  light  which  had 
entered  their  abodes.” 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1829,  Mr.  Moffat  accom- 
panied two  messengers  of  Moselkatse,  a king  of  a division  of 
Zulus,  called  Matobele,  on  their  return  home.  “Having 
traveled  one  hundred  miles,”  he  writes,  “five  days  after  leaving 
Mosega,  we  came  to  the  first  cattle  outposts  of  the  Matobele, 
when  we  halted  by  a fine  rivulet.  My  attention  was  arrested 
by  a beautiful  and  gigantic  tree  standing  in  a defile  leading 
to  an  extensive  and  woody  ravine,  between  a high  range  of 
mountains.  Seeing  some  individuals  employed  on  the  ground 
under  its  shade,  and  the  conical  points  of  what  looked  like 
houses  in  miniature  protruding  through  its  evergreen  foliage, 
I proceeded  thither,  and  found  that  the  tree  was  inhabited  by 
several  families  of  Bakones,  the  aborigines  of  the  country.  I 
ascended  by  the  notched  trunk,  and  found,  to  my  amazement, 
no  less  than  seventeen  of  these  aerial  abodes,  and  three  others 
unfinished.  On  reaching  the  topmost  hut,  about  thirty  feet 
from  the  ground,  I entered  and  sat  down.  Its  only  furniture 
was  the  hay  which  covered  the  floor,  a spear,  a spoon,  and  a 
bowl  full  of  locusts.  Not  having  eaten  anything  that  day,  and 
from  the  novelty  of  my  situation,  not  wishing  to  return  imme- 
diately to  the  wagons,  I asked  a woman,  who  sat  at  the  door 
with  a babe  at  her  breast,  permission  to  eat.  This  she  granted 
with  pleasure,  and  soon  brought  me  some  in  a powdered  state. 
Several  more  females  came  from  the  neighboring  roosts,  step- 
ping from  branch  to  branch,  to  see  the  stranger,  who  was  to 
them  as  great  a curiosity  as  the  tree  was  to  him.  I then  vis- 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


89 


ited  tlie  different  abodes,  which  were  on  several  principal 
branches.  The  structure  of  these  houses  was  very  simple. 
An  oblong  scaffold,  about  seven  feet  wide,  is  formed  of  straight 
sticks;  on  one  end  of  the  platform  a small  cone  is  formed,  also 
of  straight  sticks,  and  thatched  with  grass.  A person  can 
nearly  stand  upright  in  it;  the  diameter  of  the  floor  is  about 
six  feet.  The  house  stands  on  the  end  of  the  oblong,  so  as  to 
leave  a little  square  space  before  the  door.  On  the  day  pre- 
vious I had  passed  several  villages,  some  containing  forty 
houses,  all  built  on  poles,  about  seven  or  eight  feet  from  the 
ground,  in  the  form  of  a circle;  the  ascent  and  descent  is  by  a 
knotty  branch  of  a tree  placed  in  front  of  the  house.  In  the 
center  of  the  circle  there  is  always  a heap  of  the  bones  of  the 
game  they  have  killed.  Such  were  the  domiciles  of  the  im- 
poverished thousands  of  the  aborigines  of  the  country,  who, 
having  been  scattered  and  robbed  by  Moselkatse,  had  neither 
herd  nor  stall,  but  subsisted  on  locusts,  roots  and  the  chase. 
They  adopted  this  mode  of  architecture  to  escape  the  lions 
which  abound  in  that  country.  We  cannot  refrain  from 
admiring  the  ingenuity  and  wisdom  of  these  primitive  tribes, 
in  thus  completely  foiling  savage  beasts  of  prey,  for,  as  they 
were  without  firearms,  their  comfortable  homes  in  the  trees 
afforded  them  sufficient  protection  from  ferocious  animals.” 

The  King,  received  the  missionaries  with  kindness,  and 
during  a long  visit  Mr.  Moffat  had  frequent  intercourse  with 
his  majesty,  who  fully  listened  to  his  instructions.  On  his 
return,  Moselkatse  accompanied  him  in  his  wagon,  a long  day’s 
journey. 

Mr.  Moffat  concludes  the  story  of  his  long  labors  in  the  fol- 
lowing words:  “Before  closing  the  account  of  the  Bechuana 
Mission,  it  will  be  proper  to  state,  that  during  the  years  1837, 
1838,  a rich  blessing  descended  on  the  labors  of  the  brethren 
at  home,  at  the  out  stations,  and,  indeed,  at  every  place  where 
the  Gospel  was  read  and  preached.  Large  additions  of  Bech- 
uanas  at  Griqua  Town  have  already  been  noticed ; and  in  1838 
great  accessions  were  made  to  that  of  the  Kuruman.  Under 
the  very  efficient  and  assiduous  superintendence  of  Mr. 


90 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Edwards,  the  number  of  readers  connected  with  the  mission 
had  increased  in  equal  ratio;  while  the  infant  school,  com- 
menced and  carried  on  by  Mrs.  Edwards,  with  t'he  assistance 
of  a native  girl,  gave  the  highest  satisfaction.  The  people 
made  rapid  advance  in  civilization;  some  purchasing  wagons, 
and  breaking  in  their  oxen  for  those  labors  which  formerly 
devolved  on  the  female  sex.  The  use  of  clothing  became  so 
general,  that  the  want  of  a merchant  was  greatly  felt,  to 
supply  the  demands  of  English  commodities.  This  induced 
us  to  invite  Mr.  D.  Hume,  in  whom  we  placed  implicit  con- 
fidence, who  had  already  traded  much  with  the  natives,  and 
traveled  a great  distance  into  the  interior,  to  take  up  his 
constant  abode  on  the  station  for  that  purpose.  He  built  him- 
self a mercantile  house,  and  the  measure  has  succeeded  beyond 
our  expectations.” 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


91 


CHAPTER  IV. 

TRAVELS  AND  EXPLORATIONS  IN  AFRICA. 

“ There  is  a temple  in  ruin  stands,” 

Fashioned  by  long-forgotten  hands; 

Two  or  three  columns,  and  many  a stone. 

Marble  and  granite,  with  grass  o’er  grown! 

THE  first  modern  traveler  who  made  a complete  exploration 
of  the  ruins  of  Ethiopia  was  a French  gentleman,  by  the 
name  of  Frederic  Cailliaud,  a native  of  Nantes.  His  taste  for 
archeology  and  for  the  natural  sciences  led  him  to  travel,  and 
on  visiting  Africa,  he  found  so  much  to  interest  and  fascinate 
him  that  he  remained  four  years.  Early  in  1816  he  ascended 
the  Nile  river  to  the  second  cataract.  He  also  visited  the 
Great  Oasis  in  the  Libyan  Desert,  west  of  Thebes,  and  then 
crossed  the  Nile  to  the  Red  Sea,  where  he  discovered  ruins  of 
ancient  cities. 

Returning  to  France  in  February,  1819,  after  an  absence 
of  years,  he  immediately  applied  to  the  French  government  to 
be  returned  to  Egypt  for  the  purpose  of  making  more  exten- 
sive explorations.  His  application  was  warmly  seconded  by 
the  French  Institute,  and  in  twm  months  he  received  the  ap- 
pointment, and  hisinstructions  from  the  Minister  of  the  Interior. 
Embarking  on  the  10th  of  September,  he  landed  at  Alexan- 
dria, accompanied  by  a cadet  of  the  French  navy.  His  plan 
was  to  first  penetrate  to  the  Oasis  of  Jupiter  Ammon,  in  the 
Libyan  Desert,-  a spot  which  few  travelers  had  ever  reached, 
and  which  none  had  ever  thoroughly  explored. 

Ascending  the  Nile  a short  distance,  Cailliaud  proceeded  to 
the  district  of  the  Fyoom,  lying  a day’s  journey  to  the  west, 
and  was  so  fortunate  as  to  find  the  governor,  who  had  just 
returned  from  a successful  foray  among  some  rebellious  desert 
tribes.  The  latter  sent  for  an  Arab  chief,  named  Koroom,  and 
an  inhabitant  of  Siwah,  named  Youssef,  who  happened  to  be  in 


92 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  Fyoom,  and  requested  them  to  conduct  Cailliaud  to  the 
Oasis.  They  made  serious  objections  to  the  plan,  but  finally 
yielded,  on  conditions  that  the  travelers  would  neither  write 
nor  draw,  clothe  themselves  as  Egyptians,  and  assume  the 
character  of  natives  of  Cairo.  The  governor  of  the  Fyoom 
gave  Cailliaud  a letter  to  the  chiefs  of  Siwah,  in  which  he 
declared  that  the  traveler  was  sent  by  Mohammed  Ali,  and 
should  be  treated  with  the  same  respect  which  they  owed  to 
the  Pasha.  The  camels  were  brought,  and.  after  halting  two 
days  at  the  encampment  of  Koroom,  they  commenced  their 
march  into  the  desert.  “The  two  eldest  daughters  of  Sheik 
Koroom,”  says  Cailliaud,  “went  with  us  for  half  a league, 
wishing  us  all  sorts  of  benedictions  for  the  success  of  our  jour- 
ney. I saw  them  collect  the  dust  from  the  places  where  the 
feet  of  the  Arabs,  who  accompanied  us,  had  left  their  imprint; 
this  dust  they  placed  in  a takia.  or  small  Arab  cup,  which  they 
held  in  the  hand.  I -was  told  that  this  was  done  to  preserve 
us  from  accidents;  that  they  were  required  to  collect  some  dust 
from  the  steps  of  each  man  and  each  camel;  that,  on  returning 
to  their  tent,  they  would  make  a little  hole  in  the  top  of  the 
cup,  and  suspend  it  in  the  manner  of  an  'hour-glass;  and  that 
they  would  consult  it  every  day  to  notice  the  duration  of  our 
absence,  and  calculate  the  time  of  our  return.” 

At  a village  on  the  border  of  the  desert,  they  were  joined 
by  a caravan  of  inhabitants  of  the  Fyoom,  with  one  hundred 
camels,  bound  for  Siwah.  Some  of  the  native  merchants  refused 
to  go,  through  the  fear  of  being  compromised  by  the  presence 
of  Cailliaud’s  party.  The  travelers  were  obliged  to  relinquish 
the  idea  of  taking  meridian  altitudes,  and  could  not  make  the 
least  observation,  even  by  the  barometer,  except  by  stealth. 
They  were  also  exceedingly  circumspect  in  their  conversation, 
taking  care  to  make  no  remark  which  might  excite  the  suspi- 
cion of  the  Arabs.  In  two  days  they  arrived  at  a mountain,  at 
the  foot  of  which,  in  a little  valley,  they  found  a curious  well. 
“The  principal  spring  is  a funnel-shaped  hole,  two  feet  in 
diameter  at  the  bottom.  The  Sheik  descended  into  this  hole, 
and  plunged  into  the  center  a short  piece  of  wood,  which  he 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


93 


moved  around  in  the  clay,  opening  a passage  for  the  water, 
which  instantly  began  to  rise.  The  Sheik  then  placed  his  legs 
in  the  orifice,  and  by  twisting  himself  succeeded  in  thrust- 
ing his  body  down  to  the  arm-pits.  Another  man  mounted  on 
his  shoulders  to  retain  him  there,  and  when  the  latter  quit 
his  hold,  the  Sheik  was  thrown  out  of  the  water  by  the  force  of 
the  spring,  which  is  very  abundant.  The  Arabs  have  the  habit 
of  crying  aloud  during  this  operation,  which  appears  to  them 
miraculous.  The  pretend  that,  without  doing  so,  the  water 
would  not  come.” 

The  caravan  continued  its  march  over  plains  and  sand, 
alternating  with  hard  tracts  covered  with  agates,  and  occasion- 
ally the  remains  of  petrified  forests,  among  which  Cailliaud 
found  the  trunk  of  a sycamore  eleven  feet  in  circumference 
and  fifteen  feet  in  length.  As  they  approached  Siwah  the 
earth  became  covered  with  a crystallization  of  salt,  forming 
vast  incrusted  plains.  Finally,  on  the  fifteenth  day,  they  saw 
in  the  distance  a valley  fertile  in  palms  and  acacias,  in  the 
midst  of  which  was  a village  tributary  to  Siwah,  and  distant 
from  it  about  twenty  leagues.  The  village  was  built  on  the 
summit  of  a steep  rock,  and  appeared  to  consist  partly  of  the 
remains  of  ancient  edifices.  A curious  superstition  prevails  in 
this  place.  A former  chief  predicted  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  village — men,  women,  and  children — wnld  never  exceed 
forty.  The  people  declared  that  the  number  had  sometimes 
exceeded  that  limit,  but  the  balance  was  always  speedily 
restored  by  the  death  of  the  surplus  population.  When  a 
child  is  born,  they  expect  a death  among  the  older  inhabitants 
to  make  room  for  it.  Cailliaud  was  not  allowed  to  enter  the 
village  on  the  first  day,  and  on  climbing  the  rock  the  next 
morning  the  people  shouted  “Christian!” — whence  he  knew 
that  some  of  the  Arabs  of  the  caravan  had  betrayed  his  true 
character.  Youssef  of  Siwah  finally  declared  that  the  traveler 
would  instantly  write  to  Mohammed  Ali,  who  was  his  friend, 
if  they  did  not  admit  him,  whereupon  they  allowed  him  to 
enter,  and  presented  him  with  some  fine  dates.  “On  the  night 
of  December  8th,”  says  Cailliaud,  “several  chiefs  came  into  my 


94 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


tent  and  said,  with  a very  mysterious  air,  that  now  was  the 
moment  to  make  use  of  my  sorcery  in  order  to  moderate  the 
anger  of  the  people  of  Siwah.  ‘I  had  several  occasions,’  said 
one  of  the  chiefs,  ‘of  knowing  how  experienced  are  the  Chris- 
tians in  this  art.  A Christian  whom  I conducted  to  the  little 
Oasis,  finding  himself  annoyed  by  the  inhabitants  and  by  a 
caravan  of  Siwah  which  opposed  his  research,  suddenly  began 
to  write  mysterious  notes;  and  immediately  those  who  designed 
to  injure  him  humiliated  themselves  before  him  and  kissed 
his  hands,  which  proved  his  great  power.’  I was  at  first 
tempted  to  convince  him  of  his  error,  but  I reflected  that  in 
order  to  encourage  him  to  serve  me,  I ought,  on  the  contrary, 
to  assure  him  that  I was  as  skillful  as  other  Christians,  and 
he  might  depend  on  the  success  of  my  magical  arts.” 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th  they  discovered  in  the  west  the 
palm  groves  of  Siwah,  and  encamped  near  an  old  well.  Yous- 
sef  set  out  by  night  to  announce  their  approach  to  the  chiefs 
at  Koroom,  and  Cailliaud  was  so  excited  that  he  found  it 
impossible  to  sleep.  “After  marching  three  hours  the  next 
morning,  we  reached  the  first  grove  of  date  palms,  and 
the  Arabs  fired  a volley  to  signify  our  approach.  Youssef 
came  to  me  crying  with  joy  that  we  had  obtained  permis- 
sion to  enter  the  Oasis.  We  proceeded  onward  by  paths 
shaded  by  numerous  palm  groves;  olive,  pomegranate,  peach, 
apricot,  and  fig  trees  enriched  the  landscape.  The  fresh- 
ness of  the  verdure  is  preserved  by  tanks  and  abundant 
springs;  brooks  flow  in  all  directions.  These  gardens  ap- 
peared to  us  delicious,  and  the  happiness  of  having  been  able 
to  penetrate  into  this  district,  separated  from  the  world  by 
three  hundred  miles  of  sand,  enchanted  me.  Every  step 
brought  me  nearer  to  a spot  almost  unknown,  and  perhaps  to 
the  long-sought  temple  of  Jupiter  Ammon.  Youssef  presented 
me  to  three  chiefs,  who  saluted  me  after  the  manner  of  the 
country.  They  made  us  encamp  in  a court  under  the  walls  of 
the  town,  near  a place  where  dates  were  exposed  for  sale. 
The  windows  of  the  houses  were  crowded  with  women  curious 
to  see  us.  The  people  came  in  crowds  around  our  tents;  there 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


95 


was  an  excitement  in  all  Siwah.  In  order  to  disperse  the 
crowds,  the  chiefs  were  obliged  to  prohibit  the  inhabitants  of 
the  place,  Youssef  excepted,  from  approaching  us,  under  pen- 
alty of  a fine  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  baskets  of  dates.  A 
much  more  severe  fine  was  imposed  on  those  who  addressed 
insulting  remarks  to  us.  This  circumstance  gave  me  an 
opportunity  of  judging  of  the  power  of  the  chiefs  over  the 
people,  for  the  later  retired  suddenly,  and  we  remained  entirely 
isolated.” 

Soon  afterward  Cailliaud  was  called  before  a grand  council 
of  the  chiefs  and  people,  and  asked  by  what  authority  he 
came.  He  replied  that  he  was  sent  by  Mohammed  Ali.  They 
then  demanded  the  passport,  which  he  had  not  been  able  to 
procure,  as  the  Pasha  was  absent  in  Nubia;  but  he  had  an  old 
passport,  given  to  him  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  Souakin,  on 
the  Bed  Sea,  which  he  presented.  The  only  chief  who  could 
read  understood  “Souakin”  to  mean  “Siwah,”  and  ridiculed 
the  secretaries  of  Cairo,  who  could  not  spell  the  name  correctly. 
The  final  decision  of  the  council  was  that  the  traveler  should 
be  permitted  to  see  the  antiquities  of  the  Oasis,  and  on  the 
third  day  he  was  furnished  with  a guide.  He  was  first  con- 
duted  to  the  Mountain  of  the  Dead,  a small  hill  of  limestone, 
hollowed  out  with  the  sepulchers  of  the  ancient  inhabitants. 
Six  miles  west  of  the  town  he  found  the  remains  of  a building, 
apparently  of  the  Lower  Empire,  another  hill  of  catacombs, 
and  a beautiful  little  Roman  temple,  of  the  Doric  order,  in  a 
good  state  of  preservation. 

Cailliaud  now  solicited  the  chiefs  to  allow  him  to  visit  the 
ruins  of  Om  Bevdah,  the  most  important  of  all,  which  he  con- 
jectured to  be  those  of  the  temple  of  J upiter  Ammon.  He  tried 
both  entreaties  and  presents,  but  they  refused,  giving  as  a rea- 
son that  the  presence  of  a Christian  there  would  cause  the 
great  fountain  to  dry  up.  They  stated  that  immediately  after 
the  visit  of  two  white  men  to  Om  Beydah,  the  fountain  became 
dry.  The  inhabitants  were  struck  with  terror,  and  attributed 
the  circumstances  to  the  fact  of  the  Christian  having  gazed 
upon  it.  The  next  day,  on  ascending  the  mountain  of  Beryk, 


96 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Cailliaud  overlooked  all  the  province  of  Siwah,  and  by  the  aid 
of  a good  telescope,  saw  the  ruins  of  Om  Beydah  rising  above 
the  tufted  palms.  They  appeared  to  him  of  gigantic  size,  and 
the  desire  to  visit  them  became  stronger  than  ever.  “The  sun 
was  on  the  horizon;  my  guides  had  descended,  I followed  them, 
but  at  a distance,  feeling  myself  unable  to  converse  with  them. 
I pondered  in  my  mind  what  stratagem  I could  devise  in  order 
to  visit  the  temple.  I let  them  all  pass  on,  guides,  Arabs, 
interpreter,  and  remained  in  the  rear.  Reflecting  that  I was 
but  a few  miles  from  the  spot,  I determined  to  make  an  effort 
to  reach  it.  Enveloping  myself  in  my  cloak,  I approached 
the  palm  grove,  but,  seeing  I was  watched  by  the  spies,  I felt 
the  impossibility  of  accomplishing  my  object,  and  returned.” 

During  his  short  stay  at  the  Oasis,  Cailliaud  collected  some 
information  regarding  the  place  and  people.  The  principal 
trade  is  in  dates,  which  are  produced  in  great  numbers,  and  of 
excellent  quality.  The  government  consists  of  twelve  chiefs, 
six  of  whom  are  elected  for  life,  and  the  remaining  six  from 
year  to  year.  Their  deliberations  are  public,  and  the  people 
all  take  part  in  them.  Theft  and  other  minor  offenses  are  pun- 
ished by  a fine  of  dates;  those  who  are  not  able  to  pay  are  con- 
ducted out  of  the  town,  placed  upon  the  ground  face  downward, 
and  flogged  on  the  naked  loins.  If  a murderer  is  taken,  he  is 
given  into  the  hands  of  the  relatives  of  his  victim,  to  whom  he 
belongs.  According  to  their  caprice,  they  may  kill  him,  torture 
him,  or  set  him  free.  The  amount  received  in  fines  is  appro- 
priated to  keeping  the  temple  in  repair,  to  supporting  the  saints 
or  holy  men,  and  to  assist  strangers  who  have  been  robbed  in 
the  desert.  In  spite  of  their  mistrust,  obstinacy,  and  supersti- 
tion, the  inhabitants  of  Siwah  are  very  hospitable.  The  poor  or 
strangers  may  go  to  the  date  market  and  eat  all  they  desire; 
each  one  leaves  his  goods  exposed  in  public  with  the  perfect 
assurance  that  no  one  will  touch  them. 

At  last,  by  means  of  presents  judiciously  distributed,  Chief 
Ali  was  induced  to  favor  Cailliaud’s  application  to  visit  Om 
Beydah ; but  some  of  the  other  chiefs  and  people  still  refused, 
until,  on  the  evening  of  the  21st,  the  traveler  offered  to  be 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


97 


conducted  to  the  temple  with  his  eyes  bandaged,  seeing 
neither  the  country  nor  the  great  fountain.  In  the  evening 
Chief  Ali  came  with  the  permission  to  visit  Om  Beydah,  but 
counseled  the  traveler  to  act  with  prudence  ,and  to  depart  with 
Koroom  immediately  afterward.  These  were  also  his  inten- 
tions, and  the  next  morning  at  daylight,  accompanied  by  the 
cadet  and  four  of  the  chiefs  of  Siwah  mounted  on  asses,  he 
set  out.  Threading  the  woods  of  date-palms  watered  by  little 
brooks,  for  half  an  hour,  they  emerged  from  the  shade  at  the 
foot  of  the  temple.  The  temple  consisted  of  a mass  of  ruins 
about  three  hundred  and  sixty  feet  in  length  by  three  hundred 
in  breadth.  The  walls  were  not  more  than  eighteen  feet 
and  the  roof,  a portion  of  which  remained,  was  composed  of 
blocks  twenty-six  feet  long.  “The  ruin,  although  not  extensive, 
appeared  to  me  imposing  from  its  grand  masses,  constructed 
in  the  Egyptian  style.  The  remembrance  of  the  voyage  of 
Alexander  caused  me  to  approach  it  with  a sort  of  religious 
aspect.  My  attention  was  directed  to  the  walls  of  the  temple; 
I looked  for  some  vestiges  of  the  presence  of  the  Macedonian 
hero;  but  I found  no  inscription,  no  word  in  his  language;  all 
was  mute;  his  name  was  even  unknown  to  the  inhabitants  and 
buried  in  profound  oblivion.”  After  having  measured  and 
inspected  these  ruins,  Cailliaud  began  to  make  a sketch  of 
them.  The  chiefs  of  Siwah,  who  aeeompaned  him,  approached 
in  order  to  discover  what  he  was  doing;  but  as  they  saw  he 
drew  nothing  but  stones,  omitting  the  fountains  and  date-trees, 
they  allowed  him  to  proceed. 

After  traveling  toward  the  east  until  January  10th,  they 
reached  a village  where  there  were  numerous  catacombs,  and 
the  remains  of  an  old  Coptic  village,  but  Cailliaud  failed  to 
discover  anything  of  special  interest.  There  was  also  a warm 
spring,  mistaken  by  several  travelers  for  the  Fountain  of  the 
Sun,  as  our  traveler  supposed  the  oasis  he  visited  to  contain 
the  temple  of  Jupiter  Ammon. 

Cailliaud’s  contract  with  Koroom  being  at  an  end,  he  asked 
the  chief  of  the  village  to  procure  him  camels  for  his  further 
journey,  and,  in  the  meantime,  employed  himself  in  making  a 


98 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


topographical  plan  of  the  Oasis.  In  this  he  was  soon  embar- 
rassed by  the  inhabitants  in  the  same  manner  employed  by 
the  natives  of  the  Libyan  Desert,  at  the  time  he  was  in  Siwah. 
The  people  here  declared  that  he  was  putting  their  country 
upon  paper,  in  order  to  show  it  to  the  Pasha,  and  thereby 
increase  their  tribute;  while  others  declared  it  to  be  a work  of 
Christian  magic  which  would  cause  their  springs  to  dry  up. 
In  spite  of  the  passport  of  Mohammed  Ali,  which  the  chief 
read  aloud,  publicly,  the  opposition  was  so  great  that  the 
travelers  were  obliged  to  make  their  observations  secretly,  but 
as  they  were  detained  several  weeks,  waiting  for  camels,  they 
finally  succeeded  in  making  a very  fine  map. 

On  the  second  of  February,  however,  a complaint  was  made 
before  the  Cadi,  and  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  village 
assembled  around  Cailliaud’s  house.  The  travelers  were  for- 
mally arraigned  before  the  judge,  and  the  most  profound 
silence  ensued,  when  an  Arab  stepped  into  the  circle  to  denounce 
them.  “I  have  seen  that  man,’  said  he,  pointing  to  Cailliaud, 
“stop  at  a fountain  and  plunge  therein  an  instrument  of  glass 
and  of  silver.  After  having  withdrawn  it,  he  immediately  be- 
gan to  write.”  These  magical  proceedings,  he  said,  were  made 
to  alarm  the  inhabitants.  There  was  then  a general  demand  to 
behold  the  instrument  of  sorcery.  The  thermometer  was  pro- 
duced, and  Cailliaud  endeavored,  but  in  vain,  to  explain  its 
properties.  When  he  made  the  column  of  mercury  rise  or  fall, 
by  applying  or  withdrawing  the  ball  of  his  thumb,  they  looked 
on  with  terror,  calling  the  Prophet  to  their  aid.  He  then 
showed  them  a telescope  and  repeating  watch,  and  exploded 
some  fulminating  silver;  all  of  which  the  more  firmly  con- 
vinced them  of  his  magical  powers.  He  directed  the  cadet  to 
take  a telescope  and  point  it  to  the  sun;  the  interpreter  made 
the  people  sit  on  the  ground  and  observe  profound  silence. 
After  the  magical  operation  was  finished  the  chiefs  were 
allowed  to  look  through  the  telescope,  and  they  cried  out  in 
astonishment  at  seeing  the  sun  through  the  colored  lens, 
as  a ball  of  purple  fire.  They  appointed  a man  to  watch 
him  day  and  night,  but  the  spy  found  the  sorcerer’s  table 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


99 


so  much  better  than  his  own  that  he  soon  became  a firm 
friend.  Meanwhile  the  inhabitants  busied  themselves  in  pro- 
curing camels,  in  order  that  the  dangerous  visitor  might  be 
enabled  to  leave  the  country  as  soon  as  possible. 

Cailliaud  next  proceeded  to  Cairo,  and  from  thence  to 
Thebes,  where  he  arrived  on  the  14th  of  May,  designing  to 
occupy  himself  with  archaeological  studies  during  his  stay. 
He  had  a temporary  dwelling  made  from  the  stones  of  a ruined 
temple,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of  Gorneh;  the  roof  was 
composed  of  the  lids  of  mummy  coffins.  Here  he  occupied  him- 
self in  copying  the  representations  in  the  adjoining  tombs;  and 
finishing  this  work,  he  decided  to  return  to  Cairo,  and 
make  an  excursion  to  the  ruins  of  Cyrene  on  the  Libyan 
coast. 

In  consequence  of  this,  he  departed  from  Thebes  on  the 
Gtli  of  June,  and  arrived  at  Cairo  after  a voyage  of  twenty 
days.  Here  he  visited  Ismail  Pasha,  who  renewed  to  him  the 
promise  of  his  assistance  and  protection,  but  added  that  he 
intended  to  set  out  in  fifteen  days  at  the  head  of  a military 
expedition  against  Dongola.  Cailliaud's  voyage  was  therefore 
useless,  and,  after  visiting  the  petrified  forests  near  Cairo,  he 
started  on  his  return  to  Upper  Egypt  on  the  27th  of  July. 
After  a tedious  voyage  of  twenty-two  days,  he  again  reached 
Thebes,  but  continued  his  journey  without  halt,  except  to 
purchase  four  camels  at  Darou,  proceeding  to  Assouan,  where 
Ismail  Pasha  was  then  encamped,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile. 
“The  shores  were  crowded  with  barks,  and  covered  with  troops, 
tents,  camels,  cavalry,  baggage,  ammunition,  and  artillery; 
everything  announced  the  war  which  was  soon  to  be  carried  on 
in  Nubia.  These  preparations  had  an  important  aspect;  the 
cries  of  the  animals,  the  acclamations  of  the  people,  the  songs 
of  the  Albanians,  the  music  of  the  cymbals  and  flutes,  and  the 
roll  of  the  drums — all  contributed  to  excite  the  imagination. 
The  camp  presented  a picture  of  mirth;  each  one  gave  himself 
up  to  joy;  the  soldiers  saw  pillage  in  perspective;  the  Pasha 
flattered  himself  with  the  idea  of  capturing  forty  thousand 
Negroes;  the  Europeans  were  ambitious  of  reaching  Meroe, 


100 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


and,  in  that  ambition,  exposed  themselves  to  the  dangers  and 
chances  of  an  unjust  war.” 

Failing  to  make  arrangements,  by  which  he  cou'ld  accom- 
pany the  army  of  Ismail,  Cailliaud  left  Assouan  on  the  25th  of 
November,  with  a caravan  of  eight  persons,  for  Dongola.  On 
the  3d  of  January,  1821,  they  reached  the  temple  of  Soleb,  the 
most  beautiful  of  the  Egyptian  monuments  in  Nubia,  above 
the  second  cataract  of  the  Nile,  and  remained  several  days  to 
examine  it.  Cailliaud  considered  it  of  similar  style  to  the 
Memnonium  at  Thebes;  he  gives  its  length  at  three  hundred 
and  fifty  feet,  and  counted  the  remains  of  more  than  ninety 
columns  some  of  which,  thirty-two  feet  high,  are  still  standing 
on  their  pedestals.  The  temple  of  Soleb,  'situated  in  the  midst 
of  a landscape  which  presents  the  most  enchanting  forms, 
stands  in  a little  bay  of  verdure,  inclosed  on  three  sides  by  the 
rocks  of  the  desert.  Whether  the  traveler  approaches  it  from 
north  or  south,  it  appears  unexpectedly,  and  the  surprise  of  its 
first  views  tends  to  heighten  the  impression  of  its  symmetry 
and  majesty. 

On  the  11th  of  January,  the  litfle  caravan  reached  the 
frontier  of  Dongo'la.  “Our  route  was  bordered  by  a grove  of 
tufted  acacias,  which  hid  from  our  view  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
river.  At  a quarter  of  a league  to  the  west,  we  saw  other 
acacias,  with  cultivated  fields  and  the  habitations  of  the  Arabs. 
There,  only,  I felt  that  I had  quitted  Egypt.  In  Lower  Nubia, 
as  in  Egypt,  the  monotonous  aspect  of  the  palms,  the  burning 
rocks,  the  sands  which  threaten  to  engulf  the  valley  of  the 
Nile,  occasion  a profound  feeling  of  melancholy;  but  the  region 
I had  reached  presented  a very  different  aspect — 'the  palms 
were  there  replaced  by  thick  woods  of  acacias  and  of  nebbuks. 
The  verdure  recalled  France  to  my  mind,  and  I felt  the  liveliest 
emotion  in  traversing  this  smiling  country.  We  were  obliged 
to  traverse  plains  covered  with  thick  woods,  where  it  was  often 
necessary  to  descend  from  our  horses,  in  order  to  penetrate  the 
little  paths  bordered  with  acacia  and  arbutus.  The  charm  of 
these  delicious  paths  made  us  disregard  the  obstacles  we  en- 
countered. Vegetation,  on  this  island,  breathes  of  freshness 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


101 


and  life,  the  trees  which  have  dried  up  by  age,  or  choked 
by  the  violent  embraces  of  the  parasitic  vines,  still  present  the 
appearance  of  vigor  and  youth,  under  the  tissue  of  verdure, 
with  which  these  gigantic  plants  embrace  them,  forming  arbors 
which  no  art  can  imitate.” 

The  next  day  Cailliaud  set  out  to  visit  Ismail  Pasha,  whose 
camp  he  reached  after  a march  of  five  hours.  He  was  received 
with  all  the  political  cunning  of  the  Turkish  race,  and  it  was 
decided  this  time  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  accompany  the 
expedition.  Ismail’s  army  at  that  time  consisted  of  four 
thousand  men,  of  whom  one  thousand  eight  hundred  were 
cavalry,  besides  two  thousand  servants,  and  three  thousand 
camels.  There  were  also  twenty-four  pieces  of  artillery.  The 
Pasha  had  a body-guard  of  twenty  Mamelukes.  The  diplomatic 
functions  were  exercised  by  three  Ulemas,  who  made  great 
efforts  to  subjugate  the  Negroes  by  moral  suasion,  and  to  avoid 
the  effusion  of  blood.  They  often  succeeded  in  this  humane 
intent,  and  were  rewarded  with  robes  of  honor  and  a sum  equal 
to  about  one  thousand  two  hundred  dollars  each. 

The  camp  was  broken  up  on  the  21st  of  February,  and  after 
a march  of  a few  days,  worn  out  with  fatigue,  they  reached 
the  river.  “Like  the  rest,”  says  the  traveler,  “I  rendered 
homage  to  him  in  quenching  my  thirst.  In  the  twinkling  of 
an  eye  the  banks  were  covered  with  soldiers;  all  desired  to 
drink  the  water  of  the  river,  or  to  plunge  into  it.  The  army 
appeared  to  have  regained  a new  existence.  The  Nile,  in  fact, 
gives  life  to  everything  which  breathes  or  vegetates  in  these 
countries,  and  the  Egyptian  who  is  afar  from  its  creative 
waters  seems  to  have  lost  the  essential  part  of  his  vitality.” 

Cailliaud  now  learned  that  extensive  ruins  existed  at  a 
place  called  Sobah,  on  the  Blue  Nile.  He  therefore  applied 
to  the  Pasha  for  a boat  to  ascend  the  river,  while  the  cadet 
followed  the  army  with  the  camels  and  baggage.  After  a few 
days’  travel,  Sobah  was  reached,  but  the  only  object  which  gave 
any  evidence  of  the  ancient  character  of  the  place  was  a muti- 
lated ram-headed  sphinx,  about  five  feet  in  length. 

During  the  following  week  the  wind  was  adverse,  and  the 


102  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

voyage  was  very  slow  and  tiresome,  but  the  desire  of  ascertain- 
ing the  points  of  junction  of  two  tributaries  of  the  Blue  Nile 
induced  Cailliaud  to  continue  his  journey  by  water.  After 
passing  the  mouth  of  the  Rahad,  the  first  tributary,  Cailliaud 
on  the  12th,  reached  the  village  of  Kourdkeyleh,  where  the 
scenery  began  to  assume  a very  different  aspect.  “At  the 
dawn  of  day,”  says  he,  “I  endeavored  to  enter  the  forest  of 
Kourdkeyleh  to  surprise  some  wild  animals.  I saw  there 
many  monkeys,  the  fresh  tracks  of  the  elephant,  guinea  fowls, 
and  birds  of  brilliant  plumage,  which  uttered  harsh  cries. 
Since  the  Pharaohs,  perhaps,  no  bark  had  spread  its  sail  on 
the  river  which  I navigated,  and  it  was  not  without  a keen 
satisfaction  that  I saw  mine  advancing  before  all  others,  fight- 
ing with  the  winds  in  quarters  where  the  gaze  of  a European 
had  never  before  penetrated.  I felt  an  involuntary  emotion 
in  contemplating  those  trees,  conquerors  of  Time,  which  age 
had  not  bent;  those  thick  woods,  whose  eternal  foliage  never 
spread  for  the  traveler  a protecting  shade  against  the  burning 
sun;  those  inaccessible  thickets  where  the  shepherd  never  led 
his  flocks.  Savage  Nature  alone  breathed  amid  this  constantly 
renewed  vegetation;  the  acacias,  the  nebbuks,  the  dead  trees 
themselves  were  enlaced  in  the  inextricable  convolutions  of 
the  parasitic  vines,  thus  forming  a compact  mass  of  verdure, 
through  which  a few  almost  impracticable  paths  allowed  the 
light  to  enter.  The  shock  of  our  oars  and  the  sound  of  the 
water  against  our  bark  alarmed  the  inhabitants  of  the  flood; 
the  crocodiles  forsook  the  solitary  shores,  and  the  frightened 
hippopotami,  swimming  in  herds  around  us,  seemed  by  their 
bellowings  to  reproach  us  for  having  invaded  their  domain. 
The  river  was  bordered  with  the  bamboo,  the  ebony,  and  other 
new  and  precious  woods;  we  saw  trees,  plants,  insects,  and 
shells  of  unknown  kinds,  and  rejoiced  in  the  distinctive,  yet 
hitherto  unknown,  physiognomy  of  this  virgin  soil.” 

The  traveler  passed  the  mouth  of  the  river  Dendar,  the 
second  tributary,  and  continued  slowly  to  advance  until  the 
21st,  when,  having  arrived  within  nine  miles  of  Sennaar,  he 
finished  the  journey  by  land.  The  army  had  already  been 


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103 


encamped  there  eight  days.  The  cadet  and  the  rest  of  the  party 
weie  comfortably  established. 

The  Pasha  left  Sennaar,  with  his  army,  on  the  7th,  and  com- 
menced his  march  up  the  western  bank  of  the  Blue  Nile.  “All 
the  villages  which  we  saw,”  says  Oailliaud,  ‘were  mercilessly 
plundered  by  the  troops,  and  I was  obliged  to  follow  their 
example  in  order  to  obtain  a little  dourra,  some  fowls,  the  fruit 
of  the  baobab,  and  the  fresh  pods  of  the  tamarind — the  only 
things  left  behind  by  the  inhabitants,  who  fled  at  our 
approach.” 

On  the  17th,  after  passing  through  a region  abounding  in 
wild  elephants  and  giraffes,  they  reached  a village  called  El- 
Kerebeen,  a dependency  of  Sennaar,  situated  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  mountains.  The  village  is  built  in  a group  of 
granite  hills,  from  six  to  eight  hundred  feet  high.  Ibrahim 
Pasha  was  at  this  time  encamped  four  or  five  miles  further  to 
the  west.  Gailliaud,  who  went  to  visit  him.  found  him  labor- 
ing under  an  attack  of  dysentery,  and  very  much  dejected.  He 
said  to  his  brother  Ismail,  who  was  present,  that  if  he  did  not 
find  himself  better  in  a few  days  he  would  return  to  Egypt. 
“Thus  was  dissipated,  as  I could  plainly  see,  the  splendid  plan 
of  a voyage  up  the  White  Nile,  and  into  the  interior  of  Africa. 
In  the  evening  I returned  to  my  tent  with  Prince  Ismail,  who 
obliged  me  to  drive  with  him  every  day.  I was  the  only  stran- 
ger who  had  accompanied  him  in  his  last  campaign;  I only 
could  write,  and  make  known  his  exploits  in  Europe;  and  1 
could  see  he  was  ambitious  of  glory,  as  are  the  Turks  ordi- 
narily.” On  the  same  day,  envoys  arrived  from  the  King  of 
Faz-ogl,  to  announce  that  he  was  ready  to  give  his  submission. 
There  then  only  remained  the  pagan  Negroes  to  be  conquered, 
whom  the  Pasha  designed  to  capture  and  carry  off  for  slaves. 

As  the  army  approached  Fazogl,  the  country  became  more 
densely  wooded,  and  it  was  a mater  of  great  difficulty  to  pass 
through  the  forests  of  thorny  mimosas.  After  two  days  they 
reached  a group  of  mountains  called  Agady,  on  the  summit  of 
one  of  which  was  a Negro  village.  Many  of  the  inhabitants 
had  fled  during  the  night;  the  remainder  were  called  upon  to 


104 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


pay  tribute,  which  they  refused,  sayiug  the  Pasha  might  do 
what  he  pleased  with  them.  The  troops  were  eager  for  an 
attack,  and  the  order  was  at  once  given.  Three  hundred  men 
mounted  to  the  village,  which  became  the  scene  of  fire,  slaugh- 
ter, and  pillage.  One  hundred  and  seventy  Negroes,  mostly 
women,  were  taken  prisoners,  and  conducted  to  the  rear  of  the 
Pasha’s  tents,  with  yokes  of  wood  around  their  necks. 

On  the  22d,  after  a difficult  march  of  eight  hours  through 
the  woods,  the  expedition  reached  the  mountains  of  Kilgou, 
where  there  was  another  large  Negro  village.  “Ismail  ordered 
the  advance  guard  to  march  rapidly  upon  the  place,  surprise 
the  inhabitants,  and  prevent  their  flight.  This  order  was 
promptly  executed;  the  rocks  were  scaled,  and  a large  body  of 
Negroes  surrounded,  who,  nevertheless,  defended  themselves 
with  unexpected  obstinacy.  The  troops  had  spread  their  lines 
in  climbing  the  hill,  in  order  to  surround  as  large  a number  as 
possible,  but  soon  the  difficulties  of  the  ground  broke  up  the 
order  of  march;  they  could  not  keep  their  footing  on  the 
masses  of  slippery  granite  which  barred  their  path.  Finally, 
taking  off  their  slippers,  which  they  stuck  into  their  belts, 
they  reached  the  first  huts,  where  they  found  several  women, 
who  refused  to  follow  them  and  were  killed.  The  men  on  the 
summit  of  the  mountains  rolled  down  masses  of  stone  and 
logs  of  wood  upon  their  enemies.  They  dashed  hither  and 
thither  with  surprising  agility.  The  Turks  compared  them  to 
birds,  for  their  feet  hardly  seemed  to  touch  the  surface  of  the 
rocks.  Many  of  them  hurled  their  lances  from  behind  trees 
or  masses  of  granite,  and  pierced  the  first  troops  who  ascended 
the  hill.  Meanwhile  the  Pasha,  tired  of  the  prolonged  resist- 
ance, mounted  the  hill  with  seven  of  his  Mamelukes  and  some 
Albanians,  but  soon  had  reason  to  repent  his  imprudence. 
The  Negroes  suddenly  sallied  out  of  their  retreat,  and  hurled 
their  lances,  killing  one  of  the  Mamelukes.  After  firing  a 
volley  into  them,  the  Pasha  returned  to  the  camp.  By  this 
time  the  Negroes  had  cast  away  all  their  lances  and  sought 
safety  in  flight.  One-fourth  of  them  escaped,  and  the  rest 
were  captured.  In  this  battle  the  Pasha  had  twelve  men  killed 


SLAVES  CAPTURED  AT  KILGOU. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


105 


and  forty  wounded;  of  the  Negroes  one  hundred  and  eighty 
were  killed  and  five  hundred  and  seventy-five  taken  prisoners. 
The  latter  had  crisp  hair,  thick  lips,  and  prominent  cheek 
bones;  a few  of  them  had  flat  noses.  The  men  wore  only  a 
piece  of  goat  skin  tied  around  their  loins,  and  the  women  a 
piece  of  cotton  which  reached  to  the  middle  of  the  thigh. 
There  were  none  among  them  who  understood  Arabic.  The 
Pasha  allowed  me  to  take  two  who  appeared  intelligent  and 
good-tempered,  and  an  Arab  of  Fazogl,  who  knew  a little  of 
their  language,  served  me  as  interpreter.” 

After  a rest  of  three  days,  the  army  resumed  its  march.  On 
the  26th  it  entered  a narrow,  rocky  valley,  on  either  side  of 
which  were  many  deserted  villages.  The  Pasha  determined  to 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  expedition,  and  asked  Cailliaud 
to  accompany  him.  The  latter  excused  himself  on  account  of 
his  fatigued  dromedary,  but  the  offer  of  a horse  obliged  him 
to  accept,  and,  having  armed  himself  to  the  teeth,  he  followed 
the  commander.  “We  entered  a little  valley  inclosed  between 
two  chains  of  high  hills  and  overlooked  by  a mountain  which 
we  proposed  to  scale,  in  the  hope  of  surprising  the  Negroes  on 
the  opposite  side.  It  was  necessary  to  break  a passage  through 
the  mimosas  and  the  nebbuks,  the  thorny  branches  of  which 
tore  our  clothes  into  shreds.  The  Pasha  had  recommended 
me  for  my  own  safety  to  keep  close  to  him,  but  this  benevo- 
lent consideration  nearly  proved  fatal  to  me.  After  two  hours’ 
march,  we  had  made  two-thirds  of  the  mountain  which  was  the 
aim  of  our  expedition.  We  advanced  up  a rough  and  uneven 
path  with  the  brink  of  a precipice  on  the  right,  while  the 
peaked  summit  of  the  mountain  arose  on  the  left.  A part  of 
the  troops  were  in  advance;  the  Pasha  followed  them,  having 
behind  him  one  of  his  slaves,  who  carried  his  narghileli;  I 
came  immediately  after,  so  near  that  the  head  of  my  horse 
touched  his,  and  the  Mamelukes  after  me,  for  the  path  was  so 
narrow  that  we  were  obliged  to  march  in  single  file.  All  at 
once  a rock  three  feet  in  diameter  fell  between  Ismail  and 
myself,  hurling  down  the  precipice  the  slave  who  separated  us. 
Without  doubt  the  blow  was  intended  for  the  Pasha,  who  was 


106 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


distinguished  by  his  rich  costume;  but  one  step  more,  and  I 
should  have  received  it!  Ismail  turned  immediately,  and  I 
could  perceive  his  fright  in  the  pallor  of  his  countenance;  I 
confess,  however,  that  he  cduld  justly  have  made  the  same 
remark  concerning  me.  We  dismounted,  in  order  to  avoid 
more  readily  the  rocks  and  pieces  of  wood  which  the  Negroes 
continued  to  hurl  down  upon  us.  We  descended  the  mountain 
much  faster  than  we  went  up,  and,  having  reached  the  level 
spot,  the  Pasha  played  a piece  of  cannon  against  the  summit; 
but  the  balls  passing  beyond,  almost  reached  the  troops  com- 
manded by  his  physician,  who  returned  in  great  fear,  without 
having  achieved  any  more  valorous  exploits  than  ourselves.” 

During  the  next  day’s  march  they  saw  several  enormous 
baobab  trees,  one  of  which  measured  sixty-two  feet  in  circum- 
ference. The  country  became  more  open,  but  a new  range  of 
mountains  appeared  in  the  south.  Although  he  knew  that  his 
army  was  surrounded  by  a body  of  five  or  six  thousand  Negroes, 
the  Pasha  neglected  to  place  any  sentinels  around  his  camp 
that  night.  Favored  by  this  carelessness,  the  Negroes  cau- 
tiously descended  from  the  mountains:  the  thickness  of  the 
foliage,  the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  the  color  of  their  skins 
even,  contributed  to  conceal  their  march. 

They  were  but  a pistol  shot  distant  when,  owing,  no  doubt, 
to  a custom  of  theirs  on  attacking,  they  began  to  utter  loud 
cries,  hurling  their  lances  at  the  same  time.  The  alarm  and 
confusion  was  general ; no  one  knew  from  which  side  the  attack 
came.  The  soldiers  hurrying  out  of  their  tents  supposed  that 
the  Negroes  were  already  masters  of  the  camp.  A few  dis- 
charges of  musketry  sufficed  to  drive  off  the  foe,  and  the 
tumult  finally  ceased.  During  the  confusion  several  cannon 
were  fired,  but  so  much  at  random  that  one  of  the  balls  passed 
over  Cailliaud’s  tent,  and  another  struck  the  earth  about  fifteen 
paces  off. 

Seeing  that  little  was  to  be  accomplished  against  the  Negroes, 
in  a country  where  every  mountain  or  forest  was  an  almost 
impregnable  fortress,  the  Pasha  determined  to  return  to  Kil- 
gou.  and  take  the  direct  route  to  Fazogl.  The  way  was  very 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


107 


laborious  and  difficult;  there  was  no  water,  except  some  ponds 
which  were  corrupt  and  stagnant;  deep,  rocky  ravines  crossed 
the  path,  and  the  army  was  beginning  to  suffer  greatly  from 
thirst,  when  a little  water  was  obtained  by  digging  in  the  dry 
bed  of  the  torrent.  “Having  passed  these  dry  water-courses,” 
says  Cailliaud,  “we  made  our  painful  way  through  a dense 
thicket  of  gigantic  bushes,  acacias  and  nebbuks;  our  faces,  our 
hands  and  feet  were  scarred  with  severe  and  inevitable 
scratches,  and  our  clothes  were  hanging  in  shreds.  At  last, 
towards  evening,  we  found  ourselves  all  at  once  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nile.  The  sight  of  the  water  restored  quiet  to  the  troops, 
who  were  becoming  discontented  and  mutinous.” 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1822,  they  set  out  for  the  great 
mountain  of  Fazogl,  which  they  saw  in  the  southeast.  The 
country  was  covered  with  thick  woods;  here  and  there  grew 
tamarinds  and  down-palms  of  much  grander  proportions  than 
those  of  Egypt.  “This  day  was  for  us  a day  of  misfortune.  At 
first  I abandoned  one  of  my  camels,  which  died  on  the  route; 
toward  evening  two  others  fell  into  a ravine,  and  it  was  neces- 
sary to  unload  and  reload,  which  consumed  much  time,  besides 
obliging  me  to  throw  away  part  of  our  dourra.  Meanwhile  the 
night  came  and  we  were  enveloped  in  gloom.  We  ceased  to 
hear  the  footsteps  of  some  stragglers  who  hurried  on  to  reach 
Fazogl;  the  whole  army  was  in  advance  and  we  sought  vainly 
in  the  obscurity  to  find  a trace  of  its  path.  My  cadet,  M.  Letor- 
zec,  and  myself  were  greatly  fatigued  and  depressed.  I went 
to  take  a drink  of  water,  but  alas!  the  water-skin  had  been 
burst  by  the  fall  of  the  camel.  It  seemed  now  that  we  must 
pass  the  night  in  the  woods  exposed  to  the  danger  of  being 
attacked  by  wild  beasts,  or  by  the  Negroes,  in  case  we  should 
light  a fire  to  frighten  away  the  former.  Such  was  our  per- 
plexity, when  our  Arab  said  to  me  that  he  perceived  a light  in 
the  distance;  we  looked,  but  discovered  nothing,  but  finally  it 
increased  and  we  saw  it  also. 

“This  sight  revived  our  courage.  We  hastened  toward  it, 
but  cautiously,  not  knowing  whether  we  were  approaching 
friends  or  foes.  I sent  the  Arab  in  advance  to  make  a stealthy 


108 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


inspection,  and  in  a short  time  we  were  agreeably  startled  by 
his  cries  of  joy.  At  the  same  time  several  soldiers,  lost  like 
ourselves,  approached  begging  us  for  water.  A single  bottle 
of  wine,  which  I had  always  preserved  in  case  of  misfortune, 
could  not  be  better  employed:  we  drank  the  half  of  it,  and 
then  resigned  ourselves  to  pass  the  night  with  our  companions 
in  misfortune.  This  was  the  time  when  the  cadet  was  seized 
with  a fever  which  lasted  several  months.  Early  the  next 
morning  we  set  out  to  rejoin  the  army,  which  we  found  at  two 
hours’  distance,  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  near  the  village  of 
Yara,  a dependency  of  Fazogl,  where  we  remained  several 
days.” 

On  approaching  the  village  of  Fazogl,  the  Pasha  was 
received  by  Hassan,  king  of  the  province,  who  went  in  advance, 
accompanied  by  his  ministers,  mounted  on  fine  Abyssinian 
horses,  and  surrounded  by  a guard  of  a hundred  men,  armed 
with  lances.  They  met  Ismail  at  five  leagues’  distance;  the 
King  and  his  ministers  dismounted  when  they  perceived  him, 
advanced  on  foot  and  prostrated  themselves  before  him. 
Hassan  presented  him  with  two  splendid  horses;  the  guards 
approaching,  arranged  themselves  in  a line,  knelt  and  reversed 
the  points  of  their  lances  in  token  of  submission.  Ismail  pro- 
hibited his  troops  from  passing  through  the  villages,  in  order 
that  they  might  not  be  devastated;  for  it  was  not  always  in  his 
power  to  preserve  good  order.  On  the  5th,  the  expedition 
advanced  to  a village  called  Tourmoga.  Having  learned  that 
King  Hassan  was  there,  Cailliaud  paid  him  a visit.  “I 
entered  into  an  ordinary  hut,  where  I found  the  King  sitting 
cross-legged  upon  a mat.  He  was  a handsome  man,  young 
and  of  an  agreeable  figure.  His  costume  was  similar  to  that  of 
the  kings  of  Sennaar,  but  I remarked  with  surprise  that  his 
sandals  terminated  in  curved  points,  exactly  similar  to  those 
represented  in  the  tombs  of  the  kings  at  Thebes.  On  his 
knees  he  held  his  sword,  in  which  seemed  to  consist  all  his 
magnificence.  The  scabbard  and  hilt  were  of  silver;  several 
heavy  silver  rings  adorned  his  fingers,  and  around  his  neck  he 
wore  little  leather  cases  containing  verses  from  the  Koran.” 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


109 


The  amount  of  tribute  to  be  paid  by  Fazogl  was  at  last  fixed 
at  one  thousand  ounces  of  gold  and  two  thousand  male  slaves, 
and  the  Pasha  set  out  on  the  12th  for  the  gold  mines  of  Kas- 
san,  lying  two  or  three  days’  journey  to  the  southwest.  To  Cail- 
liaud,  whose  camels  were  nearly  exhausted,  he  gave  a horse, 
and  to  the  cadet  a mule,  which  enabled  them  to  travel  with 
more  ease  and  rapidity.  On  approaching  the  mountain  of 
Agaro,  the  road  was  crossed  by  a precipitous  gully  thirty-five 
feet  deep,  in  passing  which  many  of  the  camels  were  hurled  to 
the  bottom  with  their  riders,  and  perished.  The  next  forenoon 
the  army  reached  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  and  encamped. 
The  Negroes,  full  of  audacity  on  account  of  their  numbers  and 
the  strength  of  their  position,  had  sent  word  to  Ismail,  before 
he  left  Fazogl,  that  if  he  came  into  their  mountains  they  would 
break  his  legs.  But,  at  the  sight  of  the  army  and  its  cannon, 
they  began  to  change  their  tune;  they  sent  word  to  him  that 
they  would  submit  and  pay  tribute  to  him.  Ismail  entered 
into  negotiations  with  them,  in  order  to  gain  time  until  his 
troops  had  surrounded  the  mountain.  When  the  Negroes  per- 
ceived this  design,  they  took  to  flight.  The  signal  was  then 
given  for  attack,  and  after  a short  struggle  the  soldiers 
reached  the  top  of  the  mountain,  when  they  at  once  set  fire  to 
the  village.  The  inhabitants  numbered  about  three  thousand, 
of  whom  only  about  a hundred,  mostly  women,  were  taken,  at 
a cost  of  fifteen  lives. 

The  Pasha  then  determined  to  make  another  assault  on  the 
eastern  part  of  the  mountain,  with  eight  hundred  men  and  a 
piece  of  a cannon.  ‘‘This  time,”  says  Cailliaud,  “I  was 
tempted  to  accompany  him.  The  troops  dispersed  themselves 
over  the  mountain  in  the  hope  of  stockading  the  village,  and 
arrived  there  without  trouble  or  resistance.  It  was  deserted. 
In  an  instant  the  torch  was  applied,  and  five  hundred  huts  were 
reduced  to  ashes.  Old  persons  of  both  sexes,  whom  age  or 
infirmity  prevented  from  flying,  were  buried  under  their  blaz- 
ing roofs;  others  were  conducted  to  the  Pasha,  who,  not  know- 
ing what  to  do  with  them,  allowed  them  freely  to  behold  the 
horrible  lesson  which  a more  civilized  people  than  they  came  to 


110 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


teach  them.”  On  the  16th  the  army  crossed  a river  called  the 
To u mat,  continuing  its  course  in  a southwesterly  direction,  and 
reached  the  mountains  of  Kbasinkaro,  when  a deputation  of 
Negroes  came  to  meet  the  Pasha.  They  said  that  if  he  would 
continue  his  journey  without  doing  them  any  harm,  they  would 
be  able  to  pay  him  a tribute  on  his  return.  But  the  suspicious 
Turk  placed  little  faith  in  their  promises,  and,  as  he  was  impa- 
tient to  reach  the  gold  mines,  agreed  to  what  they  asked. 

Following  the  course  of  the  Toumat,  which  furnished  an 
ample  supply  of  water,  the  expedition  skirted  the  mountain  of 
Kassan  on  the  18th.  The  inhabitants  of  a large  village  on  its 
summit  promised  the  Pasha  five  hundred  male  slaves,  as  their 
tribute.  Soon  afterward  they  entered  the  territory  of  Gfamamyl, 
and  discovered  in  the  west  a long  chain  of  mountains,  called 
Obeh.  The  road  here  was  continually  Grossed  by  small  affluents 
of  the  Toumat,  which  had  worn  for  themselves  deep  beds  in  the 
soil,  making  the  traveling  more  difficult  than  any  which  the 
army  had  yet  encountered.  “The  passage  of  these  ravines,” 
says  Cailliaud,  “was  fatal  to  the  camels;  the  route  was  strewn 
with  abandoned  animals  and  baggage.  The  Pasha  himself  had 
but  a single  good  horse  remaining.  We  were  constrained  to 
leave  behind  us  a camel,  part  of  its  load,  and  the  mule  of  the 
cadet,  who  then  mounted  the  dromedary  which  carried  my 
papers  and  drawings;  but  the  poor  animal,  exhausted  with 
fatigue,  lay  down.  In  vain  did  we  employ  every  means  to  raise 
it;  we  could  not  succeed.  That  part  of  the  forest  in  which  we 
were  was  full  of  small  dead  trees  and  dry  brushwood,  v^hich 
was  imprudently  set  on  fire  by  the  soldiers  at  a short  distance 
from  us.  Soon  the  flames  were  ready  to  envelop  us:  I resolved 
to  loose  the  dromedary,  but  I wished  to  save  its  load,  which 
contained  all  my  papers.  We  had  nothing  at  hand  to  cut  the 
cords  and  straps  which  bound  it,  and  in  our  anxiety  made 
useless  efforts  to  untie  them.  All  was  over:  the  fruit  of  so 
much  trouble  and  peril  was  about  to  be  destroyed  by  the 
flames.  They  cried  out  to  us  to  save  ourselves,  but  I could 
not  resign  myself  to  sacrifice  my  treasures.  Already  the  heat 
scorched  us,  we  felt  the  approach  of  the  fire;  we  must  leave — 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


Ill 


I uttered  a cry  of  despair.  Meanwhile  our  camel,  feeling  the 
approach  of  the  flames,  rose,  darted  forward  a little  distance, 
and  fell  again.  We  ran  to  it,  tore  away  the  precious  load,  and 
placed  it  on  my  horse,  which  I led  by  the  bridle,  while  my 
cadet  urged  it  in  the  rear.  But  the  wind  drove  the  flames 
toward  us;  they  advanced  nearer  and  nearer;  we  were  almost 
overcome  with  terror,  when,  oh,  joy!  the  trees  became  scat- 
tering, and  we  issued  from  the  woods.” 

The  situation  of  the  Egyptian  army  was  now  very  critical. 
There  was  a general  league  among  all  the  Negro  tribes,  to 
repel  the  invaders.  The  ammunition  was  almost  exhausted; 
provisions  were  rapidly  diminishing,  and  the  latest  news  from 
Sennaar  stated  that  the  people,  persuaded  that  the  Pasha  and 
his  troops  would  perish  among  the  mountains,  were  already 
beginning  to  foment  a rebellion  against  the  Egyptian  race. 
The  Pasha  at  last  made  up  his  mind  to  submit  to  circum- 
stances and  order  a retreat.  ‘‘The  next  day,”  says  Cailliaud, 
“February  11th,  was  fixed  for  our  departure.  Before  quitting 
Singue,  I wished  to  overlook,  as  least  as  far  as  my  vision  might 
reach,  the  regions  which  an  inexorable  fate  prevented  us  from 
traversing.  I climbed  a hill,  and  there,  arrived  with  a tele- 
scope, I sought  to  discover  the  regions  where  my  imagination 
had  placed  the  source  of  the  White  Nile.  Vain  effort!  I only 
convinced  myself  anew  how  limited  is  the  space  on  the  earth’s 
surface  which  the  human  eye  can  embrace,  ceasing  to  gaze  at 
a horizon  which  exhibited  only  vapory  and  confused  outlines. 
I carved  deeply  on  the  rock  the  name  of  France,  and  trans- 
ported myself,  in  thought,  to  that  beloved  land.  The  army 
slowly  debouched  from  the  labyrinth  of  hills  which  surrounded 
Singue,  cutting  for  itself  a path  to  the  west  of  that  which  it 
had  followed  in  coming.  We  were  still  surrounded  with 
enemies,  and  observed  an  order  of  march  more  regular  than 
usual.  This  retrograde  movement  inspired  all  the  men  with 
new  energy;  even  the  animals  seemed  to  understand  that  we 
were  returning,  and  marched  more  firmly  and  rapidly.  Joy 
was  painted  on  the  faces  of  all;  the  Bedouins  and  Alba- 
nians manifested  theirs  by  songs;  the  remembrance  of  past 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

hardships  was  banished  from  memory,  and  all  hopes  were 
turned  toward  Egypt.” 

After  a tiresome  march  of  four  days,  the  army  reached 
Adassy  on  the  Nile.  Here  the  Pasha  kindly  furnished  Cail- 
liaud  with  his  own  barque,  and  he  proceeded  down  the  river  to 
Sennaar,  from  there  intending  to  return  to  Egypt.  Before 
leaving  forever,  Cailliaud  desired  to  visit  the  ruins  of  Naga 
near  Djebel  Arden,  and  those  of  Mesowurat.  His  companion, 
although  convalescent,  was  not  able  to  support  the  fatigue.  It 
was,  therefore,  agreed  that  he  should  leave  for  Egypt  in  a few 
days,  and  journey  by  short  stages  until  overtaken  by  Cailliaud. 
The  latter  set  out  on  the  22d,  accompanied  by  two  guides  and 
two  servants.  After  journeying  all  day  down  a long  valley 
extending  to  the  south,  he  reached  the  extremity  of  the  moun- 
tains where  the  ruins  were  said  to  exist.  “It  was  already 
night,”  he  writes,  “and  my  guides  did  not  consider  it  prudent' 
to  go  further,  for  fear  of  meeting  with  the  Shukorees,  who 
were  in  open  revolt.  We  unloaded  our  camels  cautiously,  and 
lay  down  under  the  acacias  which  surrounded  us.  Wrapped  in 
a quilt,  with  my  head  on  a bundle  of  papers,  I slept  soundly, 
my  Arabs  watching  by  turns  through  the  night.  I awoke  at 
dawn,  and,  finding  everything  quiet,  advanced  through  the 
trees  toward  the  ruins,  which  I discovered  near  at  hand.  The 
first  object  which  I saw  was  a temple  covered  with  Egyptian 
sculptures,  with  its  pylon,  and  a portico  of  Greco-Roman 
architecture  with  Egyptian  ornaments.  Still  further  were  the 
ruins  of  another  grand  temple,  with  finely  sculptured  decora- 
tions, and  preceded  by  an  avenue  of  sphinxes;  the  substructions 
of  several  other  edifices,  and  those  of  a public  tank.  I recog- 
nized here  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city,  the  importance  of  which 
was  attested  by  the  nature  of  the  remains  which  still  existed, 
and  by  the  extent  of  territory  which  they  occupied.  My 
guides  arrived,  and,  in  order  that  we  might  not  be  seen  by  the 
rebel  Arabs,  we  established  our  residence  in  the  western 
temple.  I then  began,  assisted  by  my  two  servants,  to  make 
a more  careful  examination  of  the  monuments.” 

Cailliaud  found  the  largest  temple  to  be  two  hundred  and 


AN  ANCIENT  AFRICAN  CITY. 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


113 


seventy  feet  in  length,  including  the  pylon  and  avenue  of 
sphinxes.  The  sculptures  of  the  interior  are  almost  entirely 
destroyed.  This  state  of  degradation  is  owing,  I suppose,  to 
the  insignificant  height  of  the  walls  and  the  action  of  the  trop- 
ical rains.  The  figures  are  without  the  indication  of  a beard 
so  common  in  the  sculptures  of  Egyptian  temples.  The 
peculiar  character  of  their  costume,  and  the  embonpoint  of  their 
figures,  give  evidence  of  a people  quite  distinct  from  the  ancient 
Egyptians,  but  who,  nevertheless,  appear  to  have  had  the  same 
symbolic  writing  and  the  same  religious  ideas.  For  three  days 
and  a half  the  traveler  remained  among  these  ruins,  sketching 
by  day  and  writing  by  night,  but  his  supply  of  water  getting 
low,  and  the  desire  of  examining  El-Mesowurat  before  return- 
ing, obliged  him  to  leave. 

The  ruins  of  Mesowurat  are  about  six  hours’  travel  north- 
east of  Naga.  “I  was  struck  with  astonishment,”  writes 
Cailliaud,  “on  approaching  the  immense  ruins  which  were  ex- 
hibited to  my  gaze.  I wandered  from  court  to  court,  from 
temple  to  temple,  from  one  chamber  to  another,  traversing  the 
corridors  and  galleries  which  connect  the  different  structures. 
In  this  rapid  survey  I counted  eight  temples  or  sanctuaries, 
forty-one  chambers,  twenty-four  courts  and  three  galleries,  all 
surrounded  with  walls,  and  occupying  a space  two  thousand 
five  hundred  feet  in  circumference.  On  returning  to  my  guides, 
I discovered  that  we  had  only  water  enough  for  twenty-four 
hours.  My  intention  was  to  remain  here  five  or  six  days.  I 
proposed  to  the  men  to  go  to  the  Nile  and  replenish  the  stock, 
but  was  obliged  to  pay  them  extravagantly  before  they  would 
consent.  I mounted  on  the  most  elevated  wall  of  the  central 
edifice,  where  my  eye  overlooked  all  the  ruins.  There — care- 
fully studying  the  distribution  of  the  different  edifices  around 
me — I became  convinced  that  they  formerly  belonged  to  a col- 
lege. Were  these  silent  solitudes,  I asked  to  myself,  ever 
animated  by  the  boisterous  sports  of  youth?  Have  these  ruins 
ever  resounded  with  the  voices  of  the  professors?  Yes,  these 
rude  figures  of  birds  and  animals  traced  on  the  walls  are  the 
work  of  childish  hands;  these  names  engraved  in  Ethiopian 


114 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


characters  are  those  of  students;  and  these  others,  in  Greek, 
are,  without  doubt,  those  of  strangers,  whom  the  celebrity  of 
the  institution  has  attracted. 

“However  extensive  are  these  ruins  of  Mesowurat,  nothing 
had  led  me  to  conjecture  that  the  place  could  ever  have  been 
the  site  of  a city.  I found  neither  tombs  nor  any  great 
number  of  ordinary  habitations.  A matter  of  notice  is  the 
small  size  of  the  stones  employed  in  the  construction  of  the 
temples.  Taking  into  consideration  this  want  of  strength  and 
solidity  in  the  materials,  in  a climate  where  the  rain  falls  for 
three  months  in  a year,  one  is  led  to  believe  that  the  ruins 
which  remain  have  not,  like  those  of  Thebes,  resisted  the 
injuries  of  time  during  a long  course  of  ages.  They  evidently 
do  not  possess  a very  great  antiquity.  The  tradition  of  the 
country  is  that  the  name  of  El-Mesowurat  was  that  of  the 
ancient  fakeers  who  inhabited  these  rare  edifices.  This  tradi- 
tion confirms  the  opinion  that  the  place  was  devoted  to 
education.” 

Having  escaped  this  danger,  the  travelers  found  that  they 
had  lost  their  way,  and  were  almost  in  equal  peril,  until  they 
encountered  several  straggling  soldiers.  On  reaching  the  camp, 
Cailliaud  found  that  his  baggage  had  not  arrived,  and  was 
indebted  to  the  charity  of  some  soldiers  for  a cake  of  dourra, 
after  eating  which  he  slept  upon  his  saddle-cloth,  in  the  open 
air.  The  place  where  they  were  encamped  was  called  Abkoul- 
gui,  situated,  according  to  Cailliaud’s  observations,  in  latitude 
10°  38'  north.  “The  village  consisted  of  a few  scattered 
habitations  on  an  elevated  slope,  whence  the  view  extends  over 
several  other  hills  more  or  less  wooded,  and  covered  with  iso- 
lated habitations.  In  the  south  one  sees  the  distant  mountains 
of  Mafis,  and  in  the  west  the  long  blue  ridge  of  Obeh.  Ab- 
koulgui  appears  to  be  the  central  point  of  the  province  of  Gam- 
amyl,  which  is  two  days’  journey  in  extent.  It.  is  watered  by 
the  Toumat  and  a great  quantity  of  its  tributary  torrents;  the 
soil  is  a clay,  full  of  sand  and  pebbles,  and  showing  everywhere 
traces  of  oxyd  of  iron.  This  province  is  reputed  to  be  the 
richest  in  auriferous  substances,  where  the  Negroes  have  been 
most  successful  in  collecting  gold-dust.” 


ANCIENT  AND  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


115 


The  Pasha,  impatient  to  test  the  value  of  the  gold-washings, 
sent  Cailliaud  the  next  day  to  examine  them.  The  Negroes 
had  sunk  pits  eighteen  or  twenty  feet  in  the  bed  and  banks  of 
the  river  and  washed  out  in  wooded  bowls  the  earth  which  they 
took  from  these  places.  The  traveler  succeeded  in  getting  a 
few  very  small  grains  of  fine  gold,  after  washing  for  some  time, 
but  the  result  was  very  unsatisfactory  to  the  Pasha,  who  next 
day  sent  him  to  another  gold-washing,  with  several  miners  and 
an  escort  of  thirty  men.  Here  he  opened  new  pits,  and  care- 
fully washed  the  earth,  but  the  gold  was  found  in  quantities 
so  small  as  scarcely  to  repay  the  labor.  Finally,  in  the  hope 
that  the  natives  knew  of  rich  deposits,  Ismail  sent  an  expedi- 
tion to  take  some  prisoners.  Among  those  captured  was  a 
chief,  who  informed  him  that  during  the  rainy  season  the  floods 
sometimes  washed  down  pieces  of  gold  as  large  as  beans,  but 
that  at  the  present  time  it  was  only  found  in  dust  and  small 
grains.  He  indicated  several  of  the  most  favorable  places 
in  the  country,  and  offered  to  conduct  the  Pasha  to  them. 
Two  or  three  excursions  were  made  in  different  directions, 
under  a strong  armed  escort,  and  the  washing  carried  on  vig- 
orously for  several  days,  but  with  no  better  success.  The 
Pasha  finally  became  disgusted  and  gave  up  the  search 
entirely. 

Meanwhile  his  situation  was  becoming  insecure.  The  Gal- 
las,  who  had  overrun  all  the  southwestern  part  of  Abyssinia, 
and  who  are  also  enemies  of  the  wild  Negro  tribes,  were  only 
five  or  six  hours  distant  from  him;  the  Negroes  were  collecting 
for  a new  assault,  and  he  received  word  that  a convoy  of  powder 
and  other  ammunition  had  been  taken  by  the  natives  near 
Fazogl,  and  an  escort  of  twenty-five  of  his  men  killed.  How- 
ever, being  reinforced  by  a company  of  four  hundred  men  who 
arrived  from  Sennaar,  he  continued  to  send  out  parties  against 
the  neighboring  villages  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  his  har- 
vest of  slaves.  All  this  region  has  the  general  name  of  Bertat; 
the  inhabitants  are  of  pure  Negro  blood,  and  wholly  uncivilized 
in  their  character  and  lnsbits.  Their  only  religion  consists  in 
the  worship  of  large  trees,  especially  the  baobab,  under  which 


116  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

they  sometimes  sacrifice  sheep  and  goats.  Their  clothing  is 
scarcely  sufficient  for  description;  their  bodies  long,  and  nimble 
rather  than  athletic,  and  they  are  not  wanting  in  courage,  as 
the  Egyptian  troops  had  already  learned. 

“Seventeen  days,”  says  Cailliaud,  “had  elapsed  since  our 
arrival  at  Gamamyl.  I had  undergone  many  fatigues,  and  yet 
my  health  had  improved.  I mounted  my  horse  to  go  on  the 
hunt  of  auriferous  sands.  We  multiplied  our  trials,  weighed 
the  earth,  calculated  the  proportion  of  the  quantity  of  gold, 
but  never  attained  any  result  which  could  give  us  the  least 
hope.  Those  mountains  of  gold,  upon  which  the  Pasha  counted 
so  strongly,  vanished  like  smoke;  the  thirty  thousand  Negroes 
which  he  intended  to  capture  diminished  to  a few  hundreds. 
It  became  necessary  to  try  our  luck  elsewhere,  and  he  gave 
the  order  for  our  departure.  From  the  want  of  camels  I was 
obliged  to  leave  behind  a fine  collection  of  minerals  which 
I had  gathered  together.  M.  Letorzec  (the  cadet),  weighed 
down  by  fever,  remained  in  bed  during  our  stay;  his  strength 
visibly  diminishing  in  the  meantime.  When  he  learned  that 
we  were  about  to  set  out  for  the  purpose  of  penetrating  still 
further  southward,  his  chagrin  increased  his  illness,  and  he 
was  haunted  by  the  idea  that  he  would  never  see  his  native 
country  again.  We  set  out  on  the  5th  of  February.  Most  of 
the  soldiers  could  not  restrain  their  surprise  at  seeing  that  we 
were  still  marching  to  the  south.  The  Shygeans  had  made  a 
manikin  resembling  a man  and  dressed  in  the  fashion  of  their 
tribe;  it  is  an  established  custom  with  them  to  inter  a similar 
manikin  at  the  extreme  limit  which  their  hostile  expeditions 
reach  in  an  enemy’s  country.  Some  of  them  walked  in  order 
to  allow  this  ridiculous  figure  to  ride  on  a camel;  at  which 
the  Turks  were  greatly  amused.” 

The  army  encamped  near  the  village  of  Singue,  which  was 
inhabited  by  Mussulmans.  Moussa,  their  chief,  had  sent  word 
that  he  was  disposed  to  pay  a tribute,  in  consequence  of  which 
the  Pasha  prevented  his  troops  from  approaching  the  village, 
fearing  they  might  commit  depredations.  Cailliaud  visited 
the  place  next  morning,  and  found  it  to  consist  of  five  or  six 


ANCIENT  AND.  MODERN  LIFE  IN  AFRICA. 


117 


hundred  houses,  scattered  along  a ridge  three  or  four  miles  in 
length.  It  was  almost  deserted,  and  the  traveler  did  not  judge 
it  prudent  to  remain  long.  The  village  was  sacked  by  the 
troops  the  same  day.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  7th,  while  the 
greater  part  of  the  Turkish  soldiers  were  asleep,  according  to 
their  custom,  a body  of  about  a thousand  Negroes  descended 
from  the  hills  to  the  westward.  They  were  finally  perceived, 
and  the  Pasha  and  his  artillerymen  aroused;  but  before  the 
guns  could  be  brought  to  bear  on  them,  they  had  advanced 
near  enough  to  kill  some  straggling  soldiers.  The  fear  of  the 
cannon  caused  them  to  retreat  precipitately  to  the  mountains. 
Five  hundred  men  were  sent  after  them,  but  not  being  able  to 
reach  them,  burned  their  houses.  The  Negroes  renewed  their 
attacks  next  day,  and  succeeded  in  carrying  off  eight  of  the 
Pasha’s  fine  horses.  One  of  the  savage  chiefs,  who  had  been 
taken  prisoner,  was  offered  his  liberty  if  he  would  obtain  the 
animals  and  restore  them;  this  he  swore  by  the  Koran  to  do, 
and  was  accordingly  liberated,  but  neither  chief  nor  horses 
were  ever  seen  again. 

Leaving  the  ruins,  he  overtook  the  cadet  at  Elkab,  and 
from  thence  proceeded  toward  Mount  Berkel,  which  he  reached 
in  eight  days,  and  remained  there  more  than  two  weeks  in  order 
to  make  a complete  survey  of  its  ruins.  “Every  morning  at 
sunrise,”  he  says,  “I  repaired  to  the  ruins,  and  I did  not  leave 
them  until  night.  In  the  middle  of  the  day  I occupied  myself 
in  drawing  the  interior  sculptures  of  the  typhonium,  and  the 
sanctuaries  of  the  pyramids,  where  I sought  shelter  against  the 
excessive  heat,  which  was  often  105°  in  the  shade.  Mount 
Berkel,  isolated  on  the  desert  plain,  is  a mass  of  sandstone 
about  four  thousand  feet  in  circumference.  Its  southern  base 
is  a naked  precipice  two  hundred  feet  high,  at  the  base  of  which 
are  the  temples,  all  facing  the  river. 

“Among  the  sculptures  are  two  cartouches,  which,  accord- 
ing to  Champollion,  contain  the  name  of  Tirhaka,  the  first  king 
of  the  Ethiopian  dynasty,  who  invaded  Egypt  eight  hundred 
years  before  the  Christian  Era. 

“The  style  of  the  figures  and  ornaments  is  the  pure  style  of 


118 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  monuments  of  Egypt  and  lower  Nubia.  That  part  of  the 
temple  which  is  excavated  in  the  mountain  is  in  a good  state  of 
preservation.  East  of  the  typhonium  there  are  many  remains 
of  walls  and  fragments  of  columns,  extending  for  some  dis- 
tance. Among  these  I discovered  two  lions  of  rose-colored 
granite,  of  Egyptian  style  and  beautiful  form.  Everything 
goes  to  prove  that  the  vast  ruins  of  Mount  Berkel  are  those  of 
the  city  of  Napata,  the  ancient  capital  of  Ethiopia,  of  which 
the  pyramids  of  Noori  were  the  necropolis.” 

Proceeding  to  Thebes,  Cailliaud  remained  there  some  time, 
employing  himself  in  copying  the  sculptures  on  the  walls  of 
Memnon’s  tomb.  Leaving  Thebes,  finally  with  his  companion 
they  reached  Alexandria,  and  embarked  for  France,  and  on  the 
11th  of  December  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Marseilles.  Cail- 
liaud’s  account  of  his  journey,  in  four  octavo  volumes,  with  an 
accompanying  folio  containing  maps,  plans  and  engravings, 
was  published  in  Paris,  in  1826.  It  is  from  this  work,  now  in 
the  Academy  of  Science,  that  the  abridged  narrative  has  been 
prepared. 


SLAVERY  AND  SLAVE  TRADE. 


119 


CHAPTER  V. 

SLAVERY  AND  THE  SLAVE  TRADE. 

Enslave  a man  and  you  destroy  his  ambition,  his  enterprise,  his  capacity. 
In  the  constitution  of  human  nature  the  desire  of  bettering  one’s  condition  is 
the  mainspring  of  effort.  The  first  touch  of  slavery  snaps  this  spring.— Horace 
Mann. 

SLAVERY : “The  right  of  property  of  one  man  in  another 
man,  in  his  family,  in  his  posterity,  and  in  the  products  of 
his  labor.”  There  is  no  injustice  more  revolting  than  slavery, 
and  yet  there  is  no  fact  so  widespread  in  history.  In  antiquity 
the  system  of  labor  was  everywhere  slavery.  It  was  found  in 
Rome,  in  Greece,  in  Egypt,  in  Austria,  in  Gaul,  among  the 
Germans,  and  it  is  said  even  among  the  Scythians.  It  was 
recruited  by  war,  by  voluntary  sale,  by  captivity  for  debt,  and 
then  by  inheritance.  It  was  not  everywhere  cruel,  and  in 
patriarchal  life  it  was  scarcely  distinguishable  from  domestic 
service;  in  some  countries,  however,  it  approached  the  service 
of  beasts  of  burden.  The  brutal  insensibility  with  which  Aris- 
totle and  Varro  spoke- of  slaves  is  revolting;  and  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  treated  by  the  laws  is  even  more  so. 
These  men,  who  were  of  the  same  race,  who  had  the  same  intel- 
lect and  the  same  color  as  their  owners,  were  declared  incapa- 
ble of  holding  property,  of  appealing  to  the  law,  of  defending 
themselves;  in  a word,  of  conducting  themselves  like  men  in 
any  of  the  circumstances  of  life.  Only  the  law  of  the  Hebrew 
people  tempered  servitude  by  humanity.  Doubtless  we  might 
quote  certain  words  of  Euripides  or  Terence,  of  Epictetus  or 
of  Seneca,  colored  with  a more  tender  pity  and  evincing  some 
heart.  We  find  also  both  in  Greek  and  Roman  laws,  on  the 
monuments,  and  in  the  inscriptions  and  epitaphs  which  our 
contemporaries  have  so  carefully  studied,  the  proof  that  the 
granting  of  freedom  to  slaves,  in  individual  cases,  was  fre- 
quent, and  that  it  was  inspired,  especially  at  the  moment  of 
death,  by  religious  motives. 


120 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


But  the  brutal  fact  of  slavery  is  incontestable.  The  evil 
outweighed  the  good  in  an  enormous  measure;  servitude 
remained  from  century  to  century,  from  country  to  country, 
during  all  antiquity,  the  universal  fact,  and  the  legitimateness 
of  servitude,  the  universal  doctrine.  To  the  rare  and  barren 
protests  of  a few  noble  souls,  Christianity  finally  added  the 
power  of  its  mighty  voice.  The  brotherhood  of  men,  the  dig- 
nity of  labor,  the  absolute  duty  of  perfection:  with  these  three 
principles,  clothed  with  tlhe  authority  of  God  himself,  the 
human  race  entered  a new  phase,  commenced  the  great  battle 
of  good  against  evil,  and,  little  by  little,  forced  back  the 
scourges  winch,  in  the  past,  had  reigned  with  undivided 
supremacy. 

Servitude  was  destined  to  be  among  the  vanquished,  but  it 
was  not  without  a long  and  grievous  combat,  which,  at  the 
present  time,  is  not  entirely  terminated.  The  learned  labors  of 
M.  Edouard  Biot  and  M.  Janoski  warrant  the  affirmation  that 
servitude  had  almost  entirely  disappeared  in  Christian  Europe 
from  the  tenth  to  the  thirteenth  century;  but  it  is  only  too  well 
known  that,  after  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  centuries  witnessed  the  reestablishment 
of  this  odious  institution  in  all  the  colonial  possessions  of  the 
nations  of  Europe.  As  we  will  hereafter  see,  the  most  Chris- 
tian kings  of  France,  Spain  and  England  did  not  blush  to  place 
their  signatures  at  the  bottom  of  treaties  intended  to  assure  to 
them  the  monopoly  of  the  sale  and  transportation  of  millions 
of  human  beings.  An  entire  continent — Africa — became  like 
a mine  to  be  worked,  furnishing  the  other  continents  with  the 
living  merchandise,  to  enrich  and  fill  the  coffers  of  potentates, 
kings  and  nations. 

To  the  nineteenth  century  belongs  the  honor  of  waging 
against  servitude  a war,  which  is  not  yet  ended,  but  which  has 
been  distinguislhed,  however,  by  remarkable  victories.  The 
revolution  is  complete  as  far  as  ideas  are  concerned.  Morality 
spoke  first,  and  all  the  sciences,  little  by  little,  came  to  agree 
with  it.  Philosophy  gives  to  all  slaves  a soul  equal  to  our  own, 
which  Aristotle,  perhaps,  refused  to  them.  Physiology  declares 


SLAVERY  AND  SLAVE  TRADE. 


121 


blacks  and  whites, despite  important  differences, to  be  members 
of  the  same  family.  History  no  longer  discovers  between 
slave-owners  and  slaves  the  trace  of  any  legitimate  conquest. 
The  law  does  not  recognize  any  validity  of  a pretended  contract 
which  has  not  title,  the  object  of  which  is  illicit,  and  one  of  the 
parties  to  which  is  not  a free  agent,  and  the  other  party  to 
which  is  without  good  faith.  Ethnology  lifts  to  the  dignity  of 
a beautiful  law  the  radical  difference  which  places  in  the  first 
rank  the  races  which  labor  like  the  European,  and  in  the  last 
rank  the  races  who  make  others  work  for  them,  like  the  Turks. 
Political  economy  affirms  the  superiority  of  free  labor  to  forced 
labor,  and  it  condemns  everything  whic'h  deprives  man  of  the 
family.  Politics  and  charity,  from  different  points  of  view, 
accept  the  same  conclusion:  Charity,  more  tender,  detests 
slavery,  because  it  oppresses  the  inferior  race;  politics,  more 
lofty,  condemns  it  above  all,  because  it  corrupts  the  superior 
race.  Thus  the  revolution  above  referred  to,  complete  in  the 
order  of  ideas,  is  not  complete  in  the  order  of  facts,  as  we  will 
hereafter  sqe. 

History  cannot  penetrate  the  depths  of  antiquity  sufficiently 
to  ascertain  the  origin  of  human  slavery,  for  it  is  older  than 
history  itself,  older  than  civilization,  a vice  conceived  in  dark- 
ness and  cradled  in  obscurity.  It  probably  had  its  origin  in 
war — in  the  captivity  of  the  vanquished.  “Woe  to  the  con- 
quered!” is  the  primary  rule  of  savage  and  barbarian  warfare, 
and  the  victor  soon  learns  by  experience  that  the  gratification 
of  killing  his  prisoner  is  transient,  while  sparing  him  for  servi- 
tude he  will  reap  an  enduring  profit,  and  thus  in  the  misty 
annals  of  time  we  read  how,  not  merely  the  vanquished  war- 
riors, but  their  wives  and  children,  their  dependents  and  sub- 
jects, were  considered  the  legitimate  spoils  of  victory,  together 
with  their  houses,  land,  flocks,  herds,  goods  and  chattels. 

We  can  see  in  the  captivity  of  the  Jews  in  Babylon,  the 
destruction  by  Borne  of  Capua,  of  Carthage,  and  of  other  cities 
which  had  provoked  her  special  enmity,  that  nations  which 
regarded  themselves  as  far  advanced  in  civilization  were  no 
more  merciful  than  savages  when  enraged  by  fear  and  hate. 


L22 


H1XTVK¥  OF  THU  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


The  fruit  of  war  is  devastation  and  waste,  the  soil  furrowed 
with  cannon  balls  yields  uncertain  harvests.  Rapacity  as  well 
as  destruction  seem  almost  inseparable  from  war.  The  soldier 
compelled  to  destroy  for  his  chief's  or  his  country’s  sake,  soon 
learns  to  appropriate  for  his  own.  The  rights  and  value  of 
property  and  the  distinction  between  “thine  and  mine”  become 
confused,  if  not  altogether  obliterated  from  his  mind.  He  con- 
siders it  an  act  of  humanity  to  enslave  rather  than  kill;  a kind 
act,  rather  than  one  of  injustice  and  wrong.  Hence  the  war- 
like conquering  races  of  antiquity  universally  rejoiced,  when 
at  their  acme  of  power  and  greatness,  in  the  possession  of  in- 
numerable slaves. 

Slavery  of  a mild  and  gentle  type  may,  even  in  the  absence 
of  war,  have  grown  insensibly.  The  broad  acres  and  comfort- 
able cabins  (of  the  land-owner)  became  the  refuge  of  the  unfor- 
tunate and  destitute  from  an  uncharitable  world.  The  crippled 
and  infirm,  the  abandoned  wife,  the  unwedded  mother,  the  ten- 
der orphan,  the  outworn  prodigal,  all  betake  themselves  to  his 
lodge  to  solicit  food  and  shelter  as  a compensation  for  services. 
Some  are  accepted  from  motives  of  thrift,  others  under  the 
impulse  of  charity,  and  the  greater  portion  of  either  class,  exult- 
ing in  their  escape  from  cold,  hunger  and  starvation,  gladly 
remain  through  life.  Marriages  are  formed  among  them  and 
children  born,  who  grow  up  contented  with  their  station,  and 
ignorant  of  the  world  outside  of  his  possessions.  If  his  cir- 
cumstances require  a military  force,  he  organizes  it  from  ser- 
vants born  in  his  own  household.  His  possessions  steadily 
increase,  and  he  becomes  in  time  a feudal  chieftain,  ruling  over 
vassals  proud  of  his  eminence,  and  docile  to  his  will.  Thus  it 
is  that  the  conditions  of  slavery  precede  the  laws  by  which  they 
are  ultimately  regulated,  and  it  is  to  some  extent  plausible  that 
its  exponents  have  contended  for  it  as  a natural  form  of  society 
— a moral  development  of  the  necessary  association  of  capital 
with  labor  in  man’s  progress  from  rude  ignorance  and  want 
to  abundance,  refinement  and  luxury. 

He  who  imbibes  or  conceives  the  fatal  delusion  that  it  is 
more  advantageous  to  him,  or  to  any  human  being,  to  procure 


SLAVERY  AND  SLAVE  TRADE. 


123 


whatever  his  necessities  or  his  appetites  required,  by  address 
and  scheming  than  by  honest  work — by  the  unrequited,  rather 
thau  the  fairly  and  faithfully  recompensed  toil  of  his  fellow- 
creatures — was  in  essence  and  in  heart  a slave-holder,  and 
only  awaited  an  opportunity  to  become  one  in  deed  and  in 
practice;  and  this  single  truth,  operating  upon  the  infinite  vari- 
eties of  human  capacity  and  culture,  suffices  to  account  for  the 
universality  of  slave-holding  in  the  ante-Christian  ages,  for  its 
tenacity  of  life,  and  for  the  extreme  difficulty  of  even  its  partial 
eradication. 

The  ancients,  while  they  apprehended,  perhaps  adequately, 
the  bitterness  of  bondage,  which  many  of  them  had  experi- 
enced, do  not  seem  to  have  perceived  so  vividly  the  cor- 
responding evils  of  slave-holding.  They  saw  that  end  of  the 
chain  which  encircled  the  ankle  of  the  bondman;  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  so  clearly  perceived  that  the  other  lay  heavily 
across  the  throat  of  his  sleeping  master. 

Homer  says: 

“Jove  fixed  it  certain,  that  whatever  day 
Makes  man  a slave,  takes  half  his  worth  awav.” 

but  lie  appears  to  have  overlooked  the  truth  that  the  slave- 
holding relation  effected  an  equal  discount  on  the  value  of  the 
master. 

The  mandate  of  scripture,  that  “by  the  sweat  of  thy  brow 
shall  thy  bread  be  eaten,”  has  all  along  the  ages  borne  the 
imprint  of  wisdom;  and  just  in  proportion  as  this  injunction 
has  been  unheeded,  so  have  peoples  and  nations  been  divided 
and  scattered,  for  it  is  true  that  ancient  civilization  in  its  vari- 
ous national  developments  was  corrupted,  debauched,  and  ulti- 
mately ruined  by  slavery,  which  rendered  labor  dishonorable, 
and  divided  society  into  a small  caste  of  the  wealthy,  educated, 
refined  and  independent,  and  a vast  hungry,  sensual,  thriftless 
and  worthless  populace,  rendering  impossible  the  preservation 
of  republican  liberty  and  of  legalized  equality  even  among  the 
nominally  free.  Diogenes  with  his  lantern  might  have  looked 
for  many  a long  day  among  the  followers  of  Marius,  or  Catiline, 


124 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


or  Caesar,  in  vain,  for  a poor  but  virtuous  and  relf-respecting 
Roman  citizen  of  the  days  of  Cincinnatus,  or  even  Regulus. 

The  slavery  of  antiquity  survived  the  religions,  the  ideas, 
the  politics,  and  even  the  empires  in  which  it  had  its  origin, 
and  even  upon  the  accession  of  the  Church  to  supremacy  over 
the  Roman  world  it  was  not  abolished  as  it  should  have  been, 
for  the  simple  and  sublime  teaching  of  Christ  and  of  His  apos- 
tles had  been  grievously  corrupted  and  perverted.  The  subtle- 
ties of  Greek  speculation,  the  pomp  and  pride  of  imperial 
Rome,  had  already  commenced  drawing  the  Church  further  and 
further  away  from  its  divine  source.  A robed  and  mitered 
ecclesiasticism,  treacherous  to  humanity  and  truckling  to 
power,  had  usurped  the  place  of  that  austere,  intrepid  spirit 
which  openly  rebuked  the  guilt  of  regal,  voluptuous  Herod,  and 
made  courtly  Felix  tremble.  The  Church  'had  become  an 
estate  above  the  people,  and  their  just  complaints  of  the  op- 
pressions and  inhumanities  of  the  powerful  were  seldom 
breathed  into  its  reluctant  oars.  Slavery  of  the  white  race 
gradually  wore  out,  or  faded  out,  but  it  was  not  grappled  wiith 
and  crushed  as  it  should  have  been.  The  Dark  Ages,  justly 
so  called,  are  still  quite  dark  enough;  but  sufficient  light  has 
been  shed  upon  them  to  assure  us  that  the  accord  of  priest  and 
noble  was  complete,  and  that  serf  and  peasant  groaned  and 
suffered  beneath  their  iron  sway. 

The  invention  of  printing,  the  discovery  of  America,  the 
Protestant  Reformation,  the  decline  and  fall  of  feudalism,  grad- 
ually changed  the  condition  and  brightened  the  prospects  of 
the  masses.  Ancient  slavery  was  dead,  modern  serfdom 
exerted  her  sway  only  in  cold  and  barbarous  Russia.  But 
African  slavery — the  slavery  of  Negroes — had  been  revived  or 
re-introduced  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  by 
Moorish  traders,  about  the  tenth  century,  and  began  to  make 
its  way  among  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Christians  somewhere 
near  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth.  Bancroft  tells  us  that  in  the 
year  990  Moorish  merchants  from  the  Barbary  coast  first 
reached  the  cities  of  Nigritia  and  established  an  uninterrupted 
exchange  of  Saracen  and  European  luxuries  for  the  gold  and 

„ r.A  '£’•  i -v*/  +>(i  CLv (Uhl . 


SLAVERY  AND  SLAVE  TRADE. 


125 


slaves  of  Central  Afriea.  The  Portuguese  are  next  in  the 
market.  Antonio  Gingabe,  who  bad  brought  some  Moorish 
slaves  into  Portugal,  was  commanded  to  release  them.  He  did 
so;  and  the  Moors  gave  him  as  their  ransom,  not  gold,  but 
black  Moors  i&ith  curled  hair.  Thus  Negro  slaves  came  into 
Europe.  In  1444  Spain  also  took  part  in  the  traffic.  The 
historian  of  her  maritime  discoveries  even  claims  for  her  the 
unenviable  distinction  of  having  anticipated  the  Portuguese  in 
introducing  Negroes  into  Europe. 

Within  two  years  after  the  discovery  of  America,  before 
Columbus  had  set  foot  on  the  Continent,  he  was  concerned  in 
seizing  some  scores  of  natives,  carrying  them  to  Spain  and 
selling  them  there  as  slaves.  Thus  is  the  great  name  of 
Columbus  indelibly  stained  by  his  undeniable  and  conspicuous 
implication  in  the  enslavement  of  the  aborigines  of  this  Conti- 
nent, termed  Indians.  Others  extensively  followed  his  ex- 
ample. The  fierce  lust  for  gold  which  inflamed  the  early  ad- 
venturers on  his  track  incited  the  most  reckless,  shameless 
disregard  of  the  rights  and  happiness  of  a harmless  and  guile- 
less people,  whose  very  helplessness  should  have  been  their 
defence.  Bancroft  tells  us  that,  “In  1500  the  generous  Isa- 
bella commanded  the  liberation  of  the  Indians  held  in  bondage 
in  her  European  possessions.  Yet  her  native  benevolence 
extended  not  to  the  Moors,  whose  valor  had  been  punished  by 
slavery,  nor  to  the  Africans;  and  even  her  compassion  for  the 
new  world  was  but  a transient  feeling  which  relieves  the  miser- 
able who  are  in  sight,  not  the  deliberation  of  a just  principle.” 

After  the  liberation  by  death  or  royal  decree  of  the  rem- 
nant who  survived  intolerable  suffering,  the  western  coast  of 
Africa  was  thrown  open  to  replace  them  by  a race  more 
indurated  to  hardship  and  toil.  Religion  was  invoked  to  cover 
this  new  atrocity  with  her  broad  mantle,  under  the  plea  of 
relieving  the  Indians  from  a servitude  which  the  larger  part 
had  already  escaped  through  the  gate  of  death.  Even  the 
voluptuous  Leo  X.  declared  that  not  the  Christian  religion 
alone,  but  nature  itself  would  rise  up  against  the  institution  of 
Slavery,  and  Paul  III.,  in  two  separate  briefs,  imprecated  a 


126 


BISTORT  OF  TEE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


curse  on  the  Europeans  who  would  enslave  their  fellow-men. 
Upon  the  suggestion  of  Las  Casas  in  favor  of  Negroes  for 
American  slaves,  in  contradistinction  to  the  Indians,  Negroes 
began  to  be  poured  into  the  West  Indies.  Spanish  slave- 
holders, as  they  immigrated,  were  accompanied  by  their 
Negroes.  It  was  also  proposed  to  allow  four  for  each  emi- 
grant. Deliberate  calculation  fixed  the  number  esteemed 
necessary  at  four  thousand,  and  Bancroft  tells  that  the  very 
year  in  which  Charles  V.  sailed  with  a powerful  expedition 
against  Tunis  to  attack  the  pirates  of  the  Barbary  States,  and 
to  emancipate  Christian  slaves  in  Africa,  he  gave  an  open  legal 
sanction  to  the  African  slave  trade.  Negro  slavery,  once  intro- 
duced, rapidly,  though  thinly,  overspread  the  whole  vast  area 
of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America,  with  Dutch  and  French 
Guiana  and  the  West  India  Islands;  and  the  slave  trade  was 
for  two  or  three  centuries  the  most  lucrative,  though  most 
abhorrent,  traffic  pursued  by,  or  known  to,  mankind.  Profits 
on  the  nefarious  business  were  greedily  shared  by  philosophers, 
statesmen  and  kings.  We  read  in  Holmes’  “Annals  of  Amer- 
ica” that  a Flemish  favorite  of  Charles  V.,  having  obtained  of 
this  king  a patent  containing  an  exclusive  right  of  importing 
four  thousand  Negroes  annually  to  the  West  Indies,  sold  it  for 
25,000  ducats  to  some  Genoese  merchants,  who  first  brought 
into  regular  form  the  commerce  for  slaves  between  Africa  and 
America.  Also  that  in  1563  the  English  began  to  import 
Negroes  into  the  West  Indies.  Their  first  slave  trade  was 
opened  the  preceding  year  on  the  coast  of  Guinea.  John 
Hankins,  in  the  prospect  of  a great  gain,  resolved  to  make  trial 
of  this  inhuman  traffic.  Communicating  the  design  to  several 
gentlemen  in  London,  who  became  liberal  contributors  and 
adventurers,  three  good  ships  were  immediately  provided; 
and  with  these,  and  one  hundred  men,  Hankins  sailed  to  the 
coast  of  Guinea,  where,  by  money,  treachery  and  force,  he 
procured  at  least  three  hundred  Negroes,  and  now  sold  them 
at  Hispanola. 

According  to  Bancroft,  “Upon  the  establishment  of  the 
Asciento  in  1713,  creating  a company  for  the  prosecution  of  the 


SLAVERY  AND  SLAVE  TRADE. 


15,7 


African  slave  trade,  one-quarter  of  the  stock  was  taken  by 
Philip  of  Spain;  Queen  Anne  reserved  for  herself  another 
quarter,  and  the  remaining  moiety  was  to  be  divided  among 
her  subjects.  Thus  did  the  sovereigns  of  England  and  Spain 
become  the  largest  slave  merchants  in  the  world.”  When  in 
1607  the  first  abiding  English  colony  was  founded  upon  the 
Atlantic  coast  of  America,  Negro  slavery,  based  on  the 
African  slave  trade,  was  more  than  a century  old  throughout 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  America,  and  had  already  acquired 
the  stability  of  an  institution.  It  was  nearly  half  a century 
old  in  the  British  West  Indies.  Portuguese,  Dutch,  Spanish 
and  British  vessels  vied  with  each  other  for  the  gains  to  be 
speedily  acquired  by  the  purchasing  or  kidnapping  of  young 
Negroes  on  the  coast  of  Guinea  and  selling  them  in  the  Amer- 
ican colonies  of  their  own  and  other  nations. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  England  possessed 
nearly  800,000  slaves,  scattered  among  nineteen  colonies,  to- 
wit:  More  than  300,000  in  Jamaica;  80,000  in  the  Barbadoes; 
80,000  in  Guiana;  more  than  60,000  in  Mauritius;  and  the  rest 
in  the  little  colonies  of  Trinidad,  Grenada,  Antigua,  St.  Vincent, 
etc.  France,  in  her  colonies  of  the  Antilles,  Bourbon,  Guiana 
and  Senegal,  had  250,000  slaves.  There  were  27,000  in  the 
little  colonies  of  Denmark,  and  about  600  in  the  island  of  St. 
Bartholomew,  belonging  to  Sweden.  Holland,  which  knew 
how  to  avoid  servile  labor  in  Java,  preserved  more  than  50,000 
slaves  at  Surinam  and  Curagoa;  but  these  figures  are  trifling, 
compared  to  the  number  of  enslaved  population  of  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  colonies,  which  amounted  to  at  least  600,000 
slaves,  and  in  Brazil  more  than  2,000,000,  and  the  United 
States, before  the  American  civil  war,  had  over  4,000,000  slaves. 

France  was  the  first  to  give  the  signal  for  the  liberation  of 
slaves — a liberation  which,  unfortunately,  was  sudden,  violent, 
and  did  not  last.  In  1790-91  the  Constituent  Assembly,  after 
much  hesitation,  admitted  free  people  of  color  in  the  colonies 
to  the  rights  of  citizenship.  The  whites  resisted,  and  when  the 
convention  tried  to  have  the  decree  executed,  the  conflict 
between  the  blacks  and  wliites  led  to  the  massacres  which  have 


128 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


been  so  falsely  attributed  to  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves, 
proclaimed  only  at  tbe  end  of  1793,  and  confirmed  by  the  de- 
cree of  February  4,  1794,  by  which  the  convention  decreed, 
with  enthusiasm,  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  all  French  colonies. 

Emancipation  in  England  was  commenced  with  more  wis- 
dom and  conducted  with  more  perseverance,  naturally  tri- 
umphed more  promptly  than  in  France.  In  1102  a council  held 
in  the  city  of  London,  under  the  presidency  of  St.  Anselm,  for- 
bade the  slave  trade.  In  1763  an  odious  treaty  assured  to  Eng- 
land, on  the  the  other  hand,  the  monopoly  of  the  traffic.  In 
1773  a generous  Christian,  William  Wilberforce,  first  wrote 
against  this  public  scandal.  In  1780  Thomas  Clarkson  pro- 
posed its  abolition  to  Parliament,  and  in  1787  Wilberforce  re- 
newed the  proposition,  which,  having  been  seven  times  pre- 
sented and  seven  times  rejected,  finally  triumphed  in  1806  and 
became,  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  a solemn  engagement  of 
all  the  European  powers,  which  was  followed  by  laws  promul- 
gated by  each  of  these  nations. 

May  15,  1823,  Mr.  Burton  proposed  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  all  the  English  colonies.  After  long  hesitation,  the  act  of 
abolition  presented  in  1833,  in  the  name  of  the  government, 
by  Lord  Stanley,  was  promulgated  August  28,  1833.  This 
memorable  law,  which  devoted  £500,000,000  to  the  ransom  of 
800,000  men,  did  not,  however,  accord  to  them  liberty  until 
after  an  apprenticeship,  which  was  to  last  from  August  1,  1834, 
to  August  1,  1840;  but  this  uncertain  system  could  not  be 
maintained.  Lord  Brougham  proposed  its  abolition  in  1838, 
and  the  colonial  legislators  spontaneously  decreed  complete 
emancipation  in  the  years  1838  and  1839. 

At  the  same  time,  1838,  M.  Passy  proposed  to  the  French 
Chambers  a bill  with  the  same  end  in  view,  and  in  1840  a com- 
mission was  charged,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Duke  de  Brog- 
lie, to  prepare  the  way  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
French  colonies.  At  the  same  time,  also,  1839,  Pope  Gregory 
XVI.  published  a bull,  condemning  slavery  and  the  slave  trade. 
The  report  of  M.  de  Broglie  is  celebrated:  we  may  call  it  a 
judgment  by  a court  of  last  resort,  which  for  the  most 


SLAVERY  AND  SLAVE  TRADE. 


129 


elevated,  decisive  and  practical  reasons  condemned  slavery 
forever 

However,  the  sentence  was  not  executed  on  account  of  the 
hesitation  of  the  government  and  the  resistance  of  the  colonies. 
Slavery  was  not  abolished  in  the  colonies  of  France  until  after 
the  revolution  of  February,  by  the  decree  of  March  4,  1848, 
which  M.  Schoelcher  had  the  honor  of  proposing. 

The  result  of  the  emancipation  in  the  French  colonies  was 
the  liberation  of  the  slaves  in  the  Danish  colonies,  proclaimed 
July  3,  1848.  Sweden  had  set  the  example  of  liberation  as 
early  as  1846. 

The  economic  results  of  emancipation  in  the  colonies  of 
England  and  in  those  of  France  have  proven  most  satisfactory, 
and  under  the  new  plan  of  labor,  these  four  conditions  of  eco- 
nomic progress  are  fast  being  realized:  the  perfection  of  proc- 
esses, abundance  of  hands,  facility  for  credit,  and  the  widen- 
ing of  the  market. 

As  far  as  the  moral  order  is  concerned,  all  the  results  of  the 
English  experiment  may  be  summed  up  in  the  words  of  Lord 
Stanley,  in  1842,  which  were  substantially  as  follows:  “There 
has  been  progress  in  industrious  habits,  improvement  in  the 
social  and  religious  system,  and  development  in  individuals  of 
those  qualities  of  heart  and  mind  which  are  more  necessary  to 
happiness  than  the  material  goods  of  life.  The  colored  people 
are  happy  and  contented,  they  devote  themselves  to  labor,  they 
have  bettered  their  way  of  living,  increased  their  well-being, 
and,  while  crime  has  diminished,  mural  habits  have  become 
better.  The  number  of  marriages  has  increased  under  the 
influence  of  the  ministers  of  religion,  education  has  become 
more  widespread.  In  short,  the  result  of  the  great  experiment 
of  emancipation  tried  upon  the  whole  of  the  population  of  the 
West  Indies  has  surpassed  the  most  ardent  hopes.” 

In  the  French  colonies,  40,000  marriages,  20,000  legitimate 
children,  30,000  acknowledged  children;  the  population  resum- 
ing a regular  course  and  increase,  the  churches  filled,  the 
schools  attended;  at  Guadeloupe  and  Martinique,  20,000  adults 
attend  night  schools;  at  Rinnion,  23  societies  of  mutual  aid, 


130 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


and  among  the  freedmen,  crimes  against  the  person  dimin- 
ished, justice  and  the  clergy  improved,  peace  maintained  with 
garrisons  less  strong  than  in  1848:  such  are  the  gifts  presented 
to  French  colonial  society  by  the  emancipation  of  its  slaves. 

It  would  be  too  long  to  show  in  detail,  year  by  year,  the 
economic  and  moral  results  of  emancipation,  since  they  became 
complicated  by  the  reason  of  the  effect  of  political  events  and 
attempts  at  commercial  liberty  in  France.  Let  it  suffice  to 
affirm  that  civilization  has  gained  much,  that  wealth  has  lost 
little,  that  its  losses  have  been  repaid,  and  more  than  repaid,  at 
least  in  all  the  colonies  in  which  the  new  reign  has  been  ac- 
cepted in  good  faith.  Finally,  that  the  call  of  a million  men  to 
liberty  in  distant  lands  did  not  cause  the  tenth  part  of  the 
trouble  occasioned  in  the  more  civilized  nations  of  Europe  by 
the  least  important  political  question. 

European  nations  quickly  understood  that  the  slave  trade 
would  never  be  completely  abolished  unless  slavery  itself  was 
suppressed.  Unfortunately,  the  United  States  of  America  did 
not  understand  this  as  quickly.  The  illustrious  founders  of  the 
Union,  fearing  a dissolution  of  it  at  the  very  moment  of  its 
formation,  and  hoping  that  to  suppress  the  evil  it  would  be 
sufficient  to  dry  up  its  source,  limited  themselves  to  inserting 
in  the  constitution  that  the  slave  trade  should  be  prohibited, 
beginning  with  the  year  1808. 

As  far  as  slavery  was  concerned,  they  had  the  weakness  not 
even  to  mention  its  name,  leaving  to  each  State  the  task  of 
ridding  itself  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  which,  at  that  period, 
was  very  little  developed.  In  Washington’s  time  there  were 
scarcely  700,000  slaves  within  the  whole  extent  of  the  United 
States.  Washington  freed  his  own  slaves  by  will,  and  we  know 
from  his  correspondence  with  Lafayette  that  he  busied  himself 
with  plans  of  emancipation.  Many  of  the  Northern  States 
successively  freed  their  slaves,  but  the  progress  of  the  cultiva- 
tion of  cotton,  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  the  purchase  of  Florida 
and  the  conquest  of  Texas  had  not  been  foreseen.  Sixty  years 
after  Washington’s  time,  the  American  Republic  had  advanced 
with  giant  steps,  slavery  had  grown  with  it,  and  the  Southern 


SLAVERY  AND  SLAVE  TRADE. 


131 


States  contained  4,000,000  colored  slaves.  A fact  so  enormous, 
so  abnormal,  produced  in  the  bosom  of  the  Union  a profound 
perturbation.  Not  only  did  honor  and  morality  suffer  there- 
from, but  a terrible  division  took  place  between  the  North, 
which  controlled  the  commerce,  the  shipping  and  the  tariff  of 
the  Union,  and  the  South,  which,  previous  to  the  American 
civil  war,  controlled  politics,  the  Congress  and  the  laws  of  the 
Union.  This  division  culminated  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion, 
and  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States. 

Slavery  having  disappeared  from  North  America,  its 
foundations  were  necessarily  shaken  in  South  America.  The 
republics  separated  from  Spain  have  abolished  it.  Holland 
delivered  its  American  colonies  from  slavery,  by  a law  of 
August  8,  1862,  and  a law,  December,  1871,  paved  the  way 
for  its  suppression  in  Brazil. 

This  rapid  review  is  confined  to  Christian  countries.  In 
Mohammedan  and  pagan  countries  slavery  exists  almost  every- 
where; here  more  patriarchal,  there  more  barbarous;  main- 
tained in  the  bosom  of  Africa  by  perpetual  wars  and  a pitiless 
traffic.  A Mohammedan  sovereign,  the  Bey  of  Tunis,  however, 
abolished  slavery  in  his  states,  even  before  France,  in  1847; 
but  the  scourge  of  slavery  will  evidently  never  disappear  from 
pagan  nations,  except  from  contact  with,  and  the  example  of, 
Christian  nations. 

We  may  hope  that  the  nineteenth  century  will  see  servitude 
disappear;  this  would  be  its  principal  glory.  The  condition 
precedent  to  the  disappearance  of  slavery  is  the  persevering 
accord  of  all  opinions,  of  all  creeds,  of  all  nations,  that  it  should 
be  abolished,  and  this  accord  is  now  an  accomplished  fact. 


132 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 

"Ne'er  more  shall  the  sons  of  Columbia  be  slaves, 

While  the  earth  bears  a plant  or  the  sea  rolls  her  waves." 

IT  may  be  laid  down  as  a fundamental  proposition  that 
African  slavery  in  the  colonies  never  existed,  nor  was  origi- 
nally established  by  law,  but  that  it  rested  wholly  upon  custom. 
The  dictum  so  often  quoted,  that  slavery,  being  a breach  of 
natural  right,  can  be  valid  only  by  positive  law,  is  not  true.  It 
is  rather  true  that  slavery,  where  it  existed,  being  the  creature  of 
custom,  required  positive  law  to  abolish  or  control  it.  In  Great 
Britain  in  1772  custom  had  made  slavery  so  odious  that  the 
Sonnnersett  case  justly  held  that  positive  law  was  necessary 
for  the  establishment  of  slavery  there  in  any  form;  but  the 
exact  contrary  of  this  rule,  of  course,  held  good  in  common- 
wealths where  custom  made  slavery  not  odious,  but  legal.  In 
these  cases  the  laws  which  were  passed  in  regard  to  slavery 
were  only  declaratory  of  a custom  already  established,  and 
cannot  be  said  to  have  established  slavery.  The  whole  slavery 
struggle  is  therefore  the  history  of  a custom  at  first  universal 
in  the  colonies,  then  peacefully  circumscribed  by  the  rise  of  a 
moral  feeling  opposed  to  it,  but  suddenly  so  fortified  in  its 
remaining  territory  by  the  rise  of  an  enormous  material  in- 
terest as  to  make  the  final  struggle  one  of  force. 

When  English  colonization  in  North  America  began,  Indian 
and  African  slavery  was  already  firmly  established  in  the 
neighboring  Spanish  colonies;  and  from  there,  particularly 
from  the  West  Indies,  African  slavery  was  naturally  and  un- 
consciously introduced  into  the  English  colonies,  the  Barbadoes 
being  the  stepping-stone  for  most  of  them.  Nevertheless,  the 
first  authentic  case  of  introduction  was  from  an  entirely  differ- 
ent source — that  of  Virginia,  in  1619.  This  is  the  only  colony 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


133 


in  which  a first  case  can  be  found.  Everywhere  else  we  find 
slavery,  when  first  casually  mentioned,  an  institution  so  long 
established  as  to  have  lost  its  novelty.  In  each  of  them  there 
are  three  points  to  be  noted:  the  first  mention  of  slavery,  its 
first  regulation  by  law,  and  the  establishment  by  custom  or 
positive  law  of  the  civil  law  rule*  of  making  children  take  the 
condition  of  the  mother,  instead  of  the  father.  The  latter  rule, 
making  children  take  the  condition  of  the  father,  was  the  nat- 
ural rule  for  English  colonists,  and  would  have  made  African 
slavery  more  tolerable,  and  would  have  established  a constant 
agent  for  its  ultimate  extinction,  since  a union  of  a slave  father 
and  a free  mother  has  been  comparatively  rare.  The  former 
rule,  that  the  children  should  take  the  condition  of  the 
mother,  which  was  everywhere  adopted  by  custom  from  the 
beginning,  not  only  relieved  the  system  from  check,  but  even 
gave  it  an  added  horror,  of  which  the  variations  in  color  among 
the  Colored  Race  are  mute  but  indelible  certificates. 

In  summarizing  the  introduction  of  slavery  with  the  origi- 
nal thirteen  States,  we  will  begin  at  Mason  and  Dixon’s  line, 
going  first  southward,  thence  northward,  and  will  afterward 
consider  its  introduction,  or  attempt  to  introduce  it,  into  the 
Territories. 

In  Virginia  the  acts  passed  were,  at  first,  for  the  mere  reg- 
ulation of  servants,  the  legal  distinction  being  between  servants 
for  a term  of  years  (white  emigrants  under  indentures)  and 
servants  for  life — slaves.  December  14, 1662,  the  civil  law  rule, 
Partus  sequitur  ventrem,  was  adopted  by  statute.  October  3, 
1670,  servants,  not  Christians,  imported  by  shipping,  were  de- 
clared slaves  for  their  lives.  Slavery  was  thus  fully  legalized 
in  the  colony. 

In  Maryland  slaves  are  first  mentioned,  “slaves  only  ex- 
cepted,” in  the  proposed  law  of  1638.  In  1663  the  civil  law 
rule  was  fully  adopted  by  a provision  that  “Africans,  or  rather 
slaves,”  then  in  the  province  or  thereafter  imported,  should 
serve  through  life,  and  their  children  also. 


* Partus  sequitur  ventrem  Instead  of  partus  sequitur  patrem. 


134 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


In  Delaware  the  Swedes  at  first  prohibited  slavery,  but  it 
was  introduced  by  the  Dutch.  It  was  in  existence  probably  in 
1636,  but  its  first  legal  recognition  was  in  1721,  in  an  act  pro- 
viding for  the  trial  of  slaves,  by  two  justices  and  six  free- 
holders. With  this  exception,  the  system  rested  wholly  on 
^custom  in  Delaware. 

In  Carolina,  under  the  first  union  of  the  two  provinces,  the 
Locke  constitution  provided  practically  for  white  slavery;  the 
“leetmen,”  or  tenants  of  ten  acres,  were  to  be  fixed  to  the  soil 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  their  lord,  without  appeal;  and  the 
children  of  leetmen  wTere  to  be  leetmen,  “and  so  on  to  all  gen- 
erations.” This  provision,  like  most  of  the  others,  was  never 
respected  or  obeyed.  The  110th  article  provided  that  every 
freeman  should  have  “absolute  power  and  authority  over  his 
colored  slaves,  of  whatever  opinion  or  religion  so  ever.”  This 
met  with  more  respect,  and  became  the  fundamental  law  of 
North  Carolina,  without  anything  further  than  statutes  for 
police  regulation. 

In  South  Carolina  the  first  slavery  legislation,  an  act  of 
February  7, 1690,  “for  the  better  ordering  of  slaves,”  took  place 
before  the  separation.  Slaves  are  said  to  have  been  introduced 
by  Governor  Yeamans,  about  1670.  June  7,  1712,  slavery  was 
formally  legalized  by  an  act,  declaring  all  Africans  and  Indians 
heretofore  sold,  or  thereafter  to  be  sold,  and  their  children, 
“slaves  to  all  intents  and  purposes.”  The  civil  law  rule, 
already  referred  to,  was  made  law  May  10,  1740.  The  police 
regulations  of  this  colony  were  filled  with  cruel  provisions,  as 
to  the  treatment  of  male  slaves  who  should  run  away  for  the 
fourth  time;  and  yet  an  act  was  passed  in  1704,  and  re-enacted 
in  1708,  for  enlisting  and  arming  colored  troops. 

In  Georgia,  as  hereafter  noticed,  slavery  was  prohibited  at 
the  establishment  of  the  colony  in  1732.  In  1749,  after  re- 
peated petitions  from  the  colonists,  the  trustees  obtained  from 
Parliament  the  repeal  of  the  prohibition.  In  1755  the  legisla- 
ture passed  an  act,  regulating  the  conduct  of  slaves;  and  in 
1765,  and  subsequent  years,  the  laws  of  South  Carolina  were 
re-enacted  by  Georgia. 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


135 


In  Pennsylvania  slavery  is  first  heard  of  in  1688,  when 
Francis  Daniel  Pastorius  drew  up  a memorial  against  the 
practice,  for  the  Germantown  Quakers.  It  was  not  until  1696 
that  the  Quaker  yearly  meeting  was  prepared  to  act  favorably 
on  the  memorial.  In  1700  the  legislature  forbade  the  selling 
of  slaves  out  of  the  province  without  their  consent.  The  other 
slavery  legislation  of  the  colony  consisted  of  efforts,  more  or 
less  successful,  to  check  or  abolish  the  slave  trade;  but  as  soon 
as  independence  was  fairly  attained,  arrangements  were  made 
for  gradual  abolition.  So  late  as  1795,  however,  the  State 
Supreme  Court  decided  that  slavery  was  not  inconsistent  with 
the  State  Constitution. 

In  New  Jersey  slavery  was  introduced  by  the  Dutch,  but 
was  not  recognized  by  law  until  the  “concessions”  of  1661,  in 
which  the  word  “slaves”  occurs.  In  East  Jersey  slaves  were 
given  trial  by  jury  in  1691;  and  in  West  Jersey  the  word 
“slave”  wTas  omitted  from  the  lawTs.  Acts  for  regulating  the 
conduct  of  slaves  began  with  the  junction  of  the  province  with 
New  York,  in  1702;  but  these  were  never  harsh,  and  the  con- 
dition of  the  slave  was  more  tolerable  than  in  any  other  colony 
where  the  system  wras  really  established. 

In  New  York  slavery  came  in  with  the  Dutch  at  an 
uncertain  period,  the  Dutch  West  India  companies  employing 
the  slaves.  So  early  as  1628  the  inhabitants  were  made 
nervous  by  the  mutinous  behavior  of  some  of  the  slaves,  but 
there  was  no  legal  recognition  of  slavery  until  1665,  when  the 
Duke  of  York’s  laws  forbade  “slavery  of  Christians”;  thus  by 
implication  allowing  slavery  of  heathen.  Full  recognition 
wTas  given  by  a proviso  in  the  Naturalization  Act  of  1638,  that 
it  should  not  operate  to  free  those  held  as  slaves,  and  by  an 
act  of  1706,  to  allow  baptism  of  slaves  without  freeing  them. 

In  Connecticut  slavery  was  never  directly  established  by 
statute,  and  the  time  of  its  introduction  is  uncertain.  In  1680 
the  governor  informed  the  board  of  trade  that,  “as  for  blacks, 
there  come  sometimes  three  or  four  in  a year  from  Barbadoes, 
and  they  are  sold  usually  at  the  rate  of  £22  apiece.”  They 
^were  considered  as  servants  rather  than  as  chattels;  could  sue 


136 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


their  masters  for  ill-treatment,  or  deprivation  of  property,  and 
the  only  legal  recognition  of  slavery  was  in  such  police  regu- 
lations as  that  of  1690  to  check  the  wandering  and  running 
away  of  “purchased  colored  servants.” 

Rhode  Island  passed  the  first  act  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  our  history,  May  19,  1652,  in  order  to  check  the 
“common  course  practiced  among  Englishmen  to  buy  Afri- 
cans.” The  act  freed  all  slaves  brought  into  the  province 
after  ten  years’  service.  Unfortunately,  the  act  was  never 
obeyed;  custom  was  too  strong  for  statute  law,  and  existed 
without  law,  until  the  final  abolition.  The  only  legal  recogni- 
tion of  the  law  was  in  the  series  of  acts  beginning  January 
4,  1703,  to  control  the  wandering  of  Indian  and  African 
slaves  and  servants,  and  another  beginning  in  April,  1708,  in 
which  the  slave  trade  was  indirectly  legalized  by  being  taxed. 

In  Massachusetts  an  African  is  mentioned  in  1633  as  an 
estray  conducted  to  his  master.  In  1636  a Salem  ship  began 
the  importation  of  African  slaves  from  the  West  Indies,  and 
thereafter  Pequot  slaves  were  constantly  exchanged  for  Bar- 
badoes  serfs.  In  1641  the  fundamental  laws  forbade  slavery, 
with  the  following  cautious  proviso:  “Unless  it  be  lawful  cap- 
tives taken  in  just  wars  [Pequots]  and  such  strangers  as 
willingly  sell  themselves  [probably  indentured  white  immi- 
grants] or  are  sold  to  us  [Africans].”  The  explanations 
inserted  will  show  that  this  was  the  first  legal  recognition  of 
slavery  in  any  colony.  Under  it  slavery  grew  slowly,  and  the 
rule  of  Partus  sequitur  ventrem  was  established  by  custom  and 
court  decisions.  Public  sentiment,  after  the  year  1700,  was 
slowly  developed  against  the  system.  In  December,  1766,  a 
jury  gave  a colored  woman  £4  damages  against  her  master  for 
restraining  her  of  her  liberty.  John  Adams  notes  at  the  time 
that  this  was  the  first  case  of  the  kind  he  had  known,  though 
he  heard  there  had  been  many.  In  1768  another  case  was 
decided  for  the  master,  and  thereafter  the  decisions  of  juries 
varied  to  every  point  of  the  compass  for  twenty  years;  but  it 
is  known  that  many  of  the  cases  in  which  the  slaves  were 
successful  were  gained  by  connivance  of  the  masters  in 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


137 


order  to  relieve  themselves  of  the  care  of  aged  or  infirm 
slaves. 

John  Quincy  Adams  gives  1787  as  the  year  in  which  the 
State  Supreme  Court  finally  decided  that  under  the  Constitu- 
tion of  1780  a man  could  not  be  sold  in  Massachusetts. 

^ In  New  Hampshire  there  were  but  two  legal  recognitions 
of  slavery:  An  act  of  1714  to  regulate  the  conduct  of  “Indian, 
African  and  mulatto  servants  and  slaves,”  and  another  in  1718 
to  regulate  the  conduct  of  masters.  There  were  but  few  slaves 
Jn  the  colony,  and  slavery  had  but  a nominal  existence. 

Vermont  never  recognized  slavery. 

From  all  the  cases  it  will  be  seen  that  slavery  was  but  the 
creation  of  custom.  The  only  exceptions  are  a peculiar  pro- 
vision in  the  laws  of  Maryland,  1663,  and  Pennsylvania, 
1725-26,  making  the  children  of  freeborn  mothers  and  slave 
fathers  slaves  of  their  father’s  master  until  the  age  of  thirty; 
and  the  laws  in  a few  States  re-enslaving  freed  men  who  re- 
fused or  neglected  to  leave  the  State.  This  later  provision  was 
the  law  of  Virginia  from  1705,  and  was  put  into  the  State  Con- 
stitution in  1850;  and  laws  fully  equivalent  were  passed  during 
their  State  existence  by  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi  and  Louisiana.  In  the  white 
heat  of  the  anti-slavery  struggle,  laws  were  passed  by  Virginia 
in  1856,  by  Louisiana  in  1859,  and  by  Maryland  in  1860,  provid- 
ing for  the  voluntary  enslavement  of  free  colored  persons — but 
these  were  exceptional.  Milder  provisions,  to  the  same  general 
effect,  to  punish  by  fine  or  sale  the  coming  or  remaining  of 
free  colored  people  in  the  State,  were  inserted  in  the  Constitu- 
tion of  Missouri  in  1820,  of  Texas  in  1836  (as  a Republic),  of 
Florida  in  1838,  of  Kentucky  in  1850,  of  Indiana  in  1851,  and 
of  Oregon  in  1857. 

The  most  troublesome  to  the  Northern  States  were  the  reg- 
ulations of  the  seaboard  slave  States,  under  which  colored  sea- 
men of  Northern  vessels  were  frequently  imprisoned  and 
sometimes  sold. 

In  1844  Massachusetts  sent  Samuel  Hoar  to  Charleston  to 
bring  an  amicable  suit  there  for  the  purpose  of  testing  the  con- 


138 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


stitutionality  of  the  South  Carolina  act.  He  was  received  in  a 
very  unfriendly  fashion.  The  legislature  passed  resolutions 
requesting  the  governor  to  expel  him  from  the  State,  and  an  act 
making  any  such  mission  a high  misdemeanor  punishable 
by  fine  and  banishment.  Finally,  on  receiving  unequivocal 
assurance  of  personal  violence  if  he  remained,  Mr.  Hoar  left 
Charleston  without  fulfilling  his  mission. 

However  strongly  custom  may  have  established  slavery  in 
the  colonies,  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  validity  of  the 
system  was  at  least  made  doubtful  by  the  Sommersett  case  in 
England. 

In  that  country  in  1677  the  court  held  colored  slaves  to  be 
property,  as  being  usually  bought  and  sold  among  merchants, 
as  merchandise,  and  also  being  infidels.  In  1750  custom  had 
so  far  changed  that  the  law  was  again  in  doubt. 

In  1771  Charles  Stewart,  of  Boston,  took  his  slave,  James 
Sommersett,  to  London,  where  the  latter  fell  sick  and  was  sent 
adrift  by  his  master.  Stewart,  after  finding  Sommersett  re- 
covered, reclaimed  him  and  put  him  on  a ship  in  the  Thames 
bound  for  Jamaica.  Lord  Mansfield  issued  a writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  and  decided,  June  22,  1772,  that  the  master  could  not 
compel  his  slave  to  leave  England,  “whose  laws  did  not 
recognize  so  high  an  act  of  dominion.” 

If  the  colonies,  by  charter  and  otherwise,  were  forbidden  to 
pass  laws  contrary  to  the  laws  of  England,  and  if  the  laws  of 
England  did  not  recognize  slavery,  was  slavery  legal  in  the  col- 
onies? It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Sommersett  decision 
was  not  that  the  laws  of  England  forbade  slavery,  but  that 
there  was  no  law  in  England  establishing  slavery.  There  was 
no  attempt  to  make  an  English  custom  override  an  American 
custom,  and  we  cannot  draw  any  attack  on  the  American  sys- 
tem of  slavery  out  of  the  Sommersett  case. 

The  colonies  then  began  their  forcible  struggle  against 
the  mother  country,  with  a system  of  Negro  slavery,  recog- 
nized everywhere  by  law,  moribund  in  the  North,  but  full 
of  vigor  in  the  South.  In  the  North  there  was  a general 
consciousness  that  slavery  was  doomed,  the  slaves  were  gener- 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


1S9 


ally  regarded  as  servants  for  life,  as  persons  whose  personality 
was  under  suspension.  In  the  South  they  were  regularly 
regarded  by  the  law  and  by  private  opinion  as  things,  as 
chattels,  with  no  rights  or  privileges  but  such  as  those  who 
held  the  power  and  the  government  might  choose  to  grant 
them,  with  all  the  consequences  arising  from  the  fact  that  they 
had  not  come  to  America  voluntarily,  as  persons,  but  involun- 
tarily, as  property.  In  so  far  the  Dred  Scott  decision  correctly 
stated  the  feeling  of  our  forefathers.  But  the  feeling  was  in 
great  measure  a consequence  of  the  unfortunate  adoption  of 
the  rule,  Partus  sequitur  ventrem ; a race  to  which  the  rule 
was  applied  could  be  no  other  than  animal,  and  a people  among 
whom  the  rule  prevailed  could  never  be  emancipated  from  the 
feeling.  For  this  reason  the  Revolutionary  Congress  made  no 
attempt  to  interfere  with  slavery,  except  in  regard  to  the  slave 
trade. 

The  state  of  war  itself  did  little  real  harm  to  the  system. 
In  Virginia,  November  7,  1775,  Lord  Dunmore  proclaimed  free- 
dom to  all  slaves  who  would  fight  for  the  king,  and  colored  sol- 
diers were  enlisted  by  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and 
North  Carolina.  South  Carolina  refused  to  follow  the  recom- 
mendation of  Congress  in  1779,  to  enlist  3,000  colored  troops.  A 
return  of  the  Continental  army,  August  24,  1778,  shows  755  col- 
ored soldiers,  not  including  the  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut  or  New  York  troops.  At  the  end  of  the  war,  New 
York,  Rhode  Island,  and  Virginia  freed  their  colored  soldiers, 
but  the  system  remained  as  before.  The  treaty  of  peace  bound 
the  British  not  to  carry  away  any  “Africans  or  other  property 
of  the  American  inhabitants,”  and  this  collocation  of  terms  is 
repeated  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent  in  1814.  All  through  the 
period  of  the  Confederation,  slavery  received  no  detriment 
except  in  the  action  of  individual  States,  and  in  its  exclusion 
from  the  Northwest  Territory,  to  be  referred  to  hereafter.  The 
States  and  the  nation  began  their  course  under  the  Constitu- 
tion with  the  same  general  system  as  before,  but  with  three 
modifications:  the  appointment  of  representatives  to  three- 


140 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


fifths  of  the  slaves;  the  power  of  Congress  to  prohibit  the  slave 
trade  after  1808;  and  the  fugitive  slave  laws.  The  first  of  these 
made  the  system  of  slavery  itself  a political  factor,  represented 
in  the  government;  the  third  offered  a tempting  and  dangerous 
weapon  to  use  against  an  opposing  section;  and  the  second  was 
the  death-warrant  of  the  whole  system  in  the  double  event  of 
the  acquisition  of  foreign  territory  and  the  development  of 
antagonistic  sections. 

Until  this  time  the  difference  in  the  slave  system  of  the 
North  and  of  the  South  had  been  a difference  of  degree  rather 
than  of  kind.  The  basis  and  the  general  laws  were  nominally 
the  same  everywhere,  and  there  was  a general  agreement  that 
the  system  was  evil  in  itself,  and  that  it  was  desirable  to  rid 
the  country  of  it  by  gradual  abolition.  But  from  the  begin- 
ning the  masterful  white  race  had  found  in  the  colder  North 
that  it  was  easier  to  do  work  for  itself  than  to  compel  work 
from  the  black  race,  and  in  the  warmer  South  that  it  was  easier 
to  compel  work  from  the  black  race  than  to  do  the  work  for 
itself.  In  both  sections  the  ruling  race  followed  naturally  the 
line  of  least  resistance,  and  African  slavery  increased  in  the 
South,  and  decreased  in  the  North.  The  process  may  be  seen 
in  the  number  of  slaves  in  the  colonies  north  and  south  of 
Mason  and  Dixon’s  line,  as  estimated  by  the  Royal  Governors 
in  1715,  as  estimated  by  Congress  in  1775,  and  as  ascertained 
by  the  first  census  in  1790,  as  follows:  North,  (1715)  10,900, 
(1775)  46,102,  (1790)  40,370;  South,  (1715)  47,950,  (1775) 
455,000,  (1790)  657,527.  Before  1790  the  two  sections  had 
begun  to  show  the  contrasting  results  of  pushing  self-interested 
labor  on  the  one  hand,  and  unwilling  slave  labor  on  the  other. 
Gouverneur  Morris,  in  the  convention  of  1787,  thus  spoke  of 
slavery  at  the  time:  ‘‘It  was  the  curse  of  Heaven  on  the 
States  where  it  prevailed.  Travel  through  the  whole  continent, 
and  you  behold  the  prospect  continually  varying  with  the 
appearance  or  disappearance  of  slavery.  The  moment  you 
leave  the  Eastern  States  and  enter  New  York,  the  effects  of  the 
institution  become  visible.  Passing  through  the  Jerseys  and 
entering  Pennsylvania,  every  criterion  of  superior  improve- 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


141 


ment  witnesses  the  change.  Proceed  southwardly,  and  every 
step  you  take  through  the  great  regions  of  slaves  presents  a 
desert  increasing  with  the  increasing  proportion  of  these 
wretched  beings.”  Nor  was  the  assertion  denied  by  the  South- 
erners who  hear  it.  George  Mason,  of  Virginia,  said:  “Sla- 
very discourages  arts  and  manufactures.  The  poor  despise 
labor  when  performed  by  slaves.  They  prevent  the  emigration 
of  whites,  who  enrich  and  strengthen  a country.  They  produce 
the  most  pernicious  effect  on  manners.  Every  master  of  slaves 
is  born  a petty  tyrant.  They  bring  the  judgment  of  Heaven  on 
a country.  As  nations  can  not  be  rewarded  or  punished  in  the 
next  world,  they  must  be  in  this,  by  an  inevitable  chain  of 
causes  and  effects.  Providence  punishes  national  sins  by 
national  calamities.”  Jefferson,  in  the  same  year,  after  detail- 
ing the  evils  of  slavery,  added,  “Indeed,  I tremble  for  my 
country  when  I reflect  that  God  is  just,  and  that  His  justice 
can  not  sleep  forever.”  But  this  substantial  agreement  in 
sentiment  was  very  soon  to  be  broken  by  an  event  which  en- 
tirely altered  the  paths  of  the  two  sections. 

Few  influences  have  so  colored  the  history  of  the  United 
States  or  of  slavery  as  the  inventions  of  1775-93  in  England 
and  America.  In  1775  Crompton’s  invention  of  the  mule 
jenny  superseded  Hargreave’s  spinning  machine;  in  1783 
Watts’  steam  engine  was  adapted  to  the  spinning  and  carding 
of  cotton  at  Manchester;  in  1785  cylinder  printing  of  cottons 
was  invented;  and  in  1786-8  the  use  of  acid  in  bleaching 
was  begun.  All  the  machinery  of  the  cotton  manufactory 
was  thus  standing  ready  for  material.  Very  little  had  thus  far 
come  from  the  United  States,  for  a slave  could  clean  but  five 
or  six  pounds  a day  for  market.  In  1784  an  American  ship, 
which  brought  eight  bags  of  cotton  to  Liverpool,  was  seized, 
on  the  ground  that  so  much  of  the  article  could  not  be  the 
produce  of  the  United  States;  and  Jay’s  treaty  at  first  consented 
that  no  cotton  should  be  exported  from  America.  In  1793  Eli 
Whitney,  of  Connecticut,  then  residing  in  Georgia,  changed 
the  history  of  the  country  by  his  invention  of  the  saw  gin,  by 
which  one  slave  could  cleanse  one  thousand  pounds  of  cotton 


142 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


from  its  seeds  in  a day.  He  was  robbed  of  bis  invention, 
which  the  excited  planters  instantly  appropriated;  and  slavery 
ceased  to  be  a passive,  patriarchal  institution,  and  became  a 
means  of  gain,  to  be  upheld  and  extended  by  its  beneficiaries. 
The  export  of  cotton,  which  had  fallen  from  189,316  pounds  in 
1791  to  138,328  in  1792,  rose  to  487,600  pounds  in  1793,  to 
1,601,760  in  1794,  to  6,276,300  in  1795,  and  to  38,118,041  in 
1804.  Within  five  years  after  Whitney’s  invention  cotton  had 
displaced  indigo  as  the  great  Southern  staple  and  the  slave 
States  had  become  the  great  cotton  field  of  the  world.  In  1859 
the  export  was  1,386,468,562  pounds,  valued  at  $161,434,923, 
and  the  next  largest  export  (tobacco)  was  valued  at  but 
.$21,074,038.  Was  it  wonderful  that  Southerners  should  say 
and  believe  that  cotton  is  king,  and  that  secession  could  never 
be  attacked  by  blockade,  since  the  great  commercial  nations 
— even  the  free  States  themselves — would  not  thus  allow  them- 
selves to  be  deprived  of  the  raw  material  of  manufacture. 
The  reader  may  judge  the  reasonableness  of  the  belief,  and 
the  magnitude  of  the  temptations  to  English  intervention,  by 
the  value  of  the  English  imports  of  cotton  from  the  United 
States  and  elsewhere,  1861-3,  and  the  coincident  rise  in  price: 
Imports  from  the  United  States,  (1861)  $132,851,995,  (1862) 
$6,106,385,  (1863)  $2,300,000;  from  other  countries,  (1861) 
$65,034,990,  (1862)  $148,358,840,  (1863)  $213,700,000;  price 
per  pound,  (1861)  7c,  (1862)  13fc,  (1863)  27£c.  From  a 
purely  agricultural  and  commercial  venture  the  cotton  cul- 
ture has  taken  a different  aspect.  Those  who  controlled  it 
felt  very  much  the  same  importance  as  a man  might  feel  who 
had  gained  control  of  the  magazine  of  a man-of-war,  and  could 
threaten  to  blow  up  the  whole  ship  if  he  was  interfered  with 
in  any  way. 

This  development  of  the  culture  of  cotton  was  pregnant  with 
consequences  to  both  sections.  In  the  North  manufactures 
and  commerce  were  developed,  and  the  remnants  of  slavery  slid 
to  extinction  down  a steeper  and  smoother  descent.  In  the 
South  the  price  of  slaves  was  steadily  increasing,  and  the  in- 
creased profit  thus  indicated  was  steadily  stamping  labor  itself 


SLAVERY  IX  AMERICA. 


143 


as  slavery.  It  is  not  in  financial  matters  alone  that  bad  money 
drives  out  good:  wherever  slave  labor  was  extended,  it  tended 
constantly  to  expel  free  labor  from  the  market. 

Immigration  shunned  slave  soil  as  if  by  instinct,  and  it  was 
not  long  before  the  whole  population  of  the  slave  States  was 
divided  into  three  classes:  the  rich  whites,  who  did  no  work; 
the  poor  whites,  who  knew  not  how  to  work;  and  the  slaves, 
who  only  worked  when  compelled  to  do  so. 

The  result  on  the  economical  development  of  the  country 
may  easily  be  imagined.  No  one  was  under  any  special  incen- 
tive to  work,  to  invent,  or  to  surpass  his  neighbors;  slaves,  the 
only  working  class,  could  not  be  trusted  to  engage  in  any  labor 
requiring  care  or  thought;  success  in  anything  higher  than 
the  culture  of  cotton,  tobacco  or  sugar  meant  the  inevitable 
freedom  of  the  laborer;  and  long  before  1850  “Southern  shift- 
lessness” had  become  chronic,  hopeless  and  proverbial,  even  in 
the  South. 

Even  on  the  culture  of  the  soil  the  influence  of  the  slave  sys- 
tem was  for  evil.  Only  free  labor  can  get  large  profits  from  a 
small  surface,  and  the  unwilling  labor  of  slaves  required  so 
much  larger  area  for  its  exercise  that  in  1850  there  were  to  the 
square  mile  only  18.93  inhabitants  in  the  Southern  States, 
to  45.8  in  the  Northern  States.  Slavery,  like  Tacitus’  Germans, 
demanded  empty  acres  all  around  it.  This  constant  necessity 
of  elbow-room  for  slave  labor  was  the  ground  reason  for  its 
constant  effort  to  stretch  out  after  a new  territory.  A planter's 
policy  was  to  take  up  as  much  land  as  possible,  scratch  the 
surface  until  his  slaves  could  or  would  extract  no  more  from 
it,  and  then  search  for  virgin  soil,  for  it  was  cheaper  to  pass 
the  Mississippi,  or  invade  Texas,  than  to  cultivate  a worn-out 
plantation  with  slave  labor.  Scientific  agriculture,  or  the  re- 
vivification of  so-called  worn-out  farms,  were  never  attempted 
until  the  overthrow  of  slavery;  and  since  they  have  begun,  we 
hear  no  more  of  the  need  of  new  territory  for  cotton. 

The  influence  of  slavery  upon  the  section  in  which  it  ex- 
isted was  particularly  evil  in  regard  to  the  possibilities  of  war- 
fare. Not  only  did  it  throttle  commerce,  manufactures, 


144 


HI8T0RY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


literature,  art — everything  which  goes  to  make  a people  inde- 
pendent of  the  rest  of  the  world — its  influence  in  checking  the 
natural  increase  of  fighting  men  is  plainly  perceptible  in  the 
decennial  census  tables.  Even  where  there  is  an  apparent 
equality  of  numbers  between  the  two  sections,  the  equality  is 
delusive  so  long  as  the  Southern  scale  is  partly  filled  with  a 
population  not  only  non-combatant,  but  actually  to  be  dis- 
trusted as  possibly  hostile.  For  this  reason,  in  the  following 
table,  taking  separately  the  States  which  were  free  and  slave 
in  1860,  the  population  of  the  free  States  is  given  first,  then 
the  population  of  the  slave  States  (excluding  slaves),  and 
finally  the  slaves. 


1790 

1800 

1810 

1820 

1830 

1840 

1850 

1860 

NORTH. 

1,968,010 

2,6S4,616 

3,758,910 

5,152,327 

7,006,399 

9,733,922 

13,599,488 

19,128,418 

SOUTH. 

1,303,647 

1,764,211 

2,317,048 

2,966,989 

3,842,843 

4,848,107 

6,459,946 

8,361,848 

SLAVES 

657,527 

857,105 

1,163,854 

1 518,930 

2 005  469 

2,486,326 

3.204,051 

3,353,524 

Whatever  causes  may  be  assigned  to  explain  the  growing 
disproportion  of  free  population  and  fighting  men  of  the  two 
sections,  it  is  evident  that  the  slave  States  were  worse  fitted  at 
the  end  of  each  successive  period  for  a forcible  struggle  with 
the  free  States,  and  that  the  sceptre  was  departing  from  the 
South. 

We  do  not  propose  here  to  touch  on  the  moral  aspect  of 
slavery  or  the  absurd  Biblical  arguments  for  and  against  it: 
the  rigid  application  of  the  Partus  sequitur  ventrem  rule,  com- 
bined with  the  material  interests  of  the  cotton  monopoly,  will 
absolutely  distinguish  African  slavery  in  the  United  States 
from  every  system  that  has  preceded  it.  We  may  summarize 
the  economical  evils  of  the  system  in  those  points  which  no 
one  can  dispute  in  a few  words.  It  paralyzed  invention  and 
commerce;  it  prevented  manufactures  and  the  general  intro- 
duction of  railroads,  steam  machinery,  or  improved  agricul- 
tural implements;  it  degraded  labor  by  white  as  well  as  by 
black  men;  it  stunted  all  the  energies  of  the  people,  and  de- 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


145 


prived  them  of  those  physical  comforts  which  were  regarded 
elsewhere  as  almost  necessaries;  it  dwarfed  the  military  ability 
of  the  people  at  the  same  time  that  it  increased  the  military 
ambition  of  the  ruling  class,  and  kept  the  poor  whites  so  ignor- 
ant that,  to  them,  their  State  was  a universe,  its  will  sovereign, 
and  its  power  irresistible.  Every  year  increases  the  pile  of  ex- 
plosives in  the  Southern  territory,  and  yet  the  force  of  events 
compelled  slavery  to  grow  more  aggressive,  as  it  grew  really 
weaker  for  war.  That  a people  so  situated,  with  no  resources 
of  their  own  and  with  little  power  to  draw  from  without,  should 
have  waged  the  final  war  as  they  did,  is  almost  enough  to  hide 
in  the  glory  of  their  defeat  the  evil  thing  that  went  down  with 
them.  The  enormous  strides  of  the  Southern  States  since  the 
war  show  what  the  same  people  can  do  under  free  labor,  and 
nearly  all  Southern  writers  are  agreed  that  the  South  was  the 
greatest  gainer  by  the  overthrow  of  slavery.  President  Hay- 
good,  of  Georgia,  in  a thanksgiving  sermon  of  1880,  says: 
“For  one  illustration,  take  the  home  life  of  our  people.  There 
is  ten  times  the  comfort  there  was  twenty  years  ago.  Travel 
through  your  own  country — and  it  is  rather  below  than  above 
the  average — by  any  private  or  public  road,  compare  the  old 
and  the  new  houses.  Those  built  recently  are  better  in  every 
way  than  those  built  before  the  war.  I do  not  speak  of  an  oc- 
casional mansion  that  in  the  old  time  lifted  itself  proudly 
among  the  score  of  cabins,  but  of  the  thousands  of  decent  farm- 
houses and  comely  cottages  that  have  been  built  in  the 
last  ten  years.  I know  scores,  whose  new  barns  are  better  than 
their  old  residences.  Our  people  have  better  furniture.  Good 
mattresses  have  driven  out  old-time  feathers.  Cook  stoves, 
sewing-machines,  and  all  such  comforts  and  conveniences  may 
be  seen  in  a dozen  homes  to-day,  where  you  could  hardly  have 
found  them  in  one  in  1860.  Lamps,  that  make  reading  agree- 
able, have  driven  out  the  tallow  dip,  by  whose  glimmering  no 
eyes  could  long  read,  and  continue  to  see.  Better  taste  asserts 
itself:  the  new  houses  are  painted;  they  have  not  only  glass,  but 
blinds.  There  is  more  comfort  inside.  There  are  luxuries 
where  once  there  were  not  conveniences.  Carpets  are  getting 


146 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


to  be  common  among  the  middle  classes.  There  are  parlor 
organs,  pianos,  and  pictures,  where  we  never  saw  them  before. 
And  so  on  to  the  end  of  a long  chapter.  There  are  more  people 
at  work  in  the  South  to-day  than  were  at  work  before;  and 
they  are  raising,  not  only  more  cotton,  but  more  of  everything 
else.  And  no  wonder,  for  the  farming  of  to-day  is  better  than 
the  farming  of  the  old  days:  first,  in  better  culture;  second,  in 
the  ever-increasing  tendency  to  break  up  the  great  plantations 
into  small  farms.  Our  present  system  is  more  than  restoring 
what  the  old  system  destroyed.” 

The  Louisiana  Civil  Code  (Article  35)  thus  defines  a slave: 
“One  who  is  in  the  power  of  a master,  to  whom  he  belongs. 
The  master  may  sell  him,  dispose  of  his  person,  his  industry  and 
his  labor;  he  can  do  nothing,  possess  nothing,  nor  acquire  any- 
thing but  what  must  belong  to  his  master.”  This  comprehen- 
sive definition  will  show  the  status  of  the  slave  and  the  rights 
of  the  master  sufficiently  to  obviate  the  necessity  of  any  full 
statement  of  the 'Slave  laws  of  the  States.  As  slavery  rested  on 
custom,  its  regulation  was  uniformly  by  statute,  the  constitu- 
tion usually  ignoring  it,  and  leaving  it  wholly  in  the  power  of 
the  legislature.  Slavery  was  never  mentioned  in  the  State  con- 
stitutions of  Delaware,  Maryland  (until  1837),  Virginia  (until 
1850),  North  Carolina  (except  the  mere  mention  of  slaves  in 
1835),  South  Carolina  (except  a qualification  of  Africans  for 
membership  in  the  legislature,  in  1790),  or  Louisiana.  In  the 
new  States  slavery  was  legalized  by  that  provision  of  their  con- 
stitutions which  forbade  the  legislature  to  emancipate  slaves 
without  consent  of  their  owners,  or  to  prevent  immigrants  from 
bringing  their  slaves  into  the  State.  Such  provisions  were  in- 
serted by  Kentucky  in  1792,  Georgia  in  1798,  Mississippi  in 
1817,  Alabama  in  1819,  Missouri  in  1820,  Tennessee  in  1834, 
Arkansas  in  1836,  Maryland  in  1837,  Florida  in  1838,  Texas  in 
1836  and  1845,  and  Virginia  in  1850;  and  these  continued  in 
force  until  the  final  abolition  of  slavery.  Trial  by  jury  for 
crimes  above  the  grade  of  petit  larceny  was  secured  to  the  slave 
by  the  Constitution  of  Kentucky  in  1799,  Mississippi  in  1817, 
Alabama  in  1819,  Missouri  in  1820,  and  Texas  in  1845,  and  by 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


147 


various  statutes  in  Georgia,  Tennessee,  North  Carolina  and 
Maryland,  but  was  denied  in  any  case  in  South  Carolina,  Vir- 
ginia and  Louisiana.  There  were  also  provisions  in  most  of 
the  States  for  the  punishment  of  the  willful  and  deliberate  mur- 
der of  a slave.  The  benefit  of  both  these  provisions,  however, 
was  largely  nullified  by  the  universal  rules  of  law,  that  a slave’s 
testimony  could  not  be  received  against  a white  man,  and  that 
the  killing  of  a slave  who  should  resist  “lawful  authority”  was 
justifiable  homicide.  As  slavery  grew  more  extensive,  the 
necessity  for  repressive  legislation  to  act  upon  the  slaves  be- 
came more  pressing,  and  the  slave  codes  more  severe,  until 
every  white  person  felt  himself  to  be  a part  of  a military  force 
guarding  a dangerous  array  of  prisoners.  Education  of  slaves 
was  strictly  forbidden,  though  the  provision  was  frequently 
evaded  or  disobeyed  in  individual  cases.  The  pass  system  was 
in  full  vigor  everywhere,  and  even  the  younger  girls  of  the 
white  race  did  not  hesitate  to  stop  colored  people,  examine 
their  pass,  and  order  them  to  a particular  house  for  examina- 
tion. It  was  a strange  society,  always  on  the  alert,  always  with 
its  hand  on  the  sword,  and  cruel  and  evil  things  were  done. 
The  burning  of  slaves  as  a punishment  for  heinous  offenses  was 
not  an  uncommon  thing,  nor  was  it  by  any  means  the  most 
shocking  of  the  crimes,  in  the  punishment  of  which  George 
Mason’s  prophetic  words  of  1787  were  rigidly  fulfilled.  Many 
of  the  evils  had  a reflex  influence  upon  the  men  of  the  domi- 
nant race;  but  the  women,  shielded  from  personal  contact  with 
most  of  the  evil,  and  trained  from  childhood  in  the  daily  exer- 
cise of  the  heroic  virtues,  developed  an  unusual  force  of  charac- 
ter, to  which  much  of  the  stubborn  endurance  of  the  war  was 
due,  and  even  more  of  the  sudden  regeneration  of  the  South 
after  the  war. 

Black  Codes,  or  Black  Laws. — These  penal  laws  of  the 
slave  States  had  a very  direct  influence  upon  the  legislation  of 
several  of  the  free  States,  particularly  of  those  to  which  there 
had  been  a large  Southern  migration.  Ohio,  in  1803,  forbade 
colored  people  to  settle  in  the  State,  without  recording  a cer- 
tificate of  their  fredom;  in  1807,  passed  an  act  denying  to 


148 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


colored  people  the  privilege  of  testifying  in  cases  in  which  a 
white  man  was  interested  on  either  side,  and  followed  this  up 
by  excluding  them  from  the  public  schools  and  requiring  them 
to  give  bonds  for  their  good  behavior  while  residing  in  the 
State.  In  1849  these  “black  laws”  were  repealed,  as  a part  of 
the  bargain  between  the  Democrats  and  Free-soilers. 

The  legislation  of  Illinois  in  1819,  1827  and  1853  imi- 
tated that  of  Ohio,  and  in  1851  Indiana  inserted  similar 
provisions  in  her  State  constitution,  which  the  State  courts,  in 
18G6,  held  to  be  void,  as  repugnant  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  The  same  provisions  were  adopted  by  Iowa  in 
1851,  by  statute,  and  were  made  a part  of  the  Constitution  of 
Oregon  in  1857.  Wherever  the  State  constitutions  prescribed 
conditions  of  admission  to  the  militia,  as  in  Indiana  in  181G, 
Illinois  in  1818,  Iowa  in  1846,  Michigan  in  1850,  and  Kansas 
in  1859,  colored  people  were  excluded;  and  in  the  States  where 
the  composition  of  the  militia  was  left  to  the  legislature,  the 
exclusion  was  as  fully  attained  by  statute.  As  a general  rule, 
most  of  this  legislation  was  swept  away  as  rapidly  as  the  Re- 
publican party  obtained  complete  control  of  each  State  after 
1856. 

Insurrections. — No  slave  race  has  organized  so  few  insur- 
rections as  the  Colored  Race  in  the  United  States.  This  could 
hardly  be  due  to  cowardice  in  the  race,  for  its  members  have 
made  very  good  soldiers  when  well  organized;  nor  to  the  ex- 
ceptional gentleness  of  the  system,  for  it  was  one  of  increasing 
severity;  nor  wholly  to  the  affection  of  the  slaves  for  their 
masters,  for  the  great  plantation  system,  under  which  there 
could  have  been  little  affection  on  either  side,  had  been  fairly 
established  in  1860,  and  yet  there  was  no  insurrection  through- 
out the  Rebellion. 

It  is  encouraging  to  believe  that  the  race,  by  long  contact 
with  the  white  race,  has  imbibed  something  of  that  respect  for 
law  which  has  always  characterized  the  latter,  so  that  the 
colored  people,  however  enterprising,  when  backed  by  the 
forms  of  law,  patiently  submitted  to  legal  servitude.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  revolt,  during  their  history  as  slaves,  was  regularly 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


149 


individual,  and  that  most  of  it  was  only  revolt  by  legal 
construction. 

In  1710  an  insurrection  is  said  to  have  been  planned  in 
Virginia,  but  it  was  prevented  by  one  of  the  conspirators,  who 
revealed  the  plot,  and  was  rewarded  by  emancipation.  In 
1740  a local  insurrection  broke  out  in  South  Carolina,  but  it 
was  stamped  out  instantly  by  the  militia.  In  New  York  a plot 
was  unearthed  in  February  and  in  March,  1741,  and,  as  a con- 
sequence of  the  intense  popular  excitement,  a number  of 
Africans  and  whites  were  hung,  and  several  of  the  former 
burned;  but  the  whole  story  of  the  “conspiracy”  seems  now 
of  the  flimsiest  possible  construction. 

In  1820  Denmark  Vesey,  a St.  Domingo  mulatto,  organized 
an  insurrection  in  Charleston.  It  was  revealed;  Vesey  and 
thirty-four  others  were  hung,  and  a like  number  were  sold  out 
of  the  State.  In  August,  1831,  the  most  formidable  of  all  the 
insurrections  broke  out  in  Southampton  County,  near  Norfolk, 
Virginia,  led  by  Nat  Turner.  He  believed  that  he  had  been 
instructed  by  Heaven  three  years  before  to  rebel,  the  sign 
being  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  in  February,  1831;  but,  oppressed 
by  a sense  of  the  greatness  of  the  task,  he  fell  sick  and  did 
not  begin  until  August.  With  fifty  associates,  he  then  began 
a massacre  of  the  whites,  sparing  neither  age  nor  sex.  The 
insurrection  was  at  once  suppressed,  and  Turner,  after  several 
weeks’  concealment,  was  captured  and  executed  in  November. 
The  total  loss  of  life  was  sixty-one  whites  and  over  a hundred 
colored.  The  Seminole  War  in  Florida  partook  very  much  of 
the  character  of  an  African  insurrection.  While  Florida  was 
under  Spanish  rule,  very  many  fugitive  slaves  had  taken  refuge 
there  and  intermarried  with  the  Indians;  and  the  desire  of 
reclaiming  them  was  the  secret  of  many  of  the  Indian  difficul- 
ties of  that  region.  In  1816  American  troops  blew  up  the 
“Negro  fort”  on  the  Appalachicola,  which  was  the  head- 
quarters of  the  fugitives.  On  the  annexation  of  Florida,  slave- 
hunting increased  in  eagerness,  and  the  fugitives  were  pur- 
sued into  the  everglades.  In  1833  the  Seminoles  had  about 
two  hundred  slaves  of  their  own  and  twelve  hundred  fugitives. 


150 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


One  of  the  latter,  the  wife  of  Osceola,  was  seized  while  trading 
at  Fort  King,  and  her  enraged  husband  at  once  began  open 
war.  It  was  conducted  with  inhuman  cruelty  on  both  sides, 
the  most  prominent  example  being  the  massacre  of  Major 
Dade’s  command  December  28,  1835.  The  American  com- 
manders hardly  ever  made  any  secret  of  the  great  object  of 
the  war,  the  recapture  of  the  fugitives,  and,  as  the  Seminoles 
refused  to  make  any  treaty  in  which  the  fugitives  were  not 
included,  the  war  was  long  and  expensive. 

In  1845  a treaty  was  arranged  for  the  removal  of  both 
Seminoles  and  fugitives  beyond  the  Mississippi,  but  the  claim- 
ants pursued  the  latter  with  every  form  of  legal  attack,  secured 
some  of  them,  and,  in  1852,  obtained  payment  from  Congress 
for  the  remainder.  The  Harper’s  Ferry  insurrection,  given 
elsewhere,  closed  the  list  of  colored  revolts. 

The  System  Externally — The  Slave  Trade. — It  has  long  been 
a general  belief  that  the  colonies,  before  the  Revolution,  were 
anxious  to  prohibit  the  slave  trade,  but  were  prevented  by  the 
Crown’s  instructions  to  the  governors  to  veto  any  such  laws, 
and  the  Virginia  declaration  of  June  29,  1776,  denounces  the 
King  for  “prompting  our  slaves  to  rise  in  arms  among  us, 
those  very  Africans  whom,  by  an  inhuman  use  of  his  negative, 
he  had  refused  us  permission  to  exclude  by  law.”  The  case 
is  complete  enough  against  the  Crown. 

From  the  time  of  Hawkins’  slaving  cruise,  in  1562,  the 
British  government  was  an  active  partner  in  the  slave  trade. 
By  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  1713  it  secured  for  one  of  its  mo- 
nopolies the  slave  trade  from  Africa  to  the  West  Indies;  in 
1750  it  beneficently  threw  open  the  trade  to  all  its  subjects, 
and  its  consistent  policy  is  well  stated  in  the  official  declara- 
tion of  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  in  1775  that  “the  colonies 
must  not  be  allowed  to  check,  or  discourage  in  any  degree,  a 
traffic  so  beneficial  to  the  nation.”  But  it  is  not  so  easy  to 
clear  the  skirts  of  the  colonies.  The  assertion  of  their  desire 
to  suppress  the  trade  rests  on  a great  number  of  acts  laying 
duties  upon  it;  the  titles  of  twenty-four  of  these  acts  in  Vir- 
ginia are  given  in  Judge  Tucker’s  appendix  to  Blackstone; 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


151 


but  almost  invariably  these  acts  were  passed  for  revenue  only, 
and  the  Virgina  act  of  1752  notices  in  its  preamble  that  the 
duty  has  been  found  “no  way  burdensome  to  the  traders.” 
It  was  not  until  the  opening  of  the  Revolution  that  any  honest 
effort  was  made  to  suppress  the  trade,  except  in  Pennsylvania, 
where  bills  to  abolish  the  slave  trade  were  passed  in  1712, 
1714  and  1717,  and  vetoed.  The  Massachusetts  General  Court 
passed  a bill  to  prohibit  the  slave  trade  March  7,  1774;  and 
another,  June  16,  followed,  but  both  were  vetoed. 

It  was  prohibited,  further,  by  Rhode  Island  in  June,  1774, 
by  Connecticut  in  October,  1774,  and  by  the  non-importation 
covenant  of  the  Continental  Congress,  October  24,  1774,  as 
follows:  “We  will  neither  import  nor  purchase  any  slave  im- 
ported after  the  first  day  of  December  next;  after  which  time 
we  will  wholly  discontinue  the  slave  trade,  and  will  neither  be 
concerned  in  it  ourselves,  nor  will  we  hire  our  vessels,  nor 
sell  our  commodities  or  manufactures  to  those  who  are  con- 
cerned in  it.” 

This  covenant,  ratified  by  the  States  North  and  South, 
checked  the  trade  for  a time. 

No  further  attempt  was  made  by  Congress  to  interfere  with 
the  trade,  and  the  ratification  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
in  1781  gave  the  States  the  power  to  regulate  this  and  all  other 
species  of  commerce. 

In  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  the  question  of  the 
regulation  of  the  slave  trade  offered  a great  difficulty.  The 
three  Southern  States  demanded  its  continuance,  alleging  that 
Virginia  and  Maryland  desired  to  prohibit  it  only  to  secure  a 
domestic  market  for  their  own  surplus  slaves.  The  matter 
was  compromised  by  allowing  Congress  to  prohibit  it  after 
1808.  In  the  meantime,  the  act  of  March  22,  1794,  prohibited 
the  carrying  of  slaves  by  American  citizens  from  one  foreign 
country  to  another.  The  act  of  May  10,  1800,  allowing  United 
States  war-vessels  to  seize  ships  engaged  in  such  trade,  and 
the  act  of  February  28,  1803,  prohibited  the  introduction  of 
slaves  into  States  which  had  forbidden  the  slave  trade  by  law. 
Virginia  had  done  so,  by  statute  in  1778  and  1785,  Georgia  by 


152 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


constitutional  provision)  in  1798,  South  Carolina  by  statute 
in  1798.  Finally,  Congress,  by  act  of  March  2,  1807,  prohibited 
the  importation  of  slaves  altogether  after  the  close  of  the 
year;  the  act  of  April  20,  1818,  and  March  3,  1819,  authorized 
the  President  to  send  cruisers  to  the  coast  of  Africa  to 
stop  the  trade;  and  the  act  of  May  15,  1820,  declared  the 
foreign  slave  trade  to  be  piracy.  It  cannot,  however,  be 
truly  said  that  the  slave  trade  was  abolished — it  never  really 
ceased  before  1865.  The  census  of  1870  assigns  Africa 
as  the  birthplace  of  nearly  2,000  colored  people,  and  it  is 
impossible  even  to  estimate  the  number  illegally  imported 
from  1808  until  1865.  The  sixth  section  of  the  act  of  March  2, 
1807,  allowed  colored  people,  confiscated  under  the  act,  to 
be  disposed  of  as  the  legislature  of  the  State  might  direct. 
The  Southern  legislatures  promptly  directed  the  sale  of  the 
confiscated  Africans. 

This  absurd  section,  which  introduced  slaves  into  the  South, 
while  punishing  the  importer,  was  repealed  March  3,  1819, 
and  the  confiscated  Africans  were  ordered  to  be  returned  to 
their  native  land. 

The  claim  of  British  naval  officers  on  the  African  coast  to 
visit  and  search  vessels  flying  the  American  flag,  but  suspected 
of  being  slavers,  was  steadily  resisted  by  the  American  govern- 
ment, and  led  to  an  infinite  variety  of  diplomatic  difficulties 
and  correspondence.  It  was  finally  compromised  by  Articles 
VIII.  and  IX.  of  the  Webster-Ashburton  treaty,  August  9, 
1842,  by  which  the  two  governments  agreed  to  maintain 
independent  squadrons  on  the  African  coast  to  act  in  conjunc- 
tion. Difficult  as  this  made  the  slave  trade,  it  by  no  means 
suppressed  it.  And  as  the  price  of  Africans  in  the  South  rose 
higher,  importations  increased,  and  so  did  the  difficulties  of 
obtaining  convictions  from  Southern  juries.  The  most  noto- 
rious case  was  that  of  the  Georgia  yacht  “Wanderer”  in 
December,  1858,  but  it  was  not  the  only  one.  According  to 
the  Evening  Post,  of  New  York  city,  85  vessels  were  fitted  out 
from  that  port  for  the  slave  trade  during  the  eighteen  months 
of  1858-60,  the  names  of  the  vessels  being  given;  and  another 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


153 


newspaper  of  the  same  city  estimated  the  cargoes  introduced 
by  these  New  York  vessels  alone  at  from  30,000  to  60,000 
Africans  annually.  Said  a Georgia  delegate  in  the  Charleston 
Convention  of  1860:  “If  any  of  you  Northern  Democrats  will 
go  home  with  me  to  my  plantation,  I will  show  you  some 
darkies  that  I bought  in  Virginia,  some  in/  Delaware,  some  in 
Florida,  and  I will  also  show  you  the  pure  African,  ‘the  noblest 
Roman  of  them  all.’  I represent  the  African  slave  trade 
interest  of  my  section.”  In  1858  an  ingenious  attempt  was 
made  to  evade  the  law.  A Charleston  vessel  applied  for  a 
clearance  to  the  African  coast,  “for  the  purpose  of  taking  on 
board  African  emigrants  in  accordance  with  the  United  States 
laws.”  Howell  Cobb,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  refused  to 
give  the  clearance. 

As  we  approach  the  year  1860,  we  find  growing  apprehen- 
sions of  the  re-opening  of  the  foreign  slave  trade.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  Congress  was  only  permitted,  not  directed,  to 
abolish  the  trade  after  1808,  and  that  a simple  repeal  of  the 
law  of  1807  would  have  made  it  as  legal  as  any  other  branch 
of  commerce.  The  inherent  weakness  of  the  system  of  slavery, 
which  grew  weaker  as  it  widened,  imperatively  demanded  the 
repeal.  To  retain  political  power  it  was  necessary  to  intro- 
duce the  custom  of  slavery  into  the  new  Territories  in  order  to 
prepare  them  to  be  slave  States.  For  this  the  domestic  sup- 
ply would  not  suffice;  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  in  his  fare- 
well speech  to  his  constituents,  July  2,  1859,  says  “that  his 
object  is  to  bring  clearly  to  your  mind  the  great  truth  that 
without  an  increase  of  African  slaves  from  abroad,  you  may 
not  expect  to  look  for  many  more  slave  States.”  The  repeal 
of  the  law  of  1807,  and  the  revival  of  the  foreign  slave  trade, 
were  advocated  by  the  Southern  commercial  convention  in 
1858  and  1859,  by  De  Bow’s  Review,  and  by  a great  and  grow- 
ing number  of  leading  men  and  newspapers.  It  was  even 
taking  the  aspect  of  a new  phase  of  a distinct  Southern  polit- 
ical creed,  an  effort  to  repeal  that  which  was  a standing 
condemnation  of  slave-holding  and  slave-holders.  Before  any- 
thing definite  could  be  attempted,  Secession  intervened.  The 


154 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States  forbade  the  foreign 
slave  trade,  and  “required”  Congress  to  pass  such  laws  as 
should  effectually  prevent  the  same.  How  long  this  prohibi- 
tion would  have  endured  if  independence  had  been  achieved 
can  only  be  conjectured,  but  it  is  certain  that  a Slave-holding 
government  would  have  found  far  more  difficulty  in  enforcing 
such  a prohibition  than  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
had  found. 

We  will  now  consider  the  domestic  slave  trade:  Even  bar- 
ring Secession  and  Rebellion,  African  slavery  had  always  a 
possible  danger  in  the  undoubted  power  of  Congress  to  regu- 
late commerce  “between  the  States.”  Should  this  power  ever 
find  a majority  in  Congress  ready  to  apply  it  in  an  unfriendly 
spirit  to  the  sale  of  slaves  from  State  to  State,  and-  thus  to 
coop  up  each  body  of  slaves  in  its  own  territory,  the  system 
would  be  injured  in  a vital  point.  For  this  reason  the  ninth 
section  of  the  Act  of  1807  allowed  the  transfer  of  slaves  from 
point  to  point,  along  the  coast,  in  vessels  of  not  more  than  forty 
tons  burden.  After  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  British 
colonies,  American  coasting  vessels  with  slaves  on  board 
would  occasionally  be  forced  by  a stress  of  weather  into 
British  West  India  ports,  and  the  authorities  at  once  liberated 
the  slaves.  Diplomatic  complications  followed,  of  course;  but 
the  British  Government  steadily  refused  to  pay  for  the  slaves 
liberated,  except  in  cases  which  had  occurred  before  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  in  the  colonies.  The  domestic  slave  trade  by 
land  was  never  interfered  with,  until  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
except  by  the  unavoidable  operations  of  war  during  the 
Rebellion.  A bill  was  introduced  by  Sumner  in  1864  to  pro- 
hibit it,  but  it  came  to  nothing.  A bill  to  repeal  the  sections 
of  the  Act  of  1807,  permitting  the  coastwise  slave  trade,  was 
added  as  a rider  to  an  appropriation  bill,  and  became  law 
•July  2,  1864. 

The  Suffrage  Clause  and  the  Slave  Power. — The  Constitution 
gave  to  the  States  in  which  slavery  existed  legal  repre- 
sensation in  the  lower  house  of  Congress  for  three-fifths  of  their 
slaves.  In  this  provision  there  was  innate  an  influence, 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


155 


which  was  as  potent  on  the  political  aspect  of  the  slave  sys- 
tem as  the  cotton  culture  was  upon  its  material  aspect. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  in  spite  of  the  number  of  slaves 
in  the  South,  slave-M<mtn<7  was  not  at  all  general  in  that 
section.  In  1850  the  white  population  of  the  South  was 
6,459,946,  and  De  Bow,  superintendent  of  the  census,  and  a 
pro-slavery  Southerner,  gives  the  number  of  slave-holders  as 
only  347,525,  classified  as  follows:  holders  of  one  slave, 
68,820;  two  to  five  slaves,  105,683;  six  to  ten  slaves,  80,765; 
eleven  to  twenty  slaves,  54,595;  twenty-one  to  fifty  slaves, 
29,733;  fifty-one  to  one  hundred  slaves,  6,196;  one  hundred 
and  one  to  two  hundred  slaves,  1,479;  two  hundred  and  one 
to  three  hundred  slaves,  187 ; three  hundred  and  one  to  five 
hundred  .slaves,  56;  five  hundred  and  one  to  one  thousand 
slaves,  9;  over  one  thousand  slaves,  2.  But  even  this  state- 
ment, De  Bow  admits,  has  an  element  of  deceptiveness,  for  most 
of  the  small  holders  were  not  slave-owners,  but  slave-hirers; 
and  he  estimates  the  actual  number  of  slave-owners  at  186,551. 

In  1850  ninety  of  the  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Representatives  were  apportioned  to  the 
slave-holding  States.  If  we  omit  from  their  population  three- 
fifths  of  the  number  of  their  slaves  in  1850,  they  would  have 
been  entitled,  in  round  numbers,  to  but  seventy  representa- 
tives. The  other  twenty  members  represented  only  the  186,551 
slave-owners,  and  the  loosest  examination  of  the  majorities 
by  which  bills  passed  the  House  of  Representatives,  during 
the  anti-slavery  conflict,  will  show  that  the  introduction  of 
these  twenty  votes  was  usually  the  decisive  factor,  down  to 
1855.  This  consequence  was  apparent  from  an  early  date. 
The  repeal  of  the  suffrage  clause  was  demanded  in  1814,  and 
the  demand  grew  still  stronger  after  1833,  and  never  failed  to 
excite  the  hottest  wrath  of  Southern  members.  Perhaps  the 
occasion  which  aroused  the  most  intense  feeling  was  the  pre- 
sentation by  John  Quincy  Adams  in  Congress,  December  21, 
1843,  of  a formal  proposal  from  the  Democratic  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts  to  amend  the  Constitution  by  the  repeal  of  the 
three-fifths  clause. 


156 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


In  Congress  it  was  denounced  unsparingly,  and  refused  the 
privilege  of  printing,  and  out  of  Congress  the  fervor  of  denun- 
ciation was  unreportable. 

But  the  direct  operation  of  the  three-fifths  clause  was  far 
less  than  its  indirect  influence.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
the  20,000  slave-owners  necessarily  included  in  their  ranks 
almost  all  the  governors,  judges,  legislators,  and  leading  men 
of  the  slave  States,  and  their  senators  and  representatives 
also,  since  the  purchase  of  one  or  more  slaves  was  the  first  step 
of  any  man  who  began  to  acquire  wealth;  and  that  all  these 
men  were  united  by  a common  purpose,  the  protection  of  prop- 
erty, which  was  superior  in  its  every-day  operation  to  almost 
any  other  claim.  Practically,  then  the  200,000  slave-owners, 
recruited  from  time  to  time  by  new  accessions,  formed  a domi- 
nant class;  and  the  ninety  representatives  and  thirty  senators 
(in  1850)  not  only  represented  them,  but  were  selected  from 
their  number.  Such  a political  force  as  this  had  never  before 
appeared  in  American  politics:  the  utmost  conceivable  evils  of 
the  influence  of  corporations  must  pale  their  fires  before  it;  and 
it  is  no  wonder  that,  as  it  rose  gloomier  and  more  threatening 
upon  the  Southern  sky,  the  instinctive  political  sense  of  the  peo- 
ple gave  it  the  name  of  the  “slave  power.”  In  the  nature  of 
things  this  power  could  not  be  conservative:  it  must  be  aggres- 
sive, for  the  interest  represented  by  it  demanded  extension  to 
obtain  profit;  and  yet  as  it  grew  wider  it  grew  weaker,  and 
needed  still  warmer  support.  The  general  double-acting  rule 
was:  the  more  slaves  the  more  territory,  the  more  territory 
the  more  slaves.  It  was  not  in  human  nature  for  the  men  who 
made  up  the  slave  power  to  resist  an  influence  so  constant,  so 
natural,  so  silent,  and  so  powerful,  and  the  vicious  twist  given 
by  it  to  the  whole  Southern  policy  grew  stronger  yearly.  No 
influence,  even  that  of  honor,  could  resist  its  undermining,  or 
escape  being  argued  away.  It  was  progressively  successful  in 
transplanting  the  custom  of  slavery  beyond  the  Mississippi,  in 
swinging  the  whole  force  of  the  nation  upon  Mexico,  for  the 
acquisition  of  new  slave  territory,  and  in  violating  the  condition 
precedent,  on  which  it  had  obtained  the  admission  of  Missouri 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


157 


as  a slave  State;  and  it  was  partially  prepared  in  1861  to  shock 
the  conscience  of  civilization  by  re-opening  the  foreign  slave 
trade,  to  whose  suppression  the  good  faith  of  the  nation  was 
pledged.  But  before  this  last  effort  could  be  made,  its  time 
had  come.  The  internal  defects  of  the  combined  cotton-slave 
system  could  not  remain  stationary.  Nothing  is  more  certain 
than  that,  from  1840  to  1860,  the  number  of  slave-owners  was 
diminishing,  particularly  in  the  Gulf  States.  The  plantations 
were  growing  larger,  the  cotton  culture  was  becoming  less  and 
less  patriarchal,  and  more  and  more  of  a business,  and  the  slave 
power  itself  was  growing  more  compact,  grasping  and  reckless. 
It  might  have  been  that,  without  Secession,  this  concentrating 
process  would  have  gone  on,  until  the  non-slave-holding  whites 
of  the  South  would  have  united  against  it;  but  that  possibility 
was  never  tried.  In  1860  the  rising  anti-slavery  tide  of  the 
North  and  West  came  into  flat  collision  with  the  rising  tide 
of  the  slave  power.  An  equilibrium  was  at  last  restored  by 
violence. 

It  was  not  alone  the  inherent,  grasping  nature  of  the  slave 
power  which  affronted  the  non-slave-holding  States,  and  helped 
to  bring  about  the  final  catastrophe.  It  is  no  reflection  upon 
Southern  legislators  of  the  present  to  say  that  the  slave- 
holding member  of  Congress,  until  1861,  was  an  exceedingly 
unpleasant  personage.  His  faults  of  thought,  feeling,  expres- 
sion, and  manners  were  long  ago  explained  by  Jefferson:  “If 
a parent  had  no  other  motive  within  his  own  philanthropy  or 
in  his  self-love  for  restraining  the  intemperance  of  passion 
toward  his  slave,  it  should  always  be  a sufficient  one  that  his 
child  is  present.  But  generally  it  is  not  sufficient.  The  parent 
storms,  the  child  looks  on,  catches  the  lineaments  of  wrath,  puts 
on  the  same  airs  in  the  circle  of  smaller  slaves,  gives  loose 
rein  to  his  worst  passions,  and  thus  nursed,  educated,  and  daily 
exercised  in  tyranny,  cannot  but  be  stamped  by  it  with  odious 
peculiarities.” 

However  unjust  it  may  be  in  theory  to  wage  a political 
crusade  against  bad  manners,  it  is  as  certain  as  anything  can 
be  that  the  political  Union  of  the  free  States  in  1860  was 


I* 


158  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

largely  brought  about  by  the  odious  peculiarities  of  slave- 
holding members  of  Congress  in  debate.  Their  boisterous 
violence,  their  willingness  to  take  liberties  of  language,  con- 
trasted with  their  unwillingness  to  allow  the  same  liberty  to  op- 
ponents, their  disposition  to  supplement  discussion  with  actual 
violence,  or  threats  of  it,  the  indescribable  and  merciless  as- 
sumption of  an  acknowledged  superiority,  made  the  debates  of 
1850-60  a shameful  record,  and  are  still  remembered  by  their 
old  opponents,  with  a certain  soreness,  as  “plantation  manners.” 

It  was  bad  enough  that  a senator  (Sumner)  should  be 
clubbed  into  unconsciousness  for  words  spoken  in  debate;  it 
was,  if  anything,  worse  that  his  first  speech  on  his  return  to 
the  Senate  should  be  answered  by  a South  Carolina  senator, 
■with  the  remark  that,  “We  are  not  inclined  again  to  send  forth 
the  recipient  of  punishment,  howling  through  the  world, 
yelping  fresh  cries  of  slander  and  malice.” 

Southern  writers  will  never  fully  understand  the  election  of 
1860,  until  they  come  to  study  in  the  light  of  the  new  training 
the  debates  which  preceded  it. 

A power  so  situated  in  a constantly  weakening  minority  in 
the  nation,  and  yet  supreme  in  its  influence  in  its  own  States, 
was  necessarily  particularist  in  theory.  Where  it  ruled, 
the  forefathers  had  said  State  sovereignty  and  meant  State 
rights,  while  their  descendants  said  State  rights  and  meant 
State  sovereignty.  And  the  development  of  the  greajt  cotton 
interest  made  State  sovereignty  even  worse  than  it  was  by 
nature;  instead  of  the  jarring  and  comparatively  innocuous 
demands  of  State  sovereignty,  it  banded  together  a number  of 
States  by  a common  controlling  interest,  and  evoked  the  deadly 
peril  of  sectional  sovereignty.  State  rights  could  never  have 
caused  a blow;  even  State  sovereignty  would  have  died  a harm- 
less and  natural  death;  but  slavery  and  sectional  State  sov- 
ereignty each  so  acted  and  reacted  upon  the  evil  points  of  the 
other  that  the  combined  tumor  was  at  last  beyond  reach  of 
anything  but  the  knife.  But,  during  its  existence,  slavery 
never  hesitated,  upon  occasion,  to  drop  State  sovereignty  for 
the  time  and  use  the  nation  and  the  national  idea  as  political 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


ICO 


forces  for  its  advancement;  and  yet  it  never  did  so,  except  in 
the  case  of  the  acquisition  of  Florida,  without  injuring  itself. 
In  its  infancy  it  acquired  the  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi 
by  a process  which  was  only  defensible  on  the  ground  that  the 
powers  of  the  Government  were  given  by  a nation,  and  not  by 
sovereign  States — and  out  of  this  territory  grew  its  subse- 
quent difficulties. 

It  flung  the  nation  upon  Mexico,  and  the  disputes  over  the 
territory  thus  acquired  first  put  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  into 
political  shape.  It  forced  the  passage  of  a fugitive  slave  act, 
fatally  adverse  to  State  sovereignty  and  State  rights,  in  com- 
pensation for  the  admission  of  California  as  a State,  an  act 
whose  operation  made  its  moving  power  the  object  not  only  of 
dread,  but  of  abhorrence,  in  the  free  States.  Finally,  by  trans- 
ferring theoretical  State  sovereignty  into  practical  secession,  it 
compelled  such  an  extensive  showing  of  national  power  that 
the  effects  will  be  felt  for  generations  to  come. 


160 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRITORIES  AND  NEW  STATES. 

“ The  day  is  breaking  in  the  East  of  which  the  prophets  told, 

And  brightens  up  the  sky  of  Time,  the  Christian  Age  of  Gold; 

Old  Might  to  Right  is  yielding,  battle  blade  to  clergy  pen. 

Earth's  monarchs  are  the  people’s,  and  her  serfs  stand  up  as  men;  .. 
The  isles  rejoice  together— in  a day  are  nations  born— 

And  the  slave  walks  free  in  Tunis,  and  by  Stamboul’s  Golden  Horn.” 

IT  is  certain  that  slavery  in  the  original  States  was  founded 
on  custom  only,  and  the  same  foundation,  if  any,  must  be 
found  for  slavery  in  Territories  and  new  States.  The  modern 
States  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  for  example,  were  never 
colonies  or  territories  of  their  parent  States;  they  were  inte- 
gral parts  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  and  the  custom  of 
slavery  was  established  at  Nashville  or  Harrodsburgh  on  just 
the  same  basis  as  at  Beaufort  or  Richmond.  When  their  sep- 
aration from  the  parent  States  took  place,  the  custom  of  slavery 
remained,  and  they  entered  the  Union  as  slave  States. 

Granting  that  no  opposition  to  slavery  was  felt  by  the 
nation  at  large,  the  same  process  might  have  been  repeated  any- 
where, and  custom,  unopposed,  might  have  made  any  Territory 
slave  soil  and  brought  it  into  the  Union  as  a slave  State.  It 
is,  therefore,  impossible  to  admit  fully  the  dogma  so  popular 
and  useful  in  the  anti-slavery  conflict,  that  the  national  terri- 
tory was  free  soil  without  any  statutory  enactment.  It  might 
be  free  and  it  might  be  slave,  according  to  custom.  In  the 
cases  of  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Mississippi  and  Alabama  the 
cessions  of  their  territory  were  accepted  by  the  United  States 
from  Virginia,  North  Corolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia 
under  a pledge  not  to  interfere  with  the  existing  custom  of 
slavery. 

The  rights  of  all  these  States  to  the  territory  which  they 
professed  to  cede,  like  the  rights  of  New  York,  Connecticut  and 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


161 


Massachusetts  to  the  Northwestern  Territory,  were  exceedingly 
doubtful;  nevertheless,  the  pledge  was  honorably  fulfilled. 

The  slave-holding  States  always  denied  that  any  act  of 
Congress  could  prohibit  the  custom  of  slavery  in  a Territory. 
But  this  is  as  impossible  of  acceptance  as  the  free-soil  dogma 
above  stated. 

The  Territories  were  certainly  not  without  law.  Their 
inhabitants  were  not  the  law-making  power,  for  then  there 
would  have  been  no  distinction  between  Territories  and  States. 
On  any  other  subject  than  slavery,  no  one,  in  court  or  Con- 
gress, denied  that  Congress  was  the  law-maker  for  the  Terri- 
tories. But  slavery  was  only  a custom;  and,  while  no  one 
denies  that  a custom  is  valid  until  abrogated  by  statute,  this  has 
been  the  only  case  in  which  it  has  been  seriously  asserted  that 
any  custom  is  above  and  beyond  abrogation  by  statute.  So 
evident  was  this  in  1787  that  the  ordinance  of  that  year  abol- 
ished slavery  in  the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  in  whose 
case  no  restraining  pledge  had  been  given.  The  Articles 
of  Confederation  which  were  then  in  force  gave  Congress  no 
power  to  so  prohibit  slavery,  or,  indeed,  to  hold  or  govern  ter- 
ritory at  all.  The  whole  act  was  so  obviously  a consequence  of 
the  national  power  to  hold  and  govern  its  own  territory,  and 
was  so  plain  a parallel  to  the  proposal  to  similarly  prohibit 
slavery  in  the  Mexican  annexations,  that  Southern  writers 
have  endeavored  to  avoid  it  in  two  ways : First,  they  assert  that 
the  ordinances  were  merely  an  expression  of  the  will  of  the 
several  States,  a new  article  of  confederation,  so  to  speak.  This 
is  impossible.  The  State  vote  on  the  Ordinance  of  1787  was 
indeed  unanimous,  but  this  fact  has  no  bearing  on  the  matter, 
for  the  Ordinance  of  1784,  which  covered  much  the  same  ground 
(except  the  prohibition  of  slavery),  was  not  adopted  by  unani- 
mous vote,  South  Carolina  voting  in  the  negative,  and  yet  its 
validity  was  never  impeached  on  that  account.  Further,  the 
articles  of  confederation  were  to  be  amended  by  State  legisla- 
tion only:  however  we  may  admit  the  power  of  a national  con- 
vention to  override  them,  we  can  hardly  acknowledge  the  power 
of  Congress  itself  to  amend  them.  Second,  Judge  Taney,  in 


162 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  Dred  Scott  decision,  holds  that  the  Ordinance  of  1787  “had 
become  inoperative,  and  a nnllity  npon  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution.” If  this  was  so,  and  if  it  was  true,  as  the  same 
decision  holds,  that  the  power  of  Congress  to  make  “all  need- 
ful rules  and  regulations”  for  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
was  intended  to  be  confined  to  the  territory  then  owned  by  the 
United  States,  and  not  to  be  extended  to  territory  subsequently 
'acquired,  the  fugitive  slave  law  of  1850  was  in  a large  degree 
unconstitutional.  It  was  based  on  the  fugitive  slave  clause  of 
the  Constitution:  but  this  only  allowed  the  reclamation  of 
slaves  from  one  State  to  another  State. 

During  the  territorial  existence  of  the  Northwest,  the 
ground  was  covered  by  this  proviso  to  the  prohibition  of 
slavery  by  the  Ordinance  of  1787 : “Provided  always  that  any 
person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is 
lawfully  claimed  in  any  one  of  the  original  States,  such  fugi- 
tive may  be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  to  the  person 
claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service  as  aforesaid.”  If  the 
power  to  make  rules  and  regulations  for  the  Territories  only 
applied  to  the  territory  owned  in  1789,  and  was  intended  to 
supply  the  place  of  the  fugitive  slave  clause  in  the  superseded 
Ordinance  of  1787,  it  followed  that  the  fugitive  slave  law  of 
1793  exhausted  the  constitutional  powers  of  Congress  to  pro- 
vide for  the  reclamation  of  fugitive  slaves  to  a Territory. 

All  the  trans-Mississippi  territory  was  subsequently  ac- 
quired; and,  if  the  Dred  Scott  decision  was  correct,  the 
fugitive  slave  law  of  1850  was  unconstitutional  in  providing 
for  the  reclamation  of  fugitive  slaves  from  it.  The  conse- 
quence must  have  been  that  the  trans-Mississippi  Territories, 
wThether  slavery  was  allowed  or  prohibited  in  them,  would  have 
been  a sort  of  Alsatia,  a safe  refuge  for  fugitive  slaves,  and 
slavery  would  have  been  at  a greater  disadvantage  than  under 
the  Ordinance  of  1787. 

The  custom  of  slavery  was  already  in  existence  in  Louis- 
iana and  Florida  at  the  time  of  their  annexation,  but  the 
responsibility  for  its  enlargement  is  directly  upon  Congress. 
The  act  of  March  26,  1804,  provided  that  no  slaves  should  be 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


163 


introduced  in  the  Territory,  except  “by  a citizen  of  the  United 
States  removing  into  said  Territory  for  actual  settlement,  and 
being  at  the  time  of  such  removal  bona-fide  owner  of  such 
slave  or  slaves”;  and  the  act  of  March  30,  1822,  while  forbid- 
ding the  importation  of  slaves  from  without  the  United  States, 
by  implication  allowed  the  domestic  slave  trade.  Both  acts 
confirmed  the  laws  then  in  force  in  the  Territories,  and  not 
inconsistent  with  the  acts;  and,  as  the  territorial  laws  recog- 
nized slavery,  it  continued  in  force,  and  Louisiana  and  Florida 
entered  the  Union  as  slave  States.  Upon  the  admission  of 
Louisiana  as  a State,  the  continuance  of  the  custom  of  slavery 
in  the  rest  of  the  purchase  was  practically  provided  for  by  the 
sixteenth  section  of  the  act  of  June  4,  1812,  continuing  the 
territorial  laws  of  Louisiana  in  the  new  Territory  of  Missouri. 

Again,  when  the  new  Territory  of  Arkansas  was  created  by 
the  act  of  March  2,  1819,  a similar  provision  continued  in  the 
new  Territory  the  laws  of  Missouri,  which  recognized  slavery. 
The  consequence  of  this  long  laches,  this  omission  of  Con- 
gress to  prohibit  the  custom  of  slavery,  which  had  been  recog- 
nized by  French,  Spanish,  and  territorial  law,  had  now  be- 
come apparent  in  the  application  of  Missouri  for  admisson 
as  a slave  State,  and  the  tardy  attempt  in  Congress  to  attack 
the  evil  raised  a political  storm.  On  the  one  hand,  since  the 
new  State  had  not  the  ability  to  compel  a recognition  of  its 
existence,  its  recognition  was  clearly  a matter  of  favor  on 
which  Congress  could  impose  such  conditions  as  it  should  con- 
sider needful.  On  the  other,  it  was  hardly  just  that  Congress 
should  permit  the  existence  of  even  an  evil  custom,  during  its 
own  responsibility  for  government,  and  only  undertake  to 
abolish  it  at  the  instant  of  giving  the  State  professed  self- 
government.  The  settlement  of  the  case  resulted  in  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  rest  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase, 
above  36°  30'  north  latitude,  and  the  admission1  of  Missouri  as 
a slave  State. 

As  there  was  no  abolition  of  the  custom  of  slavery  in 
Arkansas,  we  must  consider  the  custom  left  still  in  existence 
there.  On  application  of  Arkansas  for  admission  as  a slave 


164 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


State  in  1836,  there  were  some  symptoms  of  a renewal  of  the 
Missouri  struggle;  but  John  Quincy  Adams  and  other  anti- 
slavery men  agreed  that  the  admission  .of  Arkansas  was  fairly 
nominated  in  the  Missouri  bond,  and  the  State  was  admitted. 
At  the  same  session  an  increase  in  the  area  of  Missouri  made 
a considerable  addition  to  the  slave  soil  of  the  United  States. 
Here  the  extension  of  slavery  stopped,  with  the  exception  of 
the  admission  of  Florida  and  Texas  as  slave  States  in  1845. 
The  area  of  Texas  had  been  free  soil  under  the  decree  of 
Guerrero,  the  Mexican  Dictator,  in  1829,  afterwards  ratified  by 
the  Mexican  Congress,  and  slavery  is  not  recognized  in  the 
constitution  of  the  Mexican  State  Coahuila,  and  Texas,  or  in 
the  provisional  Texas  constitution  of  1833  and  1835.  But 
American  settlers  had  brought  their  slaves  with  them,  and 
fairly  introduced  the  custom  of  slavery;  and  the  constitution 
of  1836  formally  declared  all  persons  of  color  slaves  for  life,  if 
they  had  been  in  that  condition  before  their  emigration  to 
Texas,  and  were  then  held  in  bondage.  This,  though  the  State 
was  not  in  the  Union  as  yet,  was  the  only  instance  of  the  pro- 
fessed establishment  of  slavery  by  the  organic  law  of  an 
American  State,  unless  we  are  to  take  the  Massachusetts  code 
of  1641  as  the  first.  The  basis  of  the  system  is  clearly  ex- 
pressed in  a section  of  the  Kentucky  constitution  of  1850  as 
follows:  “The  right  of  property  is  before  and  higher  than  any 
constitutional  sanction;  and  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a slave 
to  such  slave  is  the  same  and  as  invioable  as  the  right  of  the 
owner  of  any  property  whatever.”  It  was  no  more  necessary, 
then,  to  declare  a constitutional  right  of  property  in  the  case  of 
slaves  than  in  the  case  of  horses;  in  both  cases  the  legislature 
was  to  accept  and  defend  the  right  without  question.  A slave 
State  was  regularly  declared  such  at  its  admission,  only  by  the 
provision  forbidding  the  legislature  to  emancipate  slaves 
without  consent  of  owners,  or  to  forbid  the  domestic  slave 
trade. 

As  slavery  reached  the  limits  of  its  State  extension  in  1845, 
it  only  remains  necessary  to  recur  to  its  attacks  upon  the  Ter- 
ritories. Here  the  customary  basis  of  slavery  makes  manifest 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


165 


the  weakness  of  the  Haims  for  its  extension  after  1845.  It  is 
one  thing  (to  .acknowledge  the  validity  of  a recognized  and  un- 
opposed territorial  custom  in  Louisiana,  Missouri  and  Arkan- 
sas; it  is  a very  different  thing  to  admit,  as  two  tslaveryadvocates 
required,  that  the  custom  could  not  be  abolished  by  statute,  or 
prohibited  where  it  did  not  exist.  Nevertheless,  in  this  respect 
the  compromise  of  1850  gave  the  slave  States  all  they  then 
asked.  It  refrained  from  prohibiting  the  custom,  and  gave  the 
territorial  legislature  the  general  right  of  legislation,  subject 
of  course,  to  the  veto  powers  of  Congress.  But  this  last  was 
now  a meaningless  form;  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  the  pas- 
sage of  an  act  by  Congress,  and  the  President,  annulling  a ter- 
ritorial law  recognizing  slavery.  Congress  practically  gave 
loose  reins  to  the  territorial  legislatures,  and  they  took  ad- 
vantage of  it.  New  Mexico  (then  including  Arizona)  passed 
an  act  in  1851,  recognizing  peonage  for  white  slavery,  and 
another  in  1859,  recognizing  colored  slavery;  and  Utah  (then 
including  Nevada)  passed  an  act  in  1852',  maintaining  the 
right  of  slave-holding  emigrants  to  the  services  of  their  slaves. 
None  of  these  acts  were  annulled  until  1862. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  in  1854,  went  a step  further. 
It  took  off  the  Missouri  prohibition  of  1820,  and  allowed  the 
introduction  of  the  custom  into  all  the  Territories.  It  is  at 
least  doubtful,  leaving  out  the  good  faith  of  the  repeal,  whether 
a custom  could  properly  be  introduced  in  that  way;  but  the 
climax  of  doubtfulness  was  reached  when  the  Kansas  struggle 
showed  that  the  custom  had  no  chance  of  practical  introduc- 
tion in  that  Territory.  The  pro-slavery  claim  was  then  ad- 
vanced, that  both  Congress  and  the  territorial  legislature  were 
bound  to  defend  slavery  in  the  Territories.  If  colored  slavery 
was  based  on  custom,  and  not  on  organic  law,  this  claim 
was  certainly  a novelty  in  jurisprudence.  We  can  easily 
understand  the  recognition  or  the  prohibition  of  a custom  by 
statute,  but  the  establishment  of  a custom  by  statute  is  beyond 
conception.  Yet  this  is  the  sum  of  the  Southern  demand 
where  divested  of  verbiage  and  reduced  to  its  real  essence;  and 
Secession  was  based  upon  the  refusal  of  the  demand. 


100 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA — Continued. 


“ If  I ’m  designed  yon  lordiing’s  slave, 

By  Nature’s  laws  designed, 

Wily  was  an  independent  wish 
E’er  planted  in  my  mind? 

If  not,  why  am  I subject  to 
His  cruelty  or  scorn? 

Or  why  has  man  the  will  and  power 
To  make  his  fellow  mourn?”  ' 

IN  the  year  1619  slavery  was  first  introduced  into  Virginia. 

In  the  month  of  August  a Dutch  man-of-war  sailed  up  the 
river  to  the  plantations  and  offered,  by  auction,  twenty 
Africans.  They  were  purchased  by  the  wealthier  class  of 
planters  and  made  slaves  for  life.  It  was,  however,  nearly 
half  a century  before  the  system  of  colored  slavery  became 
well  established  in  the  English  Colonies. 

There  is  no  record  of  any  serious  opposition,  whether  on 
moral  or  economic  grounds,  to  the  introduction  of  slaves  and 
establishment  of  slavery  in  the  various  British,  Dutch  and 
Swedish  colonies  planted  along  the  coast  between  the  Penob- 
scot and  the  Savannah  rivers  during  the  succeeding  century. 
At  the  outset  it  is  certain  that  the  importation  of  African  chat- 
tels into  the  various  seaports,  by  merchants  trading  thither, 
was  regarded  only  with  vague  curiosity  and  marvel,  like  that 
which  would  now  be  excited  by  the  experimental  introduction 
of  elephants  as  beasts  of  burden. 

As  we  have  said,  the  first  abiding  English  colony — Vir- 
ginia— was  founded  on  the  American  coast  in  1607.  These 
early  colonists  of  Virginia  were  merely  adventurers  of  an  un- 
usually bad  type — bankrupt  prodigals,  genteel  spendthrifts, 
and  incorrigible  profligates — many  of  whom  had  left  their 
native  country  for  that  country’s  good,  in  obedience  to  the 
urgent  persuasion  of  sheriffs,  judges  and  juries.  All  were  in- 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


187 


toxicated  by  the  common  illusions  of  emigrants  with  regard  to 
the  facilities  for  acquiring  vast  wealth  at  the  cost  of  little  or  no 
labor  in  the  Eden  to  which  they  were  attracted.  Probably  no 
other  colony  that  ever  succeeded  or  endured  was  so  largely 
made  up  of  unfit  and  unpromising  materials;  and  when  the 
Pilgrim- Fathers  landed  on  the  rock  of  Plymouth,  Virginia  had 
already  received  and  distributed  her  first  cargo  of  slaves. 

As  to  the  right  to  hold  property  in  man,  the  first  recorded 
case  in  1677,  in  which  the  question  appears  to  have  come  be- 
fore the  English  courts,  it  was  held  that  being  usually  bought 
and  sold  among  merchants  as  merchandise,  and,  also , being  in- 
fidels, there  might  be  property  in  them  sufficient  to  maintain 
trover. 

What  precisely  the  English  law  might  be  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  still  remained  a matter  of  doubt.  Lord  Holt  had  ex- 
pressed the  opinion,  as  quoted  in  a previousehapter,that  slavery 
was  a condition  unknown  to  English  law,  and  that  every  person 
setting  foot  in  England  thereby  became  free.  American  plant- 
ers, on  their  visits  to  England,  seem  to  have  been  annoyed  by 
claims  of  freedom  set  up  on  this  ground.  To  relieve  their 
embarrassments,  the  merchants  concerned  in  the  American 
trade  (in  1729)  had  obtained  a written  opinion  from  Yorke  and 
Talbot,  the  attorney  and  solicitor-general  of  that  day.  Accord- 
ing to  this  opinion,  which  passed  for  more  than  forty  years  as 
good  law,  not  only  was  baptism  no  bar  to  slavery,  but  Negro 
slaves  might  be  held  in  England,  just  as  well  as  in  the  Colonies. 
The  two  lawyers  by  whom  this  opinion  was  given  rose  after- 
ward, one  of  them  to  be  Chief  Justice  of  England,  and  both  to 
be  Chancellors.  Yorke,  sitting  in  the  latter  capacity,  with  the 
title  of  Lord  Hardwicke,  (in  1749)  had  recently  recognized  the 
doctrine  of  that  opinion  as  sound  law.  He  objects  to  Lord  Holt’s 
doctrine  of  freedom,  secured  by  setting  foot  on  English  soil, 
that  no  reason  could  be  found  why  slaves  should  not  be  equally 
free  when  they  set  foot  in  Jamaica  or  any  other  English  plan- 
tation. All  our  Colonies  are  subject  to  the  laws  of  England, 
although  as  to  some  purposes  they  have  laws  of  their  own.  His 
argument  is  that,  if  slavery  be  contrary  to  English  law,  no  local 


168 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


enactments  in  the  Colonies  could  give  it  any  vitality.  To  avoid 
overturning  slavery  in  the  Colonies  it  was  absolutely  neces 
sary  to  uphold  it  in  England. 

The  amount  of  the  fee  paid  by  the  wealthy  and  prosperous 
slave-traders  for  this  remarkable  display  of  legal  erudition  and 
acumen  is  not  recorded,  but  it  probably  included  a liberal 
consideration  for  wear-and-tear  of  conscience.  Two  or  three 
decisions  from  British  courts  were  at  different  times  thereafter 
obtained,  substantially  echoing  this  opinion.  However,  in 
1772  Lord  Mansfield  pronounced,  in  the  ever-memorable  Som- 
mersett  case,  his  judgment  that,  by  the  laws  of  England,  no 
man  could  be  held  in  slavery.  The  judgment  has  never  since 
been  disturbed,  nor  seriously  questioned 

One  would  suppose  that  the  austere  morality  and  demo- 
cratic spirit  of  the  Puritans  would  have  kept  their  skirts  clear 
of  the  stain  of  human  bondage,  and  indeed  ’tis  strange  that  our 
forefathers,  freed  from  the  bondage  and  thraldom  of  England’s 
oppressive  king,  should  so  soon  enslave  their  fellow-men.  It  is 
but  another  illustration  of  the  ingratitude  of  man.  Beneath  all 
their  fierce  antagonism,  there  was  a certain  kinship  between 
the  disciples  of  Calvin  and  those  of  Loyola.  Each  were  ready 
to  suffer  and  die  for  God’s  truth  as  they  understood  it,  and 
neither  cherished  any  appreciable  sympathy  or  consideration 
for  those  they  esteemed  God’s  enemies,  in  which  category  the 
savages  of  America  and  the  Negroes  of  Africa  were  so  unlucky 
as  to  be  found.  The  Puritan  pioneers  of  New  England  were 
early  involved  in  desperate  struggles  with  their  aboriginalneigh- 
bors,  in  whom  they  failed  to  discover  the  fascinating  traits 
found  in  the  novels  of  Cooper  or  the  poems  of  Longfellow.  The 
ferocity  and  treachery  of  the  Indian,  acting  upon  their  theologic 
convictions,  led  them  early  and  readily  to  the  belief  that  these 
savages,  and  by  local  inference  all  savages,  were  the  children 
of  the  devil,  to  be  subjugated,  if  not  extirpated,  as  the  Philis- 
tine inhabitants  of  Canaan  had  been  by  the  Israelites  under 
Joshua.  Indian  slavery,  sometimes  forbidden  by  law,  but  usu- 
ally tolerated  if  not  entirely  approved  by  public  opinion,  was 
among  the  early  usages  of  New  England,  and  from  this  to 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


169 


colored  slavery  was  an  easy  transition.  However,  in  the  East- 
ern Colonies  the  slaves  were  few,  and  confined  in  the  most  part 
to  the  seaport's.  The  poor  and  rocky  soil,  harsh  climate  and 
ragged  topography  of  the  country  presented  formidable, 
though  not  impassable,  barriers  to  slave-holding.  The  labor 
of  the  hands  without  the  brain,  of  muscle  divorced  from 
intelligence,  would  barely  succeed  on  these  bleak  hills. 
Slave-holding  in  the  Northern  States  was  regarded  a badge  of 
aristocracy,  and  coveted  as  a social  distinction,  rather  than 
engaged  in  with  any  idea  of  profit  or  pecuniary  advantage. 

It  was  not  so,  however,  in  the  Southern  States.  The  inven- 
tion of  the  cotton  gin,  and  cultivation  of  rice  and  indigo  on  the 
seaboard,  furnished  employment  to  slaves  far  in  excess  of  that 
of  the  white  population,  an'd  slave-ewners  gradually  but  surely 
became  rich.  In  South  Carolina  the  Sea  Islands  afforded 
peculiar  facilities  for  limiting  the  intercourse  of  the  slaves  with 
one  another  and  their  means  of  escape.  South  Carolina  a cen- 
tury ago  was  intensely  and  conspicuously  aristocratic.  But 
when  slavery  had  obtained  everywhere  a foothold,  and,  in  most 
Colonies,  a distinct  legal  recognition,  encountering  no  serious 
resistance,  it  would  be  absurd  to  claim  for  any  Colony  a moral 
superiority  over  any  other  in  this  respect.  In  this  connection 
we  may  refer  to  the  Colony  of  Georgia  as  a notable  and  honor- 
able exception  to  the  general  facility  with  which  this  great 
evil  was  adopted  and  acquiesced  in  by  the  other  Colonies.  For 
this  she  is  largely  indebted  to  her  illustrious,  founder,  James 
Oglethorpe,  a native  of  England.  He,  while  in  England,  had 
become  acquainted  with  the  frightful  abuses  and  inhumani- 
ties which  them  characterized  the  British  system  of  imprison- 
ment for  debt;  he  devoted  himself  to  their  reform,  and  carried 
through  the  House  an  act  to  this  end.  His  interest  in  the 
fortunes  of  bankrupt  and  needy  debtors  led  him  to  plan  the 
establishment  of  a Colony  to  which  they  should  be  invited,  and 
in  which  they  might  hope,  by  industry  and  prudence,  to  attain 
independence.  This  Colony  was  also  intended  to  afford  an 
asylum  for  the  oppressed  Protestants  of  Germany  and  other 
portions  of  the  Continent.  He,  interested  many  eminent  and 


170 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


influential  personages  in  liis  project;  obtained  for  it  nearly 
ten  thousand  pounds  sterling  from  Parliament,  with  subscrip- 
tions to  the  amount  of  sixteen  thousand  more. 

The  pioneer  colonists  left  England  in  November  of  1732, 
and  landed  in  Charlestown  the  following  year.  Proceeding 
directly  to  their  territory,  they  founded  the  city  of  Savannah 
in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  month.  Oglethorpe,  as  director 
and  vice-president  of  the  African  company,  had  previously 
become  acquainted  with  an  African  prince,  captured  and  sold 
into  slavery  by  some  neighboring  chief,  and  had  returned  him 
to  his  native  country,  after  imbibing,  from  his  acquaintance 
with  the  facts,  a profound  detestation  of  the  slave  trade  and  of 
slavery. 

One  of  the  fundamental  laws  devised  by  Oglethorpe  for  the 
government  of  his  Colony  was  a prohibition  of  slave-holding; 
another  was  an  interdiction  of  the  sale  or  use  of  rum;  neither 
of  them  calculated  to  be  popular  with  the  jail-birds,  idlers  and 
profligates,  who  eagerly  sought  escape  from  their  debts  and 
their  miseries  by  becoming  members  of  the  new  Colony.  The 
spectacle  of  men,  no  wiser  nor  better  than*  themselves,  living 
idly  and  luxuriously,  just  across  the  Savannah  River,  on  the 
fruits  of  constrained  and  unpaid  Negro  labor,  doubtless  in- 
flamed their  discontent  and  their  hostility. 

War  soon  broke  out  between  England  and  Spain,  and  he,  at 
the  head  of  the  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  militia,  made  an 
attack  on  St.  Augustime,  a Spanish  settlement  of  East  Florida. 
Which  proved  unsuccessful.  Oglethorpe  soon  after  returned  to 
England;  the  trustees  finally  surrendered  their  charter  to  the 
Crown,  and  in  1752  Georgia  became  a Royal  Colony,  whereby 
its  inhabitants  were  enabled  to  gratify  their  longing  for  slavery 
anid  rum. 

The  struggle  of  Oglethorpe  In  Georgia  was  aided  by  the 
presence,  councils  and  active  sympathy  of  John  Wesley,  the 
founder  of  Methodism,  whose  pungent  description  of  slavery  as 
the  “sum  of  all  villainies”  was  based  on  personal  observation 
and  experience  during  his  sojourn  in)  these  Colonies. 

“But  “another  king  arose,  who  knew  not  Joseph” — the 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


171 


magisterial  hostility  to  bondage  was  released,  if  not  wholly 
withdrawn;  the  temptation  remained  and  increased,  while  the 
resistance  faded  and  disappeared,  and  soon  Georgia  yielded 
passively  to  the  contagion  of  evil  example,  and  thus  became 
not  only  slave-holding,  but,  next  to  South  Carolina,  the  most 
infatuated  of  all  the  thirteen  Colonies  in  its  devotion  to  the 
mighty  evil. 

Soon  after  this  came  the  War  of  the  Revolution  and  the 
promulgation  of  the  great  principle  of  human  rights,  as  set 
forth  in  that  memorable  document,  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, as  follows:  “We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident: 
that  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by 
their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among  these 
are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to  secure 
these  rights  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving 
their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed;  that  when- 
ever any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends, 
it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it  and  to  in- 
stitute a new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  prin- 
ciples, and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them 
shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.” 
Such  men  as  James  Otis,  John  Adams,  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
Patrick  Henry  laid  broad  foundations  for  their  arguments,  in 
premises  affecting  the  natural  and  general  rights  of  man  to 
self-government,  with  the  control  of  his  own  products  or 
earnings. 

Those  who  imagine  that  our  patriots  were  all  convinced 
of  the  danger  and  essential  iniquity  of  slavery,  and  the  con- 
servative who  argues  that  few  or  none  perceived  and  admitted 
the  direct  application  of  their  logic  to  the  case  of  men  held  in 
perpetual  and  limitless  bondage,  are  alike  mistaken.  Undoubt- 
edly some  did  not  perceive  or  did  not  admit  the  inseparable 
connection  between  the  rights  they  claimed  as  British  free- 
men and  the  rights  of  all  men  everywhere;  but  the  more  dis- 
cerning and  logical  of  the  patriots  comprehended  and  confessed 
that  their  assertion  of  the  rightful  inseparability  of  representa- 
tion from  taxation  necessarily  affirmed  the  grander  and  more 


172 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


essential  right  of  each  innocent  rational  being  to  the  control 
and  use  of  his  own  capacities  and  faculties,  and  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  his  own  earnings. 

We  notice  in  the  fifth  of  the  Darien  Georgia  committee, 
June  12,  1775,  proof  of  the  above  assertion,  viz.:  “To  show 
to  the  world  that  we  are  not  influenced  by  any  contracted  or 
interested  motive,  but  a general  philanthropy  for  all  mankind, 
of  whatever  climate,  language  or  complexion,  we  hereby  declare 
our  disapprobation  and  abhorrence  of  the  unnatural  practice 
of  slavery  in  America  (however  the  uncultivated  state  of  our 
country,  and  other  specious  arguments,  may  plead  for  it),  a 
practice  founded  in  injustice  amd  cruelty,  and  highly  dangerous 
to  our  liberties  (as  well  as  lives),  debasing  part  of  our  fellow- 
creatures  below  men,  and  corrupting  the  virtue  and  morals  of 
the  rest,  and  as  laying  the  basis  of  that  liberty  we  contend  for 
(and  which  we  pray  the  Almighty  to  continue  to  the  latest 
posterity)  upon  a very  wrong  foundation.  We,  therefore, 
resolve,  at  all  times,  to  use  our  utmost  efforts  for  the  manumis- 
sion of  our  slaves  in  this  Colony,  upon  the  most  safe  and  equit- 
able footing  for  the  masters  and  themselves.” 

When  Jefferson,  in  drafting  our  immortal  Declaration  of 
Independence,  embodied  in  its  preamble  a formal  and  em- 
phatic assertion  of  the  inalienable  rights  of  man,  he  set  forth 
propositions  novel  and  startling  to  Europeans,  but  which 
eloquence  and  patriotic  fervor  had  already  engraven  deeply  on 
the  American  heart;  and  in  penning  that  Declaration,  he 
charged  the  British  Government  with  upholding  and  promot- 
ing the  African  slave  trade  against  the  protests  of  the  colonists, 
and  in  violation  of  the  dictates  of  humanity. 

The  following  is  Mr.  Jefferson’s  indictment  of  George  III., 
as  a patron  and  upholder  of  the  African  slave  trade,  embodied 
in  his  original  draft  of  the  Declaration: 

“ Determined  to  keep  open  a market  where  men  should  he 
bought  and  sold,  lie  lias  prostituted  his  negative  for  suppressing 
every  legislative  attempt  to  prohibit  or  to  restrain  this  execrable 
commerce,  and  that  this  assemblage  of  horrors  might  want  no 
fact  of  distinguished  die,  he  is  now  exciting  those  very  people  to 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


17J 


rise  in  arms  among  us,  and  purchase  that  liberty  of  which  he  has 
deprived  them,  by  murdering  the  people  on  whom  lie  also  obtruded 
them:  thus  paying  off  former  crimes  committed  against  the  liberties 
of  one  people,  with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit  against 
the  lives  of  another.” 

But  the  jealous  devotion  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  to 
slave-holding  rendered  it  impolitic  to  send  forth  as  an  integral 
portion  of  our  arraignment  of  British  tyranny,  but  which  were, 
nevertheless,  widely  and  deeply  felt  to  be  an  important  and 
integral  portion  of  our  cause.  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  auto- 
biography, gives  the  following  reason  for  the  omission  of  this 
remarkable  passage  from  the  Declaration  as  adopted,  issued 
and  published:  “The  clause,  to  ‘reprobating’  and  enslaving 
the  inhabitants  of  Africa,  was  struck  out  in  complaisance  to 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  had  never  attempted  to 
restrain  the  importation  of  slaves,  and  who,  on  the  contrary, 
still  wished  to  continue  it.  Our  Northern  brethren,  also,  I 
believe,  felt  a little  tender  under  those  censures;  for,  though 
their  people  had  very  few  slaves  themselves,  yet  they  had  been 
pretty  considerable  carriers  of  them  to  others.”  However,  the 
Declaration  stands  to-day  as  evidence  that  our  fathers  regarded 
the  rule  of  Great  Britian  as  no  more  destructive  to  their  own 
rights  than  to  the  rights  of  mankind. 

This  Declaration  of  Human  Rights  was  no  novelty  to  those 
who  hailed  and  responded  to  it.  Three  weeks  before,  the  Vir- 
ginia Convention  had  unanimously  adopted  a Declaration  of 
Rights,  reported  on  the  27th  of  May,  by  George  Mason,  which 
proclaims  that  by  nature  all  men  are  equally  free  and  have 
inherent  rights,  of  which,  when  they  enter  into  a state  of 
society,  they  canniot  by  any  compact  deprive  or  divest  their 
posterity;  namely,  the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty,  with  the 
means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and 
obtaining  happiness  and  safety.  The  progress  of  the  Revolu- 
tion justified  and  deepened  these  convictions.  Slavery  soon 
proved  to  be  our  chief  source  of  weakness  and  of  peril.  Of 
our  three  millions  of  people,  half  a million  were  the  chattels  of 
others,  and  though  all  the  Colonies  tolerated,  and  most  of  them 


174 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IX  AMERICA. 


expressly  legalized  slave-holding,  the  slaves,  nearly  concen- 
trated in  the  Southern  States,  paralyzed  the  energies  and  enfee- 
bled the  efforts  of  their  patriots.  Incited  by  proclamations  of 
Royal  Governors  and  military  commanders,  thousands  of  the 
Negroes  escaped  to  British  camps  and  garrisons,  and  were 
there  manumitted  and  protected,  while  the  master  race,  alarmed 
for  the  safety  of  their  families,  were  unable  or  unwilling  to 
enlist  in  the  Continental  Army,  or  even  to  be  called  into  service 
as  militia.  The  following  table  will  tend  to  show  that,  in  pro- 
portion as  slavery  existed,  so  the  love  for  liberty  and  patriotism 
decreased : 


The  number  of  troops  employed  by  the  Colonies  during  the 
entire  Bevoutionary  War.  as  well  as  the  number  furnished  by 
each,  is  shown  in  the  following,  which  is  compiled  from  statis- 
tics contained  in  a work  published  by  Jacob  Moore.  Concord, 
entitled  “Collections  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society 
for  the  Tear  1824.” 


New  Hampshire 
Massachusetts. . 
Rhode  Island.  . . 
Connecticut .... 

New  York 

New  Jersey. . . . 
Pennsylvania.  . . 
Delaware. . . . . 

Maryland 

Virginia 

South  Carolina. 
North  Carolina. , 
Georgia 

Total . . . . 


Continental. 

Militia. 

. . 12.496 

2,093 

. . 68.007 

15.155 

5.S78 

4,284 

. . 32.039 

7.792 

. . 18.331 

3,304 

..  10,726 

6,055 

..  25,608 

7,357 

. . 2,317 

376 

..  13.912 

4,127 

..  26,668 

5,620 

. . 6,413 

.... 

. . 7,263 

.... 

. . 2,679 

56,163 

The  number  of  slaves  in  the  States  respectively,  at  the  time 
of  the  Revolution,  may  be  closely  approximated  by  the  aid  of 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


175 


the  census  of  I7y0,  wherein  the  slave  population  is  returned 
as  follows: 


North. 

South. 

New  Hampshire.  . . 

. . . 158 

Delaware 

. ..  8,887 

Vermont 

17 

Maryland 

Rhode  Island..  .. 

. . 952 

Virginia 

Connecticut 

. . . 2,759 

North  Carolina.  . . 

. . .100,572 

Massachusetts .... 

South  Carolina. . . 

. . .107,094 

New  York 

Georgia 

. ..  29,264 

New  -Jersev 

. . .11,423 

Kentuckv 

. ..  11,830 

Pennsylvania 

Tennessee 

. . . 3,417 

Total 

. ..40,370 

Total 

Massachusetts  adopted  a new  State  constitution  in  1780,  to 
which  a hill  of  rights  was  prefixed,  which  her  Supreme  Court 
soon  after  decided  was  inconsistent  with  the  maintenance  of 
slavery,  which  had  thus  been  abolished. 

Pennsylvania  had  passed  an  act  of  gradual  emancipation  in 
1780. 

Thus  may  it  be  seen  that  the  New  England  States,  with  a 
population  less  numerous  than  that  of  Virginia,  the  Carolinas 
and  Georgia,  furnished  more  than  double  the  number  of  soldiers 
to  battle  for  the  common  cause.  The  South  was  repeatedly 
overrun,  and  regarded  as  substantially  subdued,  by  armies  that 
would  not  have  ventured  to  invade  New  England,  and  could 
not  have  maintained  themselves  a month  on  her  soil.  Indeed, 
after  Gage’9  expulsion  from  Boston  and  Burgoyne’s  surrender 
at  Saratoga,  New  England,  save  the  islands  on  heryoast,  was 
pretty  carefully  avoided  by  the  Royalist  generals,  and  only 
assailed  by  raids  which  were  finished,  almost  as  soon  as  begun. 
These  facts,  vividly  impressed  on  the  general  mind  by  the  neces- 
sities and  sacrifices  of  the  times,  in  connection  with  the  dis- 
covery and  elucidation,  already  noticed,  of  elemental  principles, 
had  pretty  thoroughly  cured  the  North  of  all  attachment  to  or 
disposition  to  justify  slavery  before  the  close  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary War. 


170 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


The  African  slave  trade,  as  we  have  already  noted,  was 
closed,  peremptorily,  on  the  first  day  of  January,  1808.  This 
was  the  period  from  which,  according  to  the  fond  anticipations 
of  optimists  and  quietists,  slavery  in  our  country  should  have 
commenced  its  decadence,  and  thence  gone  steadily  and  surely 
forward  to  its  ultimate  and  early  extinction.  And  these  san- 
guine hopes  were  measurably  justified  by  the  teachings  of 
history. 

In  all  former  .ages,  in  all  other  countries,  slavery,  so  long 
as  it  existed  and  flourished,  was  kept  alive  by  a constant  or  fre- 
quent enslavement  of  captives  or  by  importation  of  bondmen. 
Whenever  that  enslavement,  that  importation,  ceased,  slavery 
began  to  decline.  The  gratitude  of  masters  to  faithful,  de- 
voted servants,  who  had  nursed  them  in  illness,  or  adhered  to 
them  in  times  of  peril  or  calamity,  or  who  had  simply  given  the 
best  years  of  their  lives  to  the  enlargement  of  their  wealth,  had 
been  effectual  in  reducing  by  manumission  the  aggregate  num- 
ber of  slaves  much  faster  than  it  was  increased  by  the  prepon- 
derance of  births  over  deaths.  The  chances  of  war,  of  invasion, 
and  still  more  of  insurrection  and  civil  convulsion,  had  operated 
from  time  to  time  still  further  to  reduce  the  number  of  slaves. 
Even  the  licentious  and  immoral  connections  between  masters 
and  their  bondwomen,  so  inseparable  from  the  existence  of  sla- 
very, tended  strongly  toward  a like  result;  since  it  was  seldom 
or  never  reputable,  save  in  slave-holdiing  America — if  even  there 
— for  a master  to  send  his  own  children  to  the  auction-block, 
and  to  consign  them  to  eternal  bondage  among  strangers. 

Quite  often  the  slave  mother,  as  well  as  her  child  or  chil- 
dren, owed  her  emancipation  to  the  affection, the  remorse,  or  the 
shame  of  her  master  and  paramour.  So  long  as  slaves  were 
mainly  foreigners  and  barbarians,  often  public  enemies,  of 
fierce,  strange  aspect,  and  unintelligible  speech,  there  would 
naturally  be  little  sympathy  betwixt  them  and  their  masters; 
but  when  children  who  had  grown  up  together — sprung, indeed, 
from  different  castes,  but  still  members  of  the  same  household 
— familiar  from  infancy,  and  to  some  extent  playmates,  came 
to  hold  the  relation  respectively  of  master  and  slave,  it  was 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


177 


inevitable  that  kindly  feelings  should  frequently  be  recipro- 
cated between  them,  leading  often  to  devotion  on  one  hand, 
and  emancipation  on  the  other.  It  was  not  without  reason, 
therefore,  that  the  founders  of  our  Republic  and  the  framers  of 
our  Constitution  supposed  they  had  provided  for  the  gradual 
but  certain  disappearance  of  slavery,  by  limiting  its  area  on 
the  one  hand,  and  providing  for  an  early  inhibition  of  the  slave 
trade  on  the  other. 

But  the  unexpected  results  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
and  the  invention  of  the  cotton  gin  were  such  as  to  set  at 
naught  all  these  calculations.  The  former  opened  to  slave- 
holding settlement  and  culture  a vast  domain  of  the  richest  soil 
on  earth,  in  a region  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  now  rapidly  and 
profitably  expanding  production  of  cotton ; for  Whitney’s  inven- 
tion had  rendered  this  staple  far  more  remunerative  to  its  pro- 
ducer than  any  cereal  which  the  South  had  ever  yet  attempted 
to  grow;  while  the  nearly  simultaneous  inventions  of  Har- 
greaves, Arkwright  and  others,*  whereby  steam  was  applied  to 
the  propulsion  of  machinery  admirably  adapted  to  the  fabrica- 
tion of  cotton,  secured  the  cultivators  against  all  reasonable  ap- 
prehension of  a permanently  glutted  market.  As  the  production 
was  doubled,  and  even  quadrupled,  every  few  years,  it  would 
sometimes  seem  that  the  demand  had  been  exceeded;  and  two 
or  three  great  commercial  convulsions  gave  warning  that  even 
the  capacity  of  the  world’s  steadily  expanding  markets  could  be 
overestimated  and  surpassed  by  the  producers  of  cotton  and  its 
various  fabrics.  But  two  years,  at  most,  sufficed  to  clear  off  the 
surplus  and  enlarge  this  steadily  growing  demand  up  to  the  full 
measure  of  the  momentarily  checked  production.  The  five  mil- 
lions of  bales  produced  by  the  United  States  in  1859-60  were 
sold  as  readily  and  quickly  as  the  one  million  bales  produced 
in  1830-31,  and  at  considerably  higher  prices  per  pound. 

* James  Hargreaves  had  invented  the  spinning  jenny  in  1764;  this  was  sup- 
planted by  the  invention  by  Sir  Richard  Arkrigbt,  in  1768,for  a superior  machine 
for  spinning  cotton  thread.  James  Watt  patented  his  steam  engine  in  1769,  and 
his  improvement,  whereby  a rotary  motion  was  produced,  in  1782;  and  its  first 
application  to  cotton  spinning  occurred  in  1787,  but  it  was  many  years  in  winning 
its  way  into  general  use.  John  Fitch’s  first  success  in  steam  navigation  was 
achieved  in  1786.  Fulton’s  patents  were  granted  in  1809-11,  and  claimed  the  simple 
means  of  adapting  paddle-wheels  to  the  axle  of  the  crank  of  Watt's  engine. 


178 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


But  the  relatively  frigid  climate  and  superficially  exhausted 
soil  of  Maryland,  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  wherein  the 
greater  number  of  slaves  were  originally  held,  were  poorly,  or 
not  at  all,  adapted  to  the  production  of  cotton,  whereof  slave 
labor  early  claimed  and  succeeded  in  substantially  maintaining 
a monopoly.  No  other  outdoor  work  afforded  such  constant 
and  nearly  uniform  employment  for  this  description  of  labor. 
Throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  Southwest,  plowing  for  the 
cotton  crop  nnay  be  commenced  in  January,  to  be  followed 
directly  by  planting,  this  by  weeding,  and  hardly  has  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  crop  been  completed  when  the  picking  of  the 
more  advanced  bolls  may  be  commenced;  and  this,  with  gin- 
ning, often  employs  the  whole  force  of  the  plantation  nearly  or 
quite  up  to  the  commencement  of  the  Christmas  holidays. 
These  being  over,  the  preparation  of  the  fields  for  plowing  is 
again  commenced,  so  that  there  is  no  season  when  the  hands 
need  stand  idle;  and  though  long  spring  and  summer  rains, 
impeding  tillage  while  impelling  the  growth  of  weeds  and  of 
grass,  somtimes  induce  weeks  of  necessary  hurry  and  unusual 
effort,  there  is  absolutely  no  day  of  the  year  wherein  the  ex- 
perienced planter  or  competent  overseer  cannot  find  full  em- 
ployment for  his  hands  in  some  detail  of  the  cultivation  of 
cotton. 

The  forest-covered  and  unhealthy  but  facile  and  marvel- 
ously fertile  Southwest  hungered  for  slaves,  as  we  have  seen 
evinced  in  the  case  of  Indiana  Territory,  and  impoverished 
but  salubrious  and  corn-growing  Maryland  and  Virginia,  etc., 
were  ready  to  supply  them.  Enterprising,  adventurous  whites, 
avaricious  men  from  the  North  and  from  Europe,  but  still  more 
from  the  older  slave  States,  hied  to  the  Southwest  in  hot  pur- 
suit of  wealth,  by  means  of  cotton-planting  and  subsidiary 
callings;  and  each  became  a purchaser  of  slaves  to  the  full  ex- 
tent of  his  means.  To  clear  more  land  and  grow  more  cotton, 
wherewith  to  buy  more  slaves,  was  the  general  and  absorbing 
aspiration;  the  more  Africans  to  be  employed  in'  clearing  still 
more  land  and  growing  still  more  cotton.  Under  this  dispen- 
sation,, the  price  of  slaves  necessarily  and  rapidly  advanced, 


SLATERY  IX  AMERICA. 


179 


until  it  was  roughly  computed  that  each  field-hand  was  worth 
so  many  hundred  dollars  as  cotton  commanded  cents  per 
pound;  that  is,  when  cotton  was  worth  ten  cents  per  pound, 
field-hands  were  worth  a thousand  dollars  each;  with  cotton  at 
twelve  cents,  slaves  were  worth  twelve  hundred  dollars;  and 
when  it  rose,  as  it  sometimes  did,  even  in  later  days,  to  fifteen 
cents  per  pound  for  a fair  article  of  middling  Orleans,  a stout 
slave,  from  seventeen  to  thirty  years  old,  with  no  particular 
skill  but  that  necessarily  acquired  in  the  rude  experience  of 
farm  labor  anywhere,  would  often  bring  fifteen  hundred  dollars 
on  the  New  Orleans  auction-block.  Hence  the  business  of 
Negro-trading,  or  the  systematic  buying  of  slaves  to  sell  again, 
though  never  quite  reputable,  and,  down  to  the  last  thirty  or 
forty  years,  very  generally  regarded  with  abhorrence,  became  a 
highly  important  and  influential,  as  well  as  gainful  occupation. 
The  Negro  trader,  often'  picking  up  bargains  at  executors’  or 
assignees’  sales  in  the  older  States,  or  when  a sudden  shift 
must  be  made  to  save  a merchant  from  bankruptcy,  or  a farm 
from  the  sheriff,  controlled  large  sums  of  money,  often  in  good 
part  his  own.  • He  was  the  Providence  to  whom  indolent,  dis- 
sipated, easy-goinjg  Virginians  looked  for  extrication,  at  the 
last  gasp,  from  their  constantly  recurring  pucuniary  embar- 
rassments; while,  on  the  other  hand,  a majority  of  the  South- 
western planters  were  eager  to  buy  of  him  at  large  prices,  pro- 
vided he  would  sell  to  them  on  one  or  two  years’  credit.  He 
patronized  hotels  and  railroads;  he  often  chartered  vessels  for 
the  transportation  of  his  human  merchandise;  he  was  neces- 
sarily shrewd,  keen  and  intelligent,  and  frequently  acquired,  or 
at  least  wielded,  so  much  wealth  and  influence  as  to  become 
almost  respectable. 

Quite  usually  he  was  an  active  politician,  almost  uniformly 
of  the  most  ultra  pro-slavery  type,  and  naturally  attached  to 
the  Democratic  party. 

Traveling  extensively  and  almost  constantly,  his  informa- 
tion and  volubility  rendered  him  mail  and  telegraph,  news- 
paper amd  stump  orator,  to  those  comparatively  ignorant  and 
secluded  planters  whom  he  visited  twice  or  more  per  year,  as 


180 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


buyer  or  seller,  or  collector  of  his  dues  for  slaves  already  sold. 
■While  his  power  as  profitable  customer  on  the  one  hand,  or 
lenient  creditor  on  the  other,  was  by  no  means  inconsiderable, 
it  was  this  power,  in  connection  with  that  of  the  strongly  sym- 
pathizing and  closely  affiliating  class  of  gamblers  and  black- 
legs, by  which  Van  Buren’s  re-nomination  for  the  Presidency 
was  defeated  in  the  Baltimore  Convention  of  1844,  and  the 
Democratic  party  committed,  through  the  nomination  of  Polk 
and  its  accessories,  to  the  policy  of  annexing  Texas,  which 
secured  a fresh  and  boundless  expansion  to  slavery.  When  that 
annexation  was  suddenly  and,  too,  most  unexpectedly,  achieved 
at  the  close  of  John  Tyler’s  administration,  relays  of  horses, 
pre-arranged  in  the  absence  of  telegraphs,  conveyed  from  the 
deeply  interested  slave-traders,  who  were  watching  the  doings 
of  Congress  at  the  national  metropolis,  to  their  confederates 
and  agents  in  the  slave-selling  districts  in  the  neighboring 
States,  the  joyful  tidings  which  insured  an  advance  of  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  per  cent  in  the  market  value  of  'human  flesh, 
and  enabled  the  exclusive  possessors  of  the  intelligence  to 
make  it  the  basis  of  extensive  and  lucrative  speculations. 

Slave-breeding  for  gain,  deliberately  purposed  and  system- 
atically pursued,  appears  to  be  among  the  latest  devices  and 
illustrations  of  human  depravity.  Neither  Cowper,  nor  Wesley, 
nor  Jonathan  Edwards,  nor  Granville  Sharp,  nor  Clarkson, 
nor  any  of  the  philanthropists  or  divines  who,  in  the  last  cen- 
tury, bore  fearless  and  emphatic  testimony  to  the  flagrant 
iniquity  of  slave-making,  slave-holding  and  slave-selling,  seem 
to  have  had  any  clear  conception  of  it.  For  the  infant  slave 
of  past  ages  was  rather  an  incumbrance  and  a burden  than  a 
valuable  addition  to  his  master’s  stock.  To  raise  him,  however 
roughly,  jams!  cost  all  he  would  ultimately  be  worth.  That  it 
was  cheaper  to  buy  slaves  than  to  rear  them  was  quite  gener- 
ally lregaYtted  as  self-evident.  But  the  suppression  of  the 
African  slave  trade,  coinciding  with  the  rapid  settlement  of  the 
Louisiana  purchase  and  the  triumph  of  the  cotton  gin,  wrought 
here  an  entire  transformation.  When  field-hands  brought  from 
ten  to  fifteen  hundred  dollars,  and  young  slaves  were  held  at 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


181 


from  ten  to  fifteen  dollars  per  pound,  the  newly  born  infant,  if 
well  formed,  healthy  and  likely  to  live,  was  deemed  an  addi- 
tion to  his  master’s  stock  of  not  less  than  one  hundred  dollars, 
even  in  Virginia  and  Maryland.  It  had  now  become  the  inter- 
est of  the  master  to  increase  the  number  of  births  in  his  slave 
cabins,  and  few  evinced  scruples  as  to  the  means  whereby  this 
result  was  obtained. 

The  chastity  of  female  slaves  was  never  esteemed  of  much 
account,  even  where  they  were  w7hite,  and,  now  that  it  had 
become  an  impediment  to  their  masters’  wealth,  it  was  wholly 
disregarded.  No  slave  girl,  however  young,  was  valued  lower 
for  having  become  a mother  without  waiting  to  be  first  made 
a wife;  nor  were  many  masters  likely  to  rebuke  this  as  a fault, 
or  brand  it  as  a shame.  Women  were  publicly  advertised  by 
sellers  as  extraordinary  breeders,  and  commanded  a higher 
price  on  that  account.  Wives  sold  into  separation  from  their 
husbands  were  imperatively  required  to  accept  new  partners 
in  order  that  the  fruitfulness  of  the  plantation  might  not  suffer. 
We  need  not  dwell  on  this  new  phase  of  slavery,  its  revolting 
features,  and  still  more  revolting  consequences.  The  simple 
and  notorious  fact  that  clergymen,  marrying  slaves,  were  ac- 
customed to  require  of  them  fidelity  to  their  marital  relation 
until  separated  by  death  or  by  inexorable  necessity,  suffices  of 
itself  to  stamp  the  social  condition  thus  photographed  with 
the  indignant  reprobation  of  manlkind;  and  when  we  add  that 
slave  girls  were  not  only  daily  sold  on  the  auction-blocks  of 
New  Orleans,  and  constantly  advertised  in  her  journals  as  very 
nearly  white,  well  educated,  possessed  of  the  rarest  personal 
attractions,  and  that  they  commanded  double  and  triple  prices 
on  that  account,  we  leave  nothing  to  be  added  to  complete  the 
outlines  of  a system  of  legalized  and  priest-sanctioned  iniquity, 
more  gigantic  and  infernal  than  heathenism  and  barbarism 
ever  devised.  For  the  Circassian  beauty,  whose  charms  seek 
and  find  a market  at  Constantinople,  is  sent  thither  by  her 
parents,  and  is  herself  a willing  party  to  the  speculation.  She 
hopefully  bids  a last  adieu  to  the  home  of  her  Infancy,  to  find 
another  in  the  harem  of  some  wealthy  and  powerful  Turk, 


182 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


where  she  will  achieve  the  life  of  luxury  and  idleness  she 
covets.  But  the  American-born  woman,  consigned  by  the  laws 
of  her  country,  and  the  fiat  of  her  owner,  to  the  absolute  pos- 
session of  whomsoever  bids  most  for  her,  neither  consents  to 
the  transfer  nor  is  at  all  consulted  as  to  the  person1  to  whom 
she  is  helplessly  consigned.  The  Circassian  knows  that  her 
children  will  be  free  and  honored.  The  American  is  keenly 
aware  that  bers  must  share  her  own  bitter  and  hopeless  degra- 
dation. It  was  long  ago  observed  that  American  slavery,  with 
its  habitual  and  life-long  separation  of  husband  from  wife,  of 
parent  from  child,  its  exile  of  perhaps  the  larger  portions  of 
its  victims,  from  the  humble  but  cherished  homes  of  their 
childhood  to  the  strange  and  repulsive  swamps  and  forests  of 
the  far  Southwest,  is  harsher  and  viler  than'  any  other  system 
of  bondage  on  which  the  sun  ever  shone.  And  when  we  add 
that  it  has  been  carefully  computed  that  the  State  of  Virginia, 
since  the  date  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  had  received  more 
money  for  her  own  flesh  and  blood,  regularly  sold  and  exported, 
than  her  soil  and  all  that  was  upon  it  would  have  sold  for  on 
the  day  when  she  seceded  from  the  Union,  we  need  adduce  no 
more  of  the  million  facts  which  unite  to  prove  every  wrong  a 
blunder  as  well  as  a crime — that  God  has  implanted  in  every 
evil  the  seeds  of  its  overthrow  and  ultimate  destruction. 

The  majority  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  like  nearly 
all  of  their  compatriots  of  our  Revolutinary  era,  were  adverse 
to  slavery.  Their  judgments  condemned  and  their  consciences 
reprobated  it.  They  would  evidently  have  preferred  to  pass 
over  the  subject  in  silence,  and  frame  a constitution  wherein  the 
existence  of  human  bondage  was  impliedly  or  constructively 
recognized.  Hence  it  may  be  noted,  that  those  provisions  fa- 
voring or  upholding  slavery,  which  deform  our  great  Charter, 
are  not  original  or  integral  parts  of  the  fabric,  and,  as  such, 
contained  in  the  original  draft  thereof:  but  are  unsightly  and 
abnormal  additions,  rather  fastened  upon  than  interwoven  with 
the  body  of  the  structure.  Could  the  majority  have  made  such 
a constitution  tas  they  would  have  preferred,  slavery  would  have 
found  no  lodgment  in  it;  but  already  the  whip  of  disunion  was 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA 


183 


brandished,  and  the  fatal  necessity  of  compromise  manifest. 
The  Convention  would  have  at  once  and  forever  prohibited,  so 
far  as  our  country  and  her  people  are  concerned,  the  African 
slave  trade:  but  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  were  present,  by 
their  delegates,  to  admonish,  and,  if  admonition  did  not  an- 
swer, to  menace,  that  this  must  not  be.  “No  slave  trade,  no 
Union!” 

Such  was  the  short  and  sharp  alternative  presented  by 
the  delegates  from  those  States.  North  Carolina  was  passive; 
Virginia  and  her  more  northern  sisters  more  than  willing  to 
prohibit  at  once  the  further  importation:  of  slaves;  in  fact,  sev- 
eral, if  not  all,  of  these  States,  including  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land, had  already  expressly  forbidden  it.  But  the  ultimatum 
presented  by  the  still  slave-hungry  States  of  the  extreme  South 
was  imperative,  and  the  necessity  of  submitting  to  it  was  quite 
too  easily  conceded.  Roger  Sherman,  of  Connecticut,  was 
among  the  first  to  admit  it.  The  conscience  of  the  North  was 
quieted  by  embodying  in  the  Constitution  a proviso  that  Con- 
gress might  interdict  the  foreign  slave  trade  after  the  expira- 
tion of  twenty  years,  a term  which,  it  was  generally  agreed, 
ought  fully  to  satisfy  the  craving  of  Carolina  and  Georgia.  The 
modified  proposition  to  prohibit  the  slave  trade  now  encounter- 
ing no  opposition,  the  recognition  of  slaves,  as  a basis  of  polit- 
ical power,  presented  a grave  and  intricate  problem.  It  was 
one  calculated,  at  least,  to  place  the  antagonistic  parties  re- 
spectively in  false  positions.  If  slaves  are  human  beings,  why 
should  they  not  be  represented  like  other  human  beings — that 
is,  like  women  and  childben,  and  other  persons,  ignorant,  hum- 
ble and  powerless  like  themselves?  If,  on  the  other  hand,  you 
consider  them  property — mere  chattels  personal — why  should 
they  be  represented  any  more  than  other  personal  property? 
We  can  only  answer  that  slavery  and  reason  travel  different 
roads;  and  that  he  strives  in  vain  who  labors  to  make  these 
roads  even  seem  parallel. 

The  Convention,  without  much  debate  or  demur,  split  the 
difference,  by  deciding  that  the  basis  alike  of  representation  in 
Congress  and  of  direct  taxation  should  be  the  entire  free  pop- 


184 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


illation  of  each  State,  with  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons. 
Tli-e  Federalist,  p.  46,  says:  “We  subscribe  to  the  doctrine, 
might  one  of  our  Southern  brethren  observe,  that  representation 
relates  more  immediately  to  persons  and  taxation  more 
immediately  to  property;  and  we  join  in  the  application  of 
this  distinction  to  the  case  of  our  slaves.  But  we  deny  the 
fact  that  slaves  are  considered  merely  as  property,  and  iu  no 
respect  whatever  as  persons.  The  true  state  of  the  case  is,  that 
they  partake  of  both  these  qualities,  being  considered  by  our 
laws  in  some  respects  as  persons  and  in  other  respects  as 
property.  In  being  compelled  to  labor,  not  merely  for  him- 
self, but  for  a master — in  being  vendible  by  one  master  to 
another  master,  and  being  subject,  at  all  times,  to  being 
restrained  in  his  liberty,  and  chastised  in  his  body,  by  the 
capricious  will  of  his  owner,  the  slave  may  appear  to  be 
degraded  from  the  human  rank,  and  classed  with  that  of  the 
irrational  animals,  wThich  fall  under  the  legal  denomination  of 
property.  In  being  protected,  on  the  other  "hand,  in  his  life 
and  in  his  limbs,  against  the  violence  of  all  others,  even  the 
master  of  his  labor  and  his  liberty,  and  in  being  punished 
himself  for  all  violence  committed  against  others,  the  slave  is 
no  less  regarded  by  the  law  as  a member  of  society,  not  as  a 
part  of  the  irrational  creation,  as  a moral  person,  not  a mere 
object  of  property. 

“The  Federal  Constitution,  therefore,  decides  with  great 
propriety,  on  the  case  of  our  slaves,  when  it  views  them  in  the 
mixed  character  of  persons  and  property.  This  is,  in  fact, 
their  true  character.  It  is  the  character  bestowed  on  them  by 
the  laws  under  which  they  live;  and  it  will  not  be  disputed 
that  these  are  the  proper  criterion,  because  it  is  only  under 
the  pretext  that  the  laws  have  transformed  African's  into  sub- 
jects of  property,  that  a place  is  denied  to  them  in  the  compu- 
tation of  numbers;  and  it  is  admitted  that  if  the  laws  were  to 
restore  the  rights  which  have  been  taken  away,  they  would  no 
longer  be  refused  an  equal  share  of  representation  with  the 
other  inhabitants.” 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  not  only  contains  no 


SLAVERY  IN  AMERICA. 


185 


guarantees  in  favor  of  slavery,  but,  on  the  contrary,  was  in  its 
letter  and  spirit  an  anti-slavery  instrument,  demanding  the 
abolition  of  slavery  as  a condition  of  its  own.  existence  as  the 
supreme  Jaw  of  the  land. 


186 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE. 

“ Forever  ours!  for  good  or  ill,  on  us  the  burden  lies; 

God’s  balance,  watched  by  Angels,  is  hung  across  the  skies. 

Shall  Justice,  Truth  and  Freedom  turn  the  poised  and  trembling  scale. 

Or  shall  the  Evil  triumph,  and  robber,  wrong  prevail? 

Shall  the  broad  land,  o'er  which  our  flag  in  starry  splendor  waves, 

Forego  through  us  its  freedom,  and  bear  the  tread  of  slaves!” 

THE  question  of  slavery  was  at  first  of  only  incidental 
interest  in  the  political  history  of  the  country.  The 
Convention  of  1787,  whose  work  and  plans  were  mainly  con- 
fined to  the  fringe  of  States  along  the  Atlantic  coast, had 
really  formed  two  nations — a slave-holding  nation  and  one 
which  only  tolerated  slavery— into  one;  but  the  union  was 
physical,  rather  than  chemical,  and  the  two  section's  retained 
distinct  interests,  feelings  and  peculiarities.  As  both  spread 
beyond  the  Alleghanies  to  the  West,  the  broad  river  Ohio  lay 
in  waiting  to  be  the  national  boundary  between  the  States  in 
which  slavery  should  be  legal  and  those  in  which  it  should  be 
illegal.  When  the  tide  of  emigration  began  to  pour  across  the 
Mississippi  and  fill  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  the  dividing  line 
was  lost  and  conflict  became  inevitable. 

The  Territory  of  Missouri,  formerly  the  district  of  Louisiana, 
was  organized  by  various  acts  of  Congress,  1812-19.  Slavery 
had  been  legal  by  French  and  Spanish  law  before  the  annexa- 
tion, had  been  continued  by  the  laws  of  the  Territories  of 
Louisiana  and  Missouri,  and  had  not  been  prohibited  by  any 
of  the  organizing  acts  of  Congress.  The  Territory  was,  there- 
fore, in  the  straight  road  to  become  a slave  State,  as  Louisiana 
had  already  become. 

March  16,  1818,  a petition  from  Missouri  for  permission  to 
form  a State  constitution  was  offered  in  the  House,  and  April 
3 a committee  reported  an  enabling  act,  which  slept  until  the 
following  session.  February  13,  1819,  the  House  went  into 


THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE. 


187 


committee  of  the  whole  on  the  enabling  act,  when  Talmadge, 
of  New  York,  offered  the  amendment  to  it,  and  provided,  also, 
“That  the  further  introduction  of  slavery  or  involuntary  serv- 
itude be  prohibited,  except  for  the  punishment  of  crimes, 
whereof  the  party  shall  be  duly  convicted ; and  that  all  children 
of  slaves  born  within  the  said  State,  after  the  admission  there- 
of into  the  Union,  shall  be  free,  but  may  be  held  to  service 
until  the  age  of  twenty-five  years.”  The  Talmadge  proviso 
was  added  to  the  bill  by  an  almost  exactly  sectional  vote,  the 
Northern  members  voting  for  it,  and  the  Southern  members 
against  it.  The  bill  then  passed  the  House.  In  the  Senate  it 
was  amended  by  striking  out  the  proviso,  but  the  House 
refused  to  concur  in  the  amendment,  and  in  the  resulting  dis- 
agreement the  bill  was  lost.  At  the  close  of  this  Congress, 
March  3, 1819,  Missouri  was  still  a Territory. 

The  Talmadge  proviso,  in  the  eyes  of  most  of  the  Northern 
politicians  who  supported  it,  was  merely  an  attempt  to  main- 
tain the  balance  of  power  between  the  two  sections.  Kentucky 
had  been  offset  by  Vermont,  Tennessee  by  Ohio,  Louisiana  by 
Indiana,  and  Mississippi  by  Illinois.  The  Territory  of  Ala- 
bama had  applied  for  authorization  to  form  a State  govern- 
ment, which,  indeed,  was  granted  at  this  session;  and  the 
Talmadge  proviso  was  a demand  that  Missouri,  as  a free  State, 
should  now  offset  Alabama.  Accordingly,  therefore,  at  the 
meeting  of  the  next  Congress,  the  legislatures  of  Delaware  and 
all  the  Northern  States  (except  those  of  New7  England,  whose 
unpopularity  as  Federalists  would  have  made  their  open  sup- 
port of  doubtful  value,  and  Illinois,  whose  early  settlers  were 
largely  Southern)  had  warmly  approved  the  Talmadge  proviso, 
and  stamped  it  as  emphatically  a Northern  measure.  In  most 
of  the  legislatures  the  vote  was  unanimous,  former  party  lines 
being  entirely  dropped,  ^ut  complicated  with  this  sectional 
question  there  were  very  many  other  fundamental  questions, 
so  that  a full  discussion  of  the  Missouri  case  would  almost  in- 
volve a treatise  on  American  constitutional  law. 

1st.  Even  granting  that  Congress  had  the  power  to  govern 
the  Territory  of  Missouri  absolutely,  what  power  was  there  in 


188 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Congress  to  forever  prohibit  the  future  State  of  Missouri  from 
permitting  slavery  within  its  own  limits,  if  by  its  own  laws  it 
should  see  fit  to  do  so?  While  other  States  enjoyed  the  priv- 
ilege of  permitting  or  abolishing  slavery  at  their  discretion, 
was  Missouri,  while  nominally  entering  the  Union  on  equal 
terms  with  other  States,  to  be  debarred  the  right  of  choice? 
On  the  other  hand,  if  Congress  had  the  power  to  legislate  for 
the  Territory,  what  power  could  prevent  Congress  from  control- 
ling and  laying  conditions  upon  the  organization  of  the  Ter- 
ritory into  a State?  What  right  had  Missouri  to  object  to  the 
absolute  prohibition  of  slavery  to  which  Ohio,  Indiana  and 
Illinois  had  submitted  without  a thought  of  complaint  or 
objection? 

2d.  The  treaty  by  which  Louisiana,  including  Missouri,  had 
been  acquired  stipulated  that  the  ceded  territory  should  be  at 
once  incorporated  into  the  Union,  and  that  its  inhabitants 
should  be  given  all  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  United  States 
as  soon  as  possible.  From  this  clause  it  was  argued  that  any 
attempt  to  impose  any  such  limitation  upon  the  admission  of 
Missouri  was  a breach  of  good  faith  and  of  treaty  obligations. 
To  this  it  was  answered  that  the  contracting  powers  to  the 
treaty  must  have  been  aware  that  the  treaty  power  could  not 
in  any  way  control  the  admission  of  new  States,  which  must 
be  by  concurrent  action  of  both  branches  of  Congress  and  the 
President. 

3d.  A broader  ground  was  taken  by  some  Southern  mem- 
bers. They  held  that  the  compromise  which  gave  the  slave 
States  representation  for  three-fifths  of  the  slave  population 
had  recognized  slavery  as  a fundamental  feature  of  their  so- 
ciety; that  the  control  of  slavery  was  therefore  one  of  the 
powers  reserved  to  the  States;  and  that  Congress  could  not  con- 
stitutionally assume  that  power  in  the  case  of  either  a new  or 
an  old  State.  On  the  other  hand,  if  this  was  really  a compro- 
mise by  which  certain  States  were  to  be  brought  into  the 
LTnion,  why  should  Missouri  now  claim  as  a right  that  which 
had  been  originally  granted  only  to  a different  and  distinctly 
marked  Territory?  Was  it  not  enough  that  the  Southern! 


THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE. 


189 


States  which  were  included  in  the  bargain  had  received  their 
stipulated  fictitious  representation  for  slave  population,  but 
must  the  same  advantage  be  given  to  an  indefinite  number  of 
new  States  in  the  future? 

4t'h.  The  above  compromise  very  briefly  outlines  the  main 
arguments  for  and  against  the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a slave 
State.  A deeper  feeling  was  at  work  among  the  people  of  the 
North  and  is  apparent  in  the  speeches  of  some  of  the  North- 
ern members,  though  not  often  referred  to  openly.  Slavery  as 
an  institution  seemed  moribund  everywhere  in  1789,  and  could 
be  safely  left,  it  was  imagined,  to  the  process  of  gradual  aboli- 
tion in  the  several  States.  In  the  following  thirty  years  it  had 
really  died  in  all  the  Northern  States,  though  it  was  yet  not 
buried  in  some  of  them:  in  the  South  it  had  grown  stronger 
instead  of  weaker.  Its  hands  had  reached  across  the  Missis- 
sippi into  territory  to  which  it  had  no  title  by  the  organic  law 
on  any  interpretation.  It  had  seized  Louisiana,  had  organized 
Arkansas  as  a slave  Territory,  and  was  now  grasping  after  a 
new  State,  with  the  prospect  of  obtaining  others  in  the  near 
future,  since  the  newly  organized  Territory  of  Arkansas  com- 
prised the  rest  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  Here  was  the 
place  to  make  the  final  stand,  to  demonstrate  that,  even  though 
a slave-holding  population  might  settle  a Territory,  its  admis- 
sion as  a State  was  in  the  control  of  Congress,  and  it  must 
enter  as  a free  State  or  not  at  all.  Only  one  answer  to  this  was 
attempted.  Clay  appealed  to  the  Northern  members,  as  friends 
of  the  Negroes,  to  allow  them  also  the  benefits  of  migration  to 
the  fat  and  fertile  West,  and  not  to  coop  them  up  in  the  starved 
lands  of  the  older  States;  it  seems  not  to  have  occurred  to  him 
that  these  Territories,  if  left  free,  wTere  the  nearest  and  best 
located  for  the  colonization  society. 

A new  Congress  met  December  6,  1819.  Alabama  was  at 
once  admitted  as  a State,  December  14,  and  the  number  of  free 
and  slave  States  was  thus  equalized.  Missouri,  through  her 
territorial  legislature,  again  demanded  to  be  admitted  as  a 
State.  Maine,  whose  Democratic  majority  wished  to  separate 
from  Federal  Massachusetts,  had  already  formed  a State  con- 


190 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


stitution,  and  now  applied  for  admission  also.  The  Maine  bill 
passed  the  House  January  3,  1820.  In  the  Senate,  after  a 
month’s  debate,  January  16.  February  16  the  Maine  bill  was 
also  passed,  but  with  a “rider”  consisting  of  the  Missouri 
bill,  without  restriction  of  slavery.  This  attempt  to  compel  the 
House  to  accept  the  Missouri  slave  State  bill,  or  lose  both, 
was  passed  by  a vote  of  twenty-three  (including  three  from  the 
North)  to  twenty-one.  February  17  Thomas,  of  Illinois  (pro- 
Southern),  offered  as  an  amendment  to  the  bill  the  compro- 
mise afterwards  adopted,  which  had  been  suggested  in  Febru- 
ary, 1819,  by  McLean,  of  Delaware,  and  which  consisted  in 
effect  of  a division  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  between  the  free 
States  and  tJhe  slave  States;  and  the  Senate  adopted  the  Thomas 
amendment  by  a vote  of  thirty-four  to  ten.  Although  the 
affirmative  vote  in  this  instance  contained  the  votes  of  most  of 
the  Northern  Senators,  this  was  not  the  first  symptom  of  weak- 
ening in  the  Northern  vote;  the  organization  of  Arkansas  as  a 
slave  Territory  had  already  shown  that  the  slavery  restriction- 
ists  had  not  learned  the  rule  of  obsta  principiis,  without  which 
they  could  make  no  successful  constitutional  fight.  The  South- 
ern vote  was  better  disciplined  amd  never  wavered. 

The  Senate  passed  the  bill  with  the  Thomas  amendment  by 
a vote  of  twenty-four  to  twenty. 

February  18  the  House  disagreed  to  the  Senate  bill  as 
amended,  the  Thomas  amendment  having  only  18  votes  to  159. 
Both  houses  by  strong  votes  adhered  to  their  position,  and  the 
Senate  asked  and  was  granted  a conference  committee,  which 
reported:  1st,  that  the  Senate  should  give  up  its  union  of 
the  Maine  and  Missouri  bills;  2d,  that  the  House  should  give 
up  the  Talmadge  proviso;  and  3d,  that  both  houses  should 
unite  in  admitting  Missouri,  with  the  Thomas  amendment  as 
follows:  “And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  in  all  that  territory 
ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States  under  the  name  of 
Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of  36°  30'  north  latitude,  ex- 
cepting only  such  part  thereof  as  is  included  within  the  limits 
of  the  State  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and  involun- 
tary servitude  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crime, 


THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE. 


191 


whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  be  and 
is  hereby  forever  prohibited.”  A proviso  for  securing  the  re- 
turn of  fugitive  slaves  from  the  territory  in  general  was  added. 
The  whole  compromise  was  then  passed  by  the  House,  the 
second  part  of  it  by  a vote  of  90  (76  from  the  South,  14  from  the 
North)  to  87,  and  the  third  part  by  134  to  42,  35  of  the  nays 
being  ultra  Southern  members  who  refused  to  approve  any 
interference  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  Territories.  The 
approval  of  the  President  was  still  necessary  to  make  the  bills 
law,  and  Monroe  demanded  the  opinions  of  his  Cabinet  on  the 
question:  1st,  whether  the  prohibition  of  slavery  was  consti- 
tutional; and  2d,  whether  the  word  forever  was  a territorial 
“forever,”  or  applicable  also  to  States  formed  from  the  Territory 
in  future.  The  Cabinet  was  unanimously  in  the  affirmative  on 
the  first  question,  but  divided  on  the  second;  but  by  an  adroit 
suggestion  of  Calhoun  the  two  questions  were  joined  in  one — 
was  the  Thomas  amendment  constitutional?  To  this  every 
member  promptly  responded  in  the  affirmative,  and  the  bill  was 
signed  March  6, 1820. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820,  of  which  Thomas,  of 
Illinois,  was  the  father,  and  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  the 
active,  zealous  and  successful  sponsor,  was  thus  completed  in 
all  its  parts.  At  first  sight  it  seems  unfair,  if  any  arrange- 
ment with  which  both  parties  to  a controversy  are  content  can 
be  called  unfair.  In  a territory  acquired  by  national  action, 
without  the  consent  of  its  inhabitants,  and  therefore  under 
national  control,  it  is  impossible  to  make  out  a case  for  the 
establishment  of  slavery,  any  more  than  a territorial  church, 
without  the  express  action  of  Congress;  but  the  South,  by  per- 
sistently claiming  this  right  as  to  the  whole  of  the  Louisiana 
Purchase,  had  successfully  established  it  as  to  a large,  and  the 
only  present  useful,  part  of  it.  There  is,  however,  another  view 
of  the  matter,  to  which  attention  mast  be  directed.  For  nearly 
twenty  years  Congress  had  utterly  neglected  to  assert  or  enforce 
its  power  over  slavery  in  the  Territories.  It  had  shut  its  eyes 
to  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  Louisiana  Purchase;  it  had 
admitted  Louisiana  as  a slave  State;  it  had  allowed  the  terri- 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

I f 

torial  legislators  to  legislate  in  favor  of  slavery;  so  late  as  1819 
it  had  organized  the  .Territory  of  Arkansas  without  restriction ■; 
of  slavery;  and  those  who  had  brought  slavery  into  the  Terri- 
tories might,  with  considerable  show  of  fairness,  claim  that 
Congress  had  now  no  right  to  suddenly  assert  a power  over 
their  property  in’  the  case  of  Missouri,  which  it  had  not  claimed 
in  that  of  Louisiana.  The  claim  is  so  far  well  founded  that  it  is 
difficult  to  deny  the  parallelism  between  Louisiana  and  Mis- 
souri. The  North,  therefore,  in  order  to  secure  the  rest  of  the 
Louisiana  Purchase  in  its  normal  condition  of  freedom,  was 
compelled  to  pay  for  its  twenty  years’  laches  by  surrendering 
the  modern  States  of  Missouri  and  Arkansas  to  the  slave- 
holding  settlers,  whom  it  had  allowed  to  enter  and  possess  them. 
It  can  not,  however,  be  too  strongly  insisted,  that  what  Ran- 
dolph called  the  “dirty  bargain”  had  two  sides;  that  the  South 
had  formally  abandoned  aill  future  claim  to  establish  slavery 
in  Territories  north  of  36°  30';  that  the  North  had  tacitly 
pledged  itself  not  to  exert  the  power  of  Congress  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  Louisiana  Purchase  south  of  that  line;  and  that 
both  sides  had  recognized  the  absolute  power  of  Congress  over 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  without  which  the  compromise  would 
never  have  been  made. 

In  1836,  when  admitting  Arkansas  as  a State,  the  North 
was  strongly  tempted  to  break  its  agreement,  but  refused  to 
do  so,  even  John  Quincy  Adams  insisting  that  the  admission 
of  Arkansas  as  a slave  State,  was  “so  nominated  in  the  bond,” 
and  must  be  punctually  fufilled.  In  1852  the  Southern  leaders 
broke  the  agreement  which  their  section  had  made. 

Attention  should  also  be  called  to  the  evil  effects  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise:  First,  it  recognized  by  law  that  which 
every  effort  should  have  been  made  to  blot  out,  the  existence 
of  a geographical  line  which  divided  the  whole  people  into 
two  sections,  and  it  thus  went  far  to  establish  parties  on  this 
geographical  line.  Jefferson’s  eye  was  quick  to  recognize 
this  fact.  In  his  letter  of  April  20,  1822,  to  John  Holmes, 
he  says: 

“This  momentous  question — like  a fire-bell  in  the  night — 


TEE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE. 


193 


awakened  and  filled  me  with  terror.  I considered  it  at  once 
as  the  knell  of  the  Union.  It  is  hushed,  indeed, for  the  moment, 
but  this  is  a reprieve  only,  not  a final  sentence.  A geographical 
line  coinciding  with  a marked  principle,  moral  and  political, 
once  conceived  and  held  up  to  the  angry  passions  of  men,  will 
never  be  obliterated,  and  every  new  irritation  will  work  it 
deeper  and  deeper.” 

From  this  time  parties  were  to  be  really  national  only  so 
long  as  the  question  of  slavery  was  kept  under  cover;  but 
when  that  question  came  to  the  surface,  the  whole  controlling 
intelligence  of  the  South  spoke  in  the  language  of  Dixon  of 
Kentucky,  in  1854:  “Sir:  Upon  the  question  of  slavery  I 
know  no  Wliiggery — and  I know  no  Democracy — I am  a pro- 
slavery  man.” 

Second,  in  this  compromise,  however  faithfully  kept  by 
both  sides,  lay  the  elements  of  future  conflict.  A com- 
parison of  the  Western  territory  of  the  United  States  with  the 
country’s  steady  rate  of  increase  in  population  should  have 
shown  the  statesmen  of  1820  that  the  Southwestern  boundary 
was  so  abrupt  a barrier  to  the  movement  of  migration  that  it 
could  not  endure.  When  it  should  be  broken  down,  and  when 
new  territory,  not  covered  by  the  Missouri  Compromise,  should 
be  added  to  the  United  States,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that 
the  South  should  then  submit  to  a restriction  upon  slavery 
which  it  had  successfully  resisted  in  1820.  Bonds  which  can- 
not restrain  a child  will  not  be  very  effective  when  he  has 
grown  to  be  a strong  man;  and  this  principle  of  a division  of 
territory,  once  admitted,  it  was  plain  that  future  acquisitions 
of  territory  would  be  for  the  benefit,  not  of  the  whole  nation, 
but  of  a partnership  of  two,  whose  Southern  members  would 
be  certain  to  claim  a full  share. 

The  above  is  usually  considered  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
though  there  are  some  few  difficulties  yet  to  be  settled. 

First.  In  the  Presidential  election  of  1820,  Missouri, 
though  not  yet  admitted  as  a State,  chose  Presidential  electors, 
and  many  of  the  Southern  members  sought  to  have  their  votes 


194 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


counted.  This  difficulty  was  avoided  by  counting  the  votes  in 
the  alternative. 

Second.  The  constitution  of  Missouri  was  found  to  dis- 
criminate against  free  colored  persons,  who  were  citizens  in 
many  of  the  States.  The  joint  resolution  of  March  2,  1821, 
therefore,  admitted  the  State  on  condition  of  the  abrogation  of 
this  discrimination. 


THE  KANSAB-NEBRASKA  BILL. 


195 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  KAN SAS-XE  BRA  SK  A BILL. 

“ Is  this,  O countrymen  of  mine!  a day  for  us  to  sow 
The  soil  of  new-gained  empire  with  slavery's  seeds  of  woe? 

To  feed  with  our  fresh  life-blood  the  cld  world’s  cast-off  crime, 
Dropped,  like  some  monstrosity,  from  the  tired  lap  of  time? 

To  run  anew  the  evil  race  the  old  lost  nations  ran, 

And  die  like  them  of  unbelief  of  God,  and  wrong  of  man? 

THE  Kansas-Xebraska  bill  is,  in  United  States  history, 
an  Act  of  Congress  by  which  the  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  were  organized  in  1854.  Its  political  importance 
consisted  wholly  of  its  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 

Before  the  introduction  of  the  bill,  it  did  not  seem  possible 
for  any  further  question  to  arise  as  to  slavery  in  the  United 
States.  In  the  several  States,  slavery  was  regulated  by  State 
law;  in  the  Louisiana  Purchase  both  sections  had,  in  1820, 
united  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  portion  north  of  36°  36', 
ignoring  the  portion  south  of  it;  all  the  southern  portion,  out- 
side the  Indian  Territory,  was  covered  soon  afterward  by  the 
slave  State  of  Arkansas;  and  in  the  territory  afterward  ac- 
quired from  Mexico  both  sections  had  united  in  1850  in  an 
agreement  to  ignore  the  existence  of  slavery,  until  it  could  be 
regulated  by  the  laws  of  the  States  which  should  be  formed 
therefrom  in  future.  Every  inch  of  the  United  States  seemed 
to  be  covered  by  some  compromise  or  other. 

The  slavery  question  was  in  this  condition  of  equilibrium 
when  a bill  was  passed  by  the  ?Iouse,  February  10,  1853,  to 
organize  the  Territory  of  Nebraska,  covering,  also,  the  modern 
State  of  Kansas.  It  lay  wholly  within1  that  portion  of  the 
Louisiana  Purchase  w’hose  freedom  had  been  guaranteed  by 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the  bill,  therefore,  said  nothing 
about  slavery,  its  supporters  taking  it  for  granted  that  the 
territory  was  already  full.  In  the  Senate  it  was  laid  on  the 
table,  March  3,  the  affirmative  including  every  Southern  sen- 


196 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ator  except  those  from  Missouri;  buit  their  opposition  to  the 
bill  came  entirely  from  an  undefined  repugnance  to  the  practi- 
cal operations  of  the  Missouri  Compromise — not  from  any  idea 
that  the  Compromise  was  no  longer  in  force.  If  it  had  been 
repealed  by  the  compromise  of  1850,  those  most  interested  in 
the  repeal  do  not  seem  to  have  yet  discovered  it  in  1853. 

During  the  summer  of  1853,  following  the  adjournment  of 
Congress,  the  discussion  of  the  new  phase  which  the  proposed 
organization  of  Nebraska  at  once  brought  about  in  the  slavery 
question  became  general  among  Southern  politicians.  The 
Southern  people  do  not  seem  to  have  taken  any  great  interest 
in  the  matter,  for  it  was  very  improbable  that  slave  labor  could 
be  profitably  employed  in  Nebraska,  even  if  it  were  allowed. 
The  question  was  wholly  political.  The  territory  in  question 
had  been  worthless  ever  since  it  was  bargained  away  to  secure 
the  admission  of  Missouri  as  a Southern  and  slave-holding 
State;  but  now  emigration  was  beginning  to  mark  out  the 
boundaries  of  present  Territories  and  potential  States,  which 
would,  in  the  near  future,  make  the  South  a minority  in  the 
Senate,  as  it  bad  always  been  in  the  House,  and,  perhaps, 
place  it  at  the  mercy  of  the  united  North.  To  prevent  this  re- 
sult was  of  importance  to  Southern  politicians:  1st,  that,  if  the 
Missouri  Compromise  was  to  endure,  Nebraska  should  remain 
unorganized,  in  order  to  check  immigration  and  prevent  the 
rapid  formation  of  another  Northern  State;  2d,  that,  if  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  could  be  avoided,  Nebraska  should  at  least 
be  open  to  slavery,  for  the  same  purpose  as  above,  since  it  was 
agreed  on  all  hands  that  free  immigration  instinctively  avoided 
any  contact  with  slave  labor;  and,  3d,  that,  if  slave  labor 
could  possibly  be  made  profitable  in  Nebraska,  the  Territory 
should  become  a slave  State.  The  last  contingency  was  gen- 
erally recognized  as  highly  improbable;  one  of  the  first  two 
was  the  direct  objective  point. 

On  January  16,  1854,  Dixon,  of  Kentucky,  gave  notice  of 
an  amendment  abolishing  the  Missouri  Compromise  in  the  case 
of  Nebraska  This  was  the  first  open  signal  of  danger  to  the 
Missouri  Compromise;  and,  on  the  following  day,  Sumner,  of 


THE  EANSAS-NEBRASKA  BILL. 


197 


Massachusetts,  gave  notice  of  an  amendment  to  the  bill,  pro- 
viding that  nothing  contained  in  it  should  abrogate  or  contra- 
vene that  settlement  of  the  slavery  question.  Douglas  at  once 
had  the  bill  recommited,  and,  January  23,  he  reported,  in  its 
final  shape,  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  which,  in  its  ultimate 
and  unexpected  consequences,  was  one  of  the  most  far-reaching 
legislative  acts  in  American  history. 

The  bill  divided  the  Territory  from  latitude  37°  to  latitude 
43°  30'  into  two  Territories,  the  southern  to  be  called  Kansas 
and  the  northern  Nebraska;  the  territory  between  latitude 
36°  30'  and  37°  was  now  left  to  the  Indians.  In  the  organi- 
zation of  both  these  Territories  it  was  declared  to  be  the  pur- 
pose of  the  act  to  carry  out  the  following  three  propositions 
and  principles  established  by  the  compromise  measures  of 
1850 : First , That  all  questions  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  or 
States  to  be  formed  from  them,  were  to  be  left  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  residing  therein.  Second,  That  cases 
involving  title  to  slaves,  or  personal  freedom,  might  be  appealed 
from  the  local  tribunals  to  the  Supreme  Court.  Third, 
That  the  fugitive  slave  law  should  apply  to  the  Territories. 
The  section  which  extended  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States  over  the  Territories  had  the  following  proviso: 
■“Except  the  eighth  section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admis- 
sion of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  approved  March  6, 1820,  which, 
being  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  non-intervention  of 
Congress  with  slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories,  as  recog- 
nized by  the  legislation  of  1850,  commonly  called  the  Compro- 
mise Measure,  is  hereby  declared  inoperative  and  void;  it  being 
the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act  not  to  legislate  slavery 
into  any  Territory  or  State,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to 
leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate 
their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.’ 

The  effects  of  the  bill  upon  the  parties  of  the  time  may  be 
summarized  as  follows:  First,  It  destroyed  the  Whig  party 
the  great  mass  of  whose  voters  in  the  South  went  over  to  the 
Democratic  party,  and  in  the  North  to  the  new  Republican 


198 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


party;  Second , It  made  the  Democratic  party  almost  entirely 
sectional,  for  the  loss  of  its  strong  anti-slavery  element  in  the 
North  left  it,  in  the  course  of  the  next  few  years,  to  a hopeless 
minority  there:  Third , It  crystallized  all  the  Northern  element 
opposed  to 'Slavery  into  another  sectional  party  soon  to  take  the 
name  of  Republican;  Fourth , It  compelled  all  other  elements, 
after  a hopeless  effort  to  form  a new  party  on  a new  issue,  to 
join  one  or  the  other  sectional  party.  Its  effects  on  the  people 
of  the  two  sections  were  still  more  unfortunate:  in  the  North  it 
laid  the  foundation  for  the  belief,  which  the  Dred  Scott  deci- 
sion was  soon  to  confirm,  that  the  whole  policy  of  the  South 
was  a greedy,  grasping,  selfish  desire  for  the  extension  of 
slavery.  In  the  South,  by  the  grant  of  what  none  but  the 
politicians  had  hitherto  asked  or  expected,  the  abolition  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  it  prepared  the  people  for  the  belief 
that  the  subsequent  forced  settlement  of  Kansas  by  means  of 
emigrant  aid  societies  was  a treacherous  evasion  by  the  North 
of  the  terms  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  still  more  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  which  followed  it,  placed  each  section  in 
1860,  to  its  own  thinking,  impregnably  upon  its  own  peculiar 
ground  of  aggrievement:  the  North  remembered  only  the 
violation  of  the  Compromise  of  1820  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  taking  the  Dred  Scott  decision  as  only  an  aggravation  of 
the  original  offense;  the  South,  ignoring  the  Compromise  of 
1820  as  obsolete  by  mutual  agreement,  complained  of  the 
North’s  refusal  to  carry  out  fairly  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill 
and  the  Dred  Scott  decision. 


THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 


109 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 


“ We  hunt  your  bondmen,  flying  from  slavery’s  hateful  hell ; 

Our  voices,  at  your  bidding,  take  up  the  blood -hound’s  yell; 

We  gather,  at  your  summons,  above  our  fathers’  grave  , 

From  Freedom’s  holy  altar-horns  to  tear  your  wretched  slaves  1 

“ Nol  for  us  and  for  our  children,  the  vow  which  we  have  given 
For  freedom  and  humanity  is  registered  In  He  iven; 

No  slave-hunt  in  our  borders— no  pirate  in  our  sh  and! 

No  fetters  in  the  Bay  State,  no  slave  upon  our  land!" 

IX  Convention,  Wednesday,  August  29,  1787,  Mr  Butler 
moved  to  insert  after  Article  XV.,  “If  any  person  bound 
to  service  or  labor  in  any  of  the  United  States  shall  escape  into 
another  State,  he  or  she  shall  not  be  discharged  from  such 
service  or  labor  in  consequence  of  any  regulations  existing  in 
the  State  to  which  they  escape,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the 
person  justly  claiming  their  service  or  labor,”  which,  after 
some  verbal  modification,  was  agreed  to  nem  con. 

Hence,  we  see  that  when  the  Constitution  was  nearly  com- 
pleted, Slavery,  through  its  attorney,  Mr.  Butler,  of  South  Car- 
olina, presented  its  little  bill  of  extras.  Like  Oliver  Twist,  it 
wanted  some  more.  Its  new  demand  was  that  slaves  escaping 
from  one  State  into  another  might  be  followed  and  legally  re- 
claimed. This  requirement,  be  it  observed,  was  entirely  out- 
side of  any  general  and  obvious  necessity.  No  one  could 
pretend  that  there  was  anything  mutual  in  the  obligation  it 
sought  to  impose:  to  make  every  free  American  citizen,  of 
whatever  State  or  opinion,  a spy,  an1  officer,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  hunt  runaway  slaves  and  legally  return  them  to  their  “right- 
ful owners.”  Still  that  this  was  requisite  to  the  successful  pro- 
mulgation of  slavery  is  very  probable.  No  one  will  suppose 
that  Massachusetts  or  New  Hampshire  were  either  anxious  to 
secure  the  privilege  of  reclaiming  her  fugitive  slaves  who 
might  escape  into  Carolina  or  Georgia,  or  had  any  desire  to 


200 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


enter  into  reciprocal  engagements  to  this  end.  Nor  could  any 
one  gravely  insist  that  the  provision  for  the  mutual  rendition 
of  slaves  was  essential  to  the  completeness  of  the  Federal  pact. 
The  old  Confederation  had  known  nothing  like  it;  yet  no  one 
asserted  that  the  want  of  an  inter-State  fugitive  slave  law  was 
among  the  necessities  or  grievances  which  had  impelled  the 
assembling  of  this  Convention.  But  the  inserting  of  a slave- 
catching  clause  in  the  Constitution  would  undoubtedly  be  re- 
garded with  favor  by  the  slave-holding  interest,  and  would 
strongly  tend  to  render  the  new  framework  of  government 
more  acceptable  to  the  extreme  South.  So,  after  one  or  two  un- 
successful attempts,  Mr.  Butler  finally  gave  to  his  proposition 
a shape  in  which  it  proved  acceptable  to  a majority,  and  it  was 
adopted  with  slight  apparent  resistance  or  consideration. 

In  these  later  days,  since  the  radical  injustice  and  iniquity 
of  slave-holding  have  been  more  profoundly  realized  and  gen- 
erally appreciated,  many  subtle,  and  some  able,  attempts  have 
been  made  to  explain  away  this  most  unfortunate  provision,  for 
the  reason  that  the  Convention  wisely  and  decorously  excluded 
■the  terms  “slave”  and  “slavery”  from  the  Constitution,  “be- 
eause,”  as  Mr.  Madison  says,  “they  did  not  choose  to  admit 
the  right  of  property  in  man.” 

In  the  debate  of  Tuesday,  July  29,  1788,  in  the  North 
Carolina  Ratification  Convention,  which  was  organized  at  Hills- 
borough July  21,  1788,  Mr.  Iredell  begged  leave  to  explain 
the  reason  of  this  clause  (last  clause,  Section  2,  Article  IV.). 
“In  some  of  the  Northern  States  they  have  emancipated  all 
their  slaves.  If  any  of  our  slaves,”  said  he,  “go  there  and  re- 
main there  a certain  time,  they  would,  by  the  present  laws,  be 
entitled  to  their  freedom,  so  that  their  masters  could  not  get 
them  again.  This  would  be  extremely  prejudicial  to  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Southern  States,  and  to  prevent  it  this  clause 
is  inserted  in  the  Constitution.  Though  the  word  slave  is  not 
mentioned,  this  is  the  meaning  of  it.  The  Northern  delegates, 
owing  to  their  peculiar  scruples  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  did 
not  choose  the  word  slave  to  be  mentioned.” 

It  has  been  argued  that  this  provision  does  not  contem- 


THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 


201 


plate  tlie  rendition  of  fugitives  from  slavery,  but  rather  of  run- 
away apprentices,  persons  who,  having  engaged  in  contracts  for 
their  own  labor,  have  repudiated  their  engagements,  and  other 
such  Jonahs.  The  records  and  reminiscences  of  the  Convention, 
however,  utterly  refute  and  dissipate  these  vain  and  idle  pre- 
tenses It  is  sheer  absurdity  to  contend  that  South  Carolina  in 
the  Convention  was  absorbingly  intent  on  engrafting  upon  the 
Federal  Constitution  a provision  for  the  recapture  of  runaway 
apprentices  or  anything  of  the  sort  What  she  meant  was  to 
extort  from  the  apprehensions  of  a majority  anxious  for  a more 
perfect  union,  a concession  of  authority  to  hunt  fugitive  slaves 
in  any  part  of  our  broad  national  area,  and  legally  to  drag 
them  back  into  perpetual  bondage.  If  the  Convention  did  not 
mean  to  grant  exactly  that,  it  trifled  with  a very  grave  subject 
and  stooped  to  an  unworthy  deception.  How  much  better  to 
meet  the  issue  proudly  and  manfully,  saying  frankly  to  the 
slave-holders:  “This  provision  is  contrary  to  equity  and  good 
conscience;  hence  we  cannot  obey  it.  To  seize  our  fellow-man 
and  thrust  him  into  an  abhorred  bondage  may  in  your  eyes  be 
innocent,  in  ours  it  would  be  crime.  If,  then,  you  are  aggrieved 
in  any  case,  by  our  refusal  or  neglect  to  return  your  fugitives, 
make  out  your  bill  for  their  fair  market  value,  and  call  upon  us 
for  its  payment.  If  we  refuse  it,  you  will  then  have  a real 
grievance  to  allege — this,  namely:  that  we  have  deprived  you 
of  what  the  Constitution  recognizes  as  your  property,  and  have 
failed  to  make  recompense  therefor.  But  you  surely  cannot 
blame  us  that,  having  been  enlightened  as  to  the  moral  nature 
of  acts  consented  to,  or  stipulated  for,  by  our  fathers,  we  are 
unable  longer  to  commit  them.  Take  our  property  if  you  think 
yourself  entitled  to  it;  but  allow  us  to  be  faithful  to  our  convic- 
tions of  duty  and  the  promptings  of  humanity.” 

Governor  Seward,  in  his  speech  of  March  11,  1856,  on 
“Freedom  in  the  Territories,”  forcibly  set  forth  the  true  and 
manly  Northern  ground  on  this  subject,  as  follows: 

“The  law  of  nations  disavows  such  compacts ; the  law  of 
(nature,  written  on  the  heart  and  consciences  of  freemen,  repudi- 
ates them.  I know  that  there  are  lawis  of  various  sorts  which 


202 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


regulate  the  conduct  of  men.  There  are  constitutions  and 
statutes,  codes  mercantile  and  codes  civil;  but  when  we  are 
legislating  for  States,  especially  when  we  are  founding  States, 
all  these  laws  must  be  brought  to  the  standard  of  the  law  of 
God,  must  be  tried  by  that  standard,  or  must  stand  or  fall  by 
it.  To  conclude  on  this  point:  we  are  not  slave-holders.  We 
cannot,  in  our  judgment,  be  either  true  Christians  or  real  free- 
men if  we  impose  on  another  a chain  that  we  defy  all  human 
power  to  fasten  on  ourselves.” 

The  new  fugitive  slave  law  proved  especially  obnoxious, 
both  in  principle  and  practice,  to  a large  and  earnest  minority. 
It  had  been  originally  drafted  by  Senator  Mason,  of  Virginia, 
a man  conspicuously  charged  with  that  pro-slavery  venom 
which  made  him  in  after  years  a leading  rebel — and  who  had 
already  signalized  himself  by  his  efforts  to  render  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Union  impossible  on  any  other  terms  than  those 
of  the  most  utter  and  abject  devotion,  on  the  part  of  the  North, 
to  the  moist  extreme  pro-slavery  aspirations  and  policy  of  the 
South.  He  opposed  Mr.  Olay’s  programme  of  compromise,  as 
entirely  too  favorable  to  the  North;  lie  had  been  among  the 
foremost  of  the  Southern  ultras  in  defeating  that  programme 
in  its  primitive  shape;  and  he  had  stubbornly  resisted  the  ad- 
mission of  California  as  a free  State,  unless  and  until  paid  for, 
' by  concessions  on  the  part  of  the  North.  Yet  his  draft  of  a 
fugitive  slave  lawT  was  adopted  by  the  great  Compromise 
Committee,  and  ultimately  rushed  through  the  two  houses, 
with  little  consideration  and  less  scrutiny.  When  it  was 
reached  in  its  order  in  the  lower  house,  Judge  James  Thomp- 
son obtained  the  floor — doubtless  by  pre-arrangement  with 
Speaker  Cobb — and  spoke  in  favor  of  the  measure  as  just  and 
necessary,  and  closing  his  remarks  by  a demand  of  the  previous 
question.  This  was  sustained  by  a majority,  and  the  bill — with 
all  its  imperfections  on  its  head,  and  without  affording  an 
opportunity  for  amendment — was  ordered  to  a third  reading  by 
109  yeas  to  79  nays,  every  member  from  a slave  State  who 
voted  at  all  voted  yea,  with  28  Democrats  and  3 Whigs  from 
the  free  States.  From  the  free  States  33,  from  the  slave 


THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 


203 


States  15,  were  absent  or  withheld  their  votes;  and  as  the  vote 
in  the  Senate  stood  27  for  to  12  against  it,  with  21  absent,  it 
is  noteworthy  that  it  passed  either  house  by  the  votes  of  a 
decided  minority  of  the  members  thereof;  still  it  is  hardly 
probable  that,  had  every  member  been  present  and  voted,  it 
would  have  been  defeated. 

This  measure,  so  inconsiderately  adopted,  was  specially  ob- 
jectionable to  the  more  humane  instincts  of  the  free  States  in 
these  particulars: 

1st.  It  directed  and  provided  for  the  surrender  to  the 
claimant  of  each  alleged  fugitive  from  slavery,  without  allowing 
.such  alleged  fugitive  a trial  by  jury;  though  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution expressly  provides  that,  “in  suits  in  common  law 
where  the  value  in  controversy  Shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the 
right  of  trial  by  jury  -shall  be  preserved”:  so  that,  while  any 
person  of  whom  damages  are  claimed  to  the  amount  of  twenty 
dollars  is  entitled  to  the  trial  of  the  issue  by  jury,  he  whose 
liberty  or  whose  wife  and  children  are  in  jeopardy  is  especially 
denied  that  right  by  this  act.  He  may  be  entirely  and  unim- 
peachably white,  for  this  act  knows  nothing  of  color;  he  may 
be  the  governor  of  a State,  the  bishop  of  a great  church;  he 
may  be  general-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  Union,  engaged 
in  a momentous  war;  but,  if  any  one  choose  to  swear  that  he  is 
a slave  who  has  escaped  from  his  owner’s  service,  he  cannot  re- 
quire a trial  by  jury  of  the  issue  so  raised,  although  the  judge 
or  commissioner  before  whom  the  claimant  sees  fit  to  bring  him 
may  be  in  league  with  that  claimant  to  get  him  out  of  the  pro- 
tection of  the  law  and  into  the  power  of  his  deadly  enemies. 
And  it  is  specially  provided  by  this  act  that,  “In  no  trial  or 
hearing  under  this  act  shall  the  testimony  of  such  alleged 
fugitive  be  admitted  in  evidence.” 

2d.  It  did  not  even  allow  him  a hearing  before  a judge,  but 
authorized  the  captor  to  take  him  at  once  before  any  commis- 
sioner appointed  to  take  depositions,  etc.,  by  a judge  of  the 
Federal  courts,  who  was  clothed  by  this  act  with  plenary  power 
in  the  premises;  on  who-se  rendition  and  certificate  he  might 
be  hurried  off  at  once  into  slavery  without  stay  or  appeal. 


204 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


3d.  Said  commissioner  was  to  receive  ten  dollars  for  his 
services  in  case  he  directed  the  surrender  of  the  alleged  fugi- 
tive, but  only  five  dollars  in  case  he,  for  any  cause,  decided 
against  the  claimant.  The  act  thus,  in  fact,  offered  him  a 
bribe  to  decide  against  the  person  charged  with  owing  “ser- 
vice or  labor.” 

4th.  The  persons  charged  with  the  duty  of  arresting  the 
alleged  fugitives  were,  in  every  instance,  authorized  and 
empowered  by  the  act  to  summon  and  call  to  their  aid  the 
bystanders,  or  posse  comitatus,  of  the  proper  county,  to  aid 
them  in  their  work:  “And  all  good  citizens  are  hereby  com- 
manded to  aid  and  assist  in  the  prompt  and  efficient  execution 
of  this  law.” 

Mr.  John  Van  Buren,  in  a letter  to  the  opponents  of  this 
law,  while  admitting  the  right  to  reclaim  and  the  duty  of  sur- 
rendering fugitives  from  slavery,  condemned  the  enactment  in 
all  its  most  important  features:  First,  as  an  assumption  by 
Congress  of  a duty  properly  devolving  on  the  States,  and 
to  be  rightfully  executed  by  State  laws,  tribunals  and  func- 
tionaries. The  demurrer  that  the  Supreme  Court  had  decided 
adversely  to  this  position  was  met  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  as 
follows: 

“By  this  decision,  judges,  in  determining  the  question  of 
authority,  would  probably  be  concluded;  but  in  a popular 
discussion  of  the  propriety  of  a law  with  a view  to  its  repeal 
or  modification,  I suppose  we  are  at  liberty  to  believe  in  oppo- 
sition to  a decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Even  the  executive 
and  legislative  departments  deny  its  authority  to  bind  them. 
The  Supreme  Court  decided  that  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Law 
was  constitutional,  and  Matthew  Lyon  was  imprisoned  under  it. 
The  President,  Mr.  Jefferson,  decided  that  it  was  not,  and  par- 
doned Mr.  Lyon.  The  Supreme  Court  decided  that  Congress 
could  constitutionally  charter  a bank  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  the  propriety  and  necessity  for  doing  so  were  to  be  judged 
by  Congress.  The  President,  General  Jackson,  decided  that 
such  an  act  was  unconstitutional  and  vetoed  it.  With  these 
examples  before  me,  I feel  authorized  to  express  the  opinion 


TEE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 


205 


which  I entertain,  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act  is  unconstitu- 
tional, because  Congress  has  no  power  to  legislate  upon  the 
subject.” 

With  regard  to  the  denial  by  this  act  of  all  semblance  of  a 
jury  trial  to  persons  claimed  under  it  as  fugitive  slaves,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  was  equally  decided  and  forcible,  as  is  evinced  by 
these  further  extracts  from  his  letter: 

“But  to  those  who  regard  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  as  conclusive,  it  is  important  to  consider  other  objections 
to  the  act.  Conceding  the  power  of  Congress  to  legislate  upon 
this  subject,  I think  the  act  in  question  is  unconstitutional,  be- 
cause it  does  not  give  the  person  seized  a trial  by  jury  at  the 
place  where  he  is  so  seized,  and  before  he  is  put  in  the  custody 
of  the  claimant  with  a warrant  to  transport  him.  * * * 

“It  is  urged  that  juries  would  not  render  verdicts  in  favor 
of  claimants,  where  the  right  was  established.  This  does  not 
correspond  with  my  observation  of  jury  trials;  on  the  contrary, 
whatever  prejudice  jurors  may  feel  against  the  law,  I have 
hardly  ever  known  them  to  fail  in  obeying  the  directions  of  the 
court  in  points  of  law. 

“It  is  also  suggested  that  the  expense  of  recovering  a fugi- 
tive by  this  mode  would  amount  to  a destruction  of  the  right. 
If  such  an  evil  exists,  it  is  incident  to  the  unfortunate  relation. 
It  certainly  furnishes  no  reason  why  the  Constitution  should  be 
violated,  and  a safeguard  broken  down  in  reference  to  the 
liberty  of  a human  being,  which  is  secured  to  him  in  defending 
a horse  or  a bale  of  cotton.” 

That  the  provisions  of  this  act  were  harsh  and  cruel  is  cer- 
tain; but  that  any  act  providing  for  the  recovery  of  fugitives 
from  slavery  could  have  been  at  once  humane  and  efficient  is 
not  obvious.  And,  as  the  capture  and  rendition  of  alleged 
slaves,  under  this  act,  claimed  a large  share  of  public  attention 
during  the  three  or  four  years  immediately  following  its  pas- 
sage, while  the  residue  of  the  compromise  measures  evoked  no 
special  excitement,  and  had  none  other  than  a noiseless,  passive 
operation,  it  is  not  remarkable  that  greater  success  in  slave- 
hunting, with  greater  alacrity  on  the  part  of  free  States  in 


206  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 

ministering  to  such  success,  seemed  to  the  general  Northern 
mind  the  sum  and  substance,  “the  being’s  end  and  aim,”  of 
the  compromises  of  1850.  And  as  the  Federal  Administration 
whereof  Mr.  Fillmore  remained  the  official  head,  and  Mr.  Web- 
ster became  the  animating  soul,  gave  prominence  and  empha- 
sis to  the  exertions  of  its  subordinates  in  aid  of  slave-catching, 
the  alienation  from  it  of  anti-slavery  Whigs  became  more  and 
more  decided  and  forcible. 

Numerous  arrests  of  alleged  fugitives  were  made  in  various 
parts  of  the  country,  but  not  with  uniform  success.  In  New 
York  city,  Philadelphia,  and  other  marts  largely  engaged  in 
Southern  trade  no  serious  resistance  was  offered;  though  in 
one  case,  a black  man,  remanded  to  Maryland  as  a fugitive, 
was  honorably  rejected,  and  set  at  liberty  by  the  claimant,  as 
not  the  man  for  whom  he  had  been  mistaken.  In  Boston  seri- 
ous popular  repugnance  to  rendition  was  repeatedly  manifested, 
and  in  one  place  a colored  person  known  as  Shadraoh,  who  had 
been  arrested  as  a fugitive,  was  rescued  and  escaped.  In 
other  cases,  however,  and  conspicuously  in  those  of  Thomas 
Sims  and  Anthony  Barns,  the  State  and  city  authorities,  the 
judiciary,  the  military,  the  merchants,  and  probably  the  ma- 
jority of  the  citizens,  approved  and  aided  the  surrender.  There 
were  cases,  however,  wherein  the  popular  sentiment  of  the 
country  was  on  the  side  of  the  hunted  blacks,  as  was  evinced 
at  Syracuse,  New  York,  in  the  rescue  of  Jerry  Logren,  an 
alleged  fugitive,  from  the  hands  of  the  authorities,  and  his  pro- 
tection by  alternately  hiding  and  forwarding  him,  until  he 
made  'his  escape  into  Canada.  Ait  Christiana,  Lancaster 
County, Pennsylvania,  where  a considerable  number  of  Africans 
were  compactly  settled,  Edward  Gorsuch,  a Maryland  slave- 
holder, who  attempted,  with  two  or  three  accomplices,  to  seize 
his  alleged  slaves,  four  in  number,  was  resisted  by  the  alarmed, 
indignant  blacks,  and  received  a ball  from  a musket  fired  by 
one  of  them,  which  proved  fatal;  and  bis  son,  who  had  accom- 
panied him,  was  wounded.  And  in  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin, 
Sherman  M.  Booth  having  been  convicted  in  the  United  States 
District  Court  of  aiding  in  the  rescue  of  Joshua  Glover,  a 


THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 


207 


fugitive  from  St  Louis,  the  Supreme  Court  of  that  State,  on 
a habeas  corpus  sued  out  in  his  behalf,  decided  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  unconstitutional  and  void,  and  set  him  at  liberty. 
This  decision  was  overruled,  however,  by  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States,  in  an  unanimous  decision  affirming  the 
validity  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  directing  that,  though 
a State  court  might  properly  grant  a habeas  corpus  in  behalf  of 
a person  imprisoned  under  Federal  authority,  yet,  that  the  cus- 
todian in  such  case  had  only  to  make  return  that  he  teas  so 
held,  and  that  his  return,  being  proved  truthful,  must  be 
accepted  by  the  State  court  as  sufficient  and  conclusive,  the 
Federal  and  State  jurisdiction  being  each  sovereign  within  its 
proper  sphere,  and  each  entitled  to  entire  respect  from  the 
other,  though  operative  over  the  same  territory;  and  this  re- 
mains to  this  day  the  adjudicated  law  of  the  land. 

\ 

The  activity  and  universality  of  slave-hunting  under  the 
Act  of  1850  were  most  remarkable.  That  act  became  a law  on 
the  18th  of  September,  and,  within  ten  days  thereafter  a col- 
ored man  named  James  Hamlet  had  been  seized  in  the  city  of 
New  York  and  very  summarily  dispatched  to  a woman  in  Bal- 
timore, who  claimed  him  as  her  slave.  Before  the  act  was  a 
month  old  there  had  been  several  arrests  under  it.  At  Harris- 
burg and  near  New  Bedford,  Pennsylvania,  in  Philadelphia,  at 
Detroit  and  in  other  places,  within  the  first  year  of  its  exist- 
ence, more  persons  were  probably  seized  as  fugitive  slaves 
than  during  the  preceding  sixty  years.  Many  of  the  seizures 
were  made  under  circumstances  of  great  aggravation.  Thus 
in  Philadelphia,  Euphemia  Williams,  who  had  lived  in  Penn- 
sylvania in  freedom  all  her  life,  as  she  affirmed,  and  had  there 
become  the  mother  of  six  living  children,  of  whom  the  eldest 
was  seventeen,  was  arrested  in  1851  as  the  slave  of  a Mary- 
lander named  Purnell,  from  whom  she  was  charged  with 
escaping  twenty-two  years  before.  Her  six  children  were 
claimed,  of  course,  as  the  property  of  her  alleged  master.  Upon 
a full  hearing.  Judge  Kane  decided  that  she  was  not  the 
person  claimed  by  Purnell  as  his  slave  Ma'hala.  But  there 
were  several  instances  in  which  persons  who  had  lived  in 


208 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


unchallenged  freedom  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five  years  were 
seized,  surrendered,  and  carried  away  into  life-long  slavery. 

The  needless  brutality  with  which  these  seizures  were  often 
made  tended  to  intensify  the  popular  repugnance  which  they 
•occasioned.  In  repeated  instances,  the  first  notice  the  alleged 
•fugitive  had  of  his  peril  was  given  him  by  a blow  on  the  head, 
sometimes  with  a club  or  stick  of  wood;  and,  being  thus 
knocked  down,  he  was  carried,  bleeding  and  insensible,  before 
the  facile  commissioner,  who  made  short  work  of  identifying 
him  and  earning  his  ten  dollars  by  remanding  him  into  slavery. 
In  Columbia,  Penn.,  in  March,  1852,  a colored  person  named 
William  Smith  was  seized  as  a fugitive  by  a Baltimore  police 
•officer,  while  working  in  a lumber  yard,  and,  attempting  to 
•escape,  the  officer  drew  a pistol  and  shot  him  dead.  In  Wilkes- 
•barre,  Penn.,  a deputy  marshal  and  three  or  four  Virginians 
•suddenly  came  upon  a nearly  white  mulatto  waiter  at  a hotel, 
•and,  falling  upon  him  from  behind  with  a club,  partially  shack- 
led him.  He  fought  them  off  with  the  handcuff  which  they 
had  secured  to  his  right  wrist,  and,  covered  with  blood,  rushed 
•from  the  house  and  plunged  into  the  Susquehanna,  exclaim- 
ing: “I  will  be  drowned  rather  than  taken  alive!”  He  was 
•pursued  to  the  river  bank,  and  thence  fired  upon  repeatedly  at 
a very  short  distance  as  he  stood  in  the  water  up  to  his  neck, 
until  a ball  entered  his  head,  instantly  covering  his  face  with 
blood.  The  bystanders,  who  had  by  this  time  collected,  were 
•disgusted  and  indignant,  and  the  hunters,  fearing  their  inter- 
position, retired  for  consultation.  He  thereupon  came  out  of 
the  water,  apparently  dying,  and  lay  down  on  the  shore.  One 
•of  his  pursuers  remarked  that  “dead  niggers  were  not  worth 
taking  South.”  His  clothes  having  been  torn  off  in  the  scuffle, 
•some  one  brought  a pair  of  pantaloons  and  put  them  on  him, 
and  he  was  helped  to  his  feet  by  a colored  person  named  Rex. 
On  seeing  which,  the  hunters  returned  and  presented  their 
revolvers,  driving  him  again  into  the  river,  where  he  remained 
more  than  an  hour  with  only  his  head  above  the  water.  His 
•claimants  dared  not  come  within  his  powerful  grasp,  as  he 
afterwards  said  “he  would  have  died  contented  could  he  have 


THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 


209 


■carried  two  or  three  of  them  down  with  him.”  And  the 
■hunters  were  deterred  or  shamed  by  the  spectators  from 
further  firing. 

Preparations  being  made  to  arrest  them  as  rioters,  they 
absconded;  whereupon  their  victim  waded  some  distance  up  the 
■stream,  and  was  soon  after  found  by  some  women,  lying  flat  on 
his  face  in  a corn-field,  insensible.  He  was  then  duly  cared  for 
and  his  wounds  dressed,  which  was  the  last  that  was  seen  of 
him.  His  assailants  were  afterward  arrested  in  Philadelphia, 
on  a charge  of  riot,  on  a warrant  issued  on  due  complaint  by  a 
State  magistrate;  but  Justice  Grier,  of  the  United  States  Su- 
preme Court,  arrested  the  proceedings  as  an  unauthorized  inter- 
ference with  Federal  officers  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty. 
In  his  opinion,  discharging  the  prisoners,  he  said: 

“We  are  unable  to  perceive  in  this  transaction  anything 
worthy  of  blame  in  the  conduct  of  these  officers  in  their  unsuc- 
cessful endeavors  to  fulfill  a most  dangerous  and  disgusting 
duty;  except,  perhaps,  a want  of  sufficient  courage  and  perse- 
verance in  the  attempt  to  execute  the  writ.” 

Of  course,  a law  affording  such  facilities  and  temptations  to 
kidnapping  wa.s  not  allowed  to  pass  unimproved  by  the  numer- 
ous villains  who  regarded  colored  people  as  the  natural  and 
lawful  prey  of  whites  under  all  circumstances.  The  Kentucky 
Yeoman,  a Democratic  pro-slavery  organ,  once  remarked  that 
the  work  of  arresting  fugitives  had  become  a regular  business 
along  the  border  line  between  the  slave  and  free  States,  and 
that  some  of  those  engaged  in  it  were  not  at  all  particular  as 
to  the  previous  slavery  or  freedom  of  those  they  arrested.  How 
could  it  be  expected  that  they  should  be?  In  many  instances 
free  colored  girls  were  hired  for  household  service  at  some 
point  distant  from  that  where  they  had  previously  resided  and 
were  known,  and, being  thus  unsuspectingly  spirited  away  from 
all  who  could  identify  them,  were  hurried  off  into  slavery. 
Sometimes,  though  not  often,  colored  people  were  tempted  by 
heavy  bribes  to  betray  their  brethren  into  the  hands  of  the 
slave-hunters.  In  one  instance  a clerk  in  a dry  goods  store  in 
Western  New  York,  who  was  of  full  age,  a member  of  the 


210 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


church,  and  had  'hitherto  borne  a respectable  character,  hired 
two  colored  boys  to  work  for  him  in  a hotel  in  Ohio,  and  on  his 
way  thither  sold  them  as  fugitive  slaves  to  three  Kentuckians, 
who  appear  to  have  believed  his  representations  One  of  the 
intended  victims,  detecting  the  plot,  escaped  from  the  cars, 
knocking  down  the  Kentuckian  who  attempted  to  prevent  him. 
The  other  was  sold  for  $750  to  an  honorable  slave-holder  in 
Warsaw,  Kentucky,  who,  upon  proof  of  the  outrage,  promptly 
and  cheerfully  returned  him  to  freedom.  One  woman,  who  was 
hired  from  New  York,  to  live  as  a servant  in  Newark,  New  Jer- 
sey, was  taken  directly  through  Newark  to  Washington  by  her 
husband,  and  there  offered  to  a slave-trader  for  $000,  but  not 
accepted;  when  she,  having  become  alarmed,  appealed  to  the 
hotel-keeper  for  protection;  whereupon  the  kidnappers  aban- 
doned her,  but  were  ultimately  arrested  at  Elliot's  Mills,  Mary- 
land, and  returned  to  New  York,  where  the  husband  was  con- 
victed and  sent  to  the  penitentiary.  In  one  instance,  a Negro 
near  Edwardsville,  Illinois,  who  had  been  employed  in  the  work 
of  capturing  several  alleged  fugitives,  finally  met  a white  man 
on  the  highway,  presented  a pistol,  and  arrested  him  as  a run- 
away slave,  for  wThom  a reward  of  $^0  had  been  offered. 
The  white  man,  however,  happened  to  be  acquainted  in 
Edwardsville,  and  was  thus  enabled  to  establish  his  right  to 
himself. 

The  business  of  slave-hunting  became  so  profitable  that  the 
sheriff  of  Montreal,  Canada,  received  in  January,  1855,  a letter 
from  a police  officer  and  constable  in  Frederick,  Maryland, 
making  this  tempting  proposition: 

“Vast  numbers  of  slaves,”  says  the  Frederick  official, 
“escaping  from  their  masters  or  owners,  succeed  in  reaching 
your  province;  and  are,  therefore,  without  the  pale  of  fugitive 
slave  law,  and  can  only  be  restored  by  cunning,  together  with 
skill.  Large  rewards  are  offered  and  will  be  paid  for  their 
return,  and  could  I find  an  efficient  person  to  act  with  me,  a 
great  deal  of  money  could  be  made,  as  I would  equally  divide. 
The  only  apprehension  we  have  of  approaching  too  far  into 
Canada  is  the  fear  of  being  arrested;  and,  had  I a good  assistant 


TEE  FUGITIVE  ELATE  LAW. 


211 


in  jour  city  who  would  induce  the  colored  people  to  visit 
the  frontier,  I would  be  there  to  pay  the  cash.  On  your  an- 
swer, I can  furnish  names  and  descriptions  of  fugitives.” 

Some  of  the  judicial  decisions  evoked  by  this  carnival  of 
man-hunting  were  most  remarkable  In  Sandusky,  Ohio,  four 
men  and  women  with  several  children  were  seized  from  a boat 
about  to  leave  for  Detroit,  by  one  who  claimed  to  be  their 
owner.  Mr.  Rush  R.  Sloane,  a lawyer,  was  employed  to  act  as 
their  counsel.  As  no  one  claimed  custody  of  these  persons  or 
produced  any  right  or  warrant  justifying  their  detention,  Mr. 
Sloane  declared  to  the  bystanders  that  their  seizure  seemed  to 
be  unjustifiable;  whereupon  a rush  was  made  for  the  door;  a 
man  who  had  hitherto  been  silent  now  said:  “Here  are  the 
papers;  I own  the  slaves;  I will  hold  you  individually  respon- 
sible for  their  escape.”  They  did  escape  and  Mr.  Sloane  was 
thereupon  prosecuted  for  their  value,  and  compelled  by  the 
judgment  of  a Federal  court  to  pay  the  sum  of  $3,950  and  costs. 
In  California,  then  completely  under  the  domination  of  the 
slave  power,  which  was  especially  strong  in  the  selection  of 
judges,  matters  were  carried  with  a very  ‘high  hand. 

In  several  instances,  masters  who  had  migrated  or  sent  their 
sons  to  that  region  attended  by  slaves,  undertook  to  reclaim 
these  as  fugitives,  and  return  them  by  force  to  the  banks  of 
the  lower  Mississippi;  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State 
became  their  accomplice  for  this  purpose.  The  violation  of 
law  to  this  end  was  so  palpable  and  shameless  as  to  excite 
general  remark,  if  not  general  indignation.  In  one  leading 
case  the  court  ruled,  in  effect,  that  the  petitioner,  being  young, 
in  bad  health,  and  probably  unadvised  of  the  constitutional 
provision  of  that  State  making  all  its  inhabitants  free,  “is  per- 
mitted take  Archy  back  to  Mississippi.”  An  old  lawyer 
drily  remarked,  while  all  around  were  stigmatizing  this  decision 
as  atrocious,  that  “He  thought  it  a very  fair  compromise,  since 
it  gave  the  law  to  the  North,  and  the  Negro  to  the  South.” 

The  surrender  of  Anthony  Burns  probably  excited  more 
feeling  than  any  other  alleged  fugitive,  in  that  it  attained  un- 
usual publicity,  and  took  place  in  New  England  after  the  North 


212 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


had  begun  to  feel  the  first  throbs  of  the  profound  agitation 
excited  bj  the  repudiation  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  in  the 
passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill. 

On  the  2d  of  June,  1854,  the  repudiation  of  the  Missouri 
compact  having  been  consummated  in  the  passage  and  Presi- 
dential approval  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill — Anthony  Burns 
having  been  adjudged  a fugitive  at  Boston,  President  Pierce 
ordered  the  United  States  cutter  “Morris”  to  take  him  from  that 
city  to  life-long  bondage  in  Virginia. 

Our  flag,  the  emblem  of  Freedom,  proudly  floating  over 
one  doomed  to  life-long  bondage!  We  grow  sick  at  heart  as 
we  think:  “O  Liberty,  what  crimes  are  committed  in  thy 
name!” 

At  this  time  there  appeared  in  a prominent  New  York 
paper  the  following  spirited  lines: 

HAIL  TO  THE  STARS  AND  STRIPES! 

nail  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes!  the  boastful  flag  all  hail! 

The  tyrant  trembles  now,  and  at  the.  sight  grows  pale; 

The  Old  VV orld  groans  in  pain,  and  turns  her  eye  to  see. 

Beyond  the  Western  main,  the  emblem  of  the  free. 


Hail  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes!  hope  beams  in  every  ray  I 
And  shining  through  the  bars  of  gloom,  points  out  the  way.  1 
The  Old  World  sees  the  light  that  shall  her  cells  illume  ; 

And,  shrinking  hack  tonight,  Oppression  reads  her  doom. 


Hail  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes!  they  float  in  every  sea; 
The  crystal  waves  speed  on  the  emblem  of  the  free! 
Beneath  the  azure  sky  of  soft  Italia’s  clime, 

Or  where  auroras  die  in  solitude  sublime. 


All  hail  the  flaunting  lie!  the  stars  grow  pale  and  dim— 
The  stripes  are  bloody  scars,  a lie  the  flaunting  hymn  I 
It  shields  the  pirate's  deck,  it  binds  a man  in  chains ; 

It  yokes  the  captive’s  neek,  and  wipes  the  bloody  stains. 


Tear  down  the  flaunting  lie!  half-mast  the  starry  flag! 
Insult  no  sunny  sky  with  Hate’s  polluted  rag! 

Destroy  it,  ye  who  can  ! deep  sink  it  in  the  waves! 

It  bears  a fellow-man  to  groan  with  fellow-slaves 


Awake  the  burning  scorn ! the  vengeance  long  and  deep, 
That  till  a better  morn  shall  neither  t>re  nor  sleep! 

Swear  once  aeain  the  vow,  O freeman!  dare  to  do! 

God’s  will  is  ever  now!  may  this  thy  will  renew  ! 


Enfurl  the  boasted  lie,  till  Freedom  lives  again, 

To  reign  once  more  in  truth  among  untrammeled  men! 
Roll  up  the,  starry  sheen— conceal  its  bloody  stains; 
For  in  its  folds  are  seen  the  stamp  of  rusting  chains. 


Be  bold,  ye  heroes  all!  spurn,  spurn  the  flaunting  lie, 

Till  Peace,  and  Truth,  and  Love,  shall  till  the  bending  sky; 
Then,  floating  in  the  air,  over  hill,  and  dale,  and  sea, 

’T  will  stand  forever  fair,  the  emblem  of  the  free! 


HANNAH,  WIFE  OF  DRED  SCOTT. 


THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


213 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION-. 

“ Grpat  Heaven ! Is  this  our  mission?  End  in  this  the  prayers  and  tears, 

The  toil,  the  strif  , the  watchings  of  our  youuger,  better  years? 

Still  as  the  Old  World  rolls  in  lignt,  shall  ours  in  shadow  torn, 

A beamless  chaos,  cursed  of  God,  through  outer  darkness  borne? 

Where  the  far  nations  looked  for  light,  a blackness  in  the  air? 

Where  for  words  of  hope  they  listened,  the  long  wail  of  despair? 

IN  the  year  1S51  Dred  Scott,  an  African,  began  suit  in  a 
local  court  in  St.  Louis  to  recover  his  and  his  family’s 
freedom  from  slavery. 

He  alleged  that  his  master,  one  Dr.  Emerson,  an  army 
surgeon  living  in  Missouri,  had  taken  him,  as  a slave,  to  the 
military  post  at  Rock  Island,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  and, 
afterwards,  to  Fort  Snelling,  situated  in  what  was  originally 
upper  Louisiana,  but  was  at  that  time  part  of  Wisconsin  Terri- 
tory, and  now  forms  part  of  the  State  of  Minnesota.  While  at 
this  later  post,  Dred  Scott,  with  his  master’s  consent,  married 
a colored  woman,  also  brought  as  a slave  from  Missouri,  and  of 
this  marriage  two  children  were  born.  All  this  happened  be- 
tween the  years  1834  and  1838.  Ajfterwards  Dr.  Emerson 
brought  Dred  Scott  and  his  family  back  to  Missouri.  In  this 
suit  they  now  claimed  freedom,  because,  during  the  time  of 
residence  with  their  master  at  these  military  posts,  slavery  was 
there  prohibited  by  positive  law;  namely,  at  Rock  Island  by 
the  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  later  by  the  constitution  of  Illinois; 
at  Fort  Snelling  by  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act  of  1820,  and 
sundry  other  acts  of  Congress  relating  to  Wisconsin  Territory. 

The  local  court  at  St.  Louis,  before  which  this  action  was 
brought,  appears  to  have  made  short  work  of  the  case.  It  had 
become  settled  legal  doctrine  by  Lord  Mansfield’s  decision  in 
the  Sommersett  case,  rendered  four  years  before  our  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  that  “the  state  of  slavery  is  of  such  a 


214 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


nature  that  it  is  incapable  of  being  introduced  on  any  reasons 
moral  or  political,  but  only  positive  law.  It  is  so  odious  that 
nothing  can  be  suffered  to  support  it  but  positive  law.”  The 
learned  chief-justice,  therefore,  ordered  that  Sommersett, 
being  claimed  as  a Virginia  slave,  brought  by  his  master  into 
England,  and  attempted  to  be  carried  away  against  his  will, 
should  be  discharged  from  custody  or  restraint,  because  there 
was  no  positive  law  in  England  to  support  slavery.  The  doc- 
trine was  subsequently  modified  by  another  English  chief- 
justice,  Lord  Stowell,  in  1827,  to  the  effect  that  absence  of 
positive  law  to  support  slavery  in  England  only  operates  to 
suspend  the  master’s  authority,  which  is  revived  if  the  slave 
voluntarily  returns  into  an  English  colony  where  slavery  does 
exist  by  positive  law. 

The  States  of  the  Union  naturally  inherited  and  retained 
the  common  law  of  England  and  the  principles  and  maxims  of 
English  jurisprudence  not  necessarily  abrogated  by  the  change 
of  government,  and,  among  others,  this  doctrine  of  Lord  Mans- 
field. Unlike  England,  however,  where  there  was  no  slavery 
and  no  law  for  or  against  it,  some  of  the  American  States  had 
positive  laws  establishing  slavery,  others  positive  laws  prohib- 
iting it.  Lord  Mansfield’s  doctrine,  therefore,  enlarged  and 
strengthened  by  Americas  statutes  and  decisions,  had  come  to 
be  substantially  this:  Slavery,  being  contrary  to  natural  right, 
exists  only  by  virtue  of  local  law;  if  the  master  takes  his  slave 
from  permanent  residence  into  a jurisdiction  where  slavery  is 
prohibited,  the  slave,  therefore,  acquires  the  right  to  his  free- 
dom everywhere.  On  the  other  hand,  Lord  Stowell’, s doctrine 
was  similarly  enlarged  and  strengthened,  so  as  to  allow  the 
master  right  of  transit  and  temporary  sojourn  in  free  States  and 
Territories,  without  suspension  or  forfeiture  of  his  authority 
over  his  slave. 

Under  the  somewhat  complex  American  system  of  govern- 
ment, in  which  the  Federal  Union  and  the  several  States  each 
claim  sovereignty  and  independent  action  within  certain  limit- 
ations, it  became  the  theory  and  practice  that  toward  each 
other  the  several  States  occupied  the  attitude  of  foreign 


THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


215 


nations,  -which  relation  was  governed  by  international  law,  and 
that  the  principle  of  comity  alone  controlled  the  recognition 
and  enforcement  by  any  State  of  the  law  of  any  other  State. 
Under  this  theory,  the  courts  of  slave  States  had  generally 
accorded  freedom  to  slaves,  even  when  acquired  by  the  laws  of 
a free  State,  and,  reciprocally,  the  courts  of  free  States  had 
enforced  the  master’s  right  to  his  slave  where  that  right 
depended  on  the  laws  of  a slave  State.  In  this  spirit  and  con- 
forming to  this  established  usage,  the  local  court  of  Missouri 
declared  Dred  Scott  and  his  family  free. 

The  claimant,  loath  to  lose  these  four  human  “chattels,” 
carried  the  case  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Missouri, 
where,  at  its  March  term,  1852,  it  was  reversed  and  a decree 
rendered  that  those  Africans  were  not  entitled  to  freedom. 
Three  judges  formed  the  court  and  two  of  them  joined  in  an 
opinion,  bearing  internal  evidence  that  it  was  prompted  not  by 
considerations  of  law  and  justice,  but  by  a spirit  of  retaliation 
growing  out  of  the  ineradicable  antagonism  of  freedom  and 
slavery.  The  opinion  of  the  court  runs  thus: 

“Every  State  has  the  right  of  determining  how  far,  in  a 
spirit  of  comity,  it  will  respect  the  laws  of  other  States.  Those 
laws  have  no  intrinsic  right  to  be  enforced  beyond  the  State 
in  which  they  are  enacted.  The  respect  allowed  them  will 
depend  altogether  on  their  conformity  to  the  policy  of  our 
institutions.  No  State  is  bound  to  carry  into  effect  enactments 
conceived  in  a spirit  hostile  to  that  which  pervades  her  own 
laws.  It  is  a humiliating  spectacle  to  see  the  courts  of  a State 
confiscating  the  property  of  her  own  citizens  by  the  command 
of  a foreign  law.  * * * Times  now  are  not  as  they  were 
when  the  former  decisions  on  this  subject  hvere  made.  Since 
then  not  only  individuals,  but  States,  have  been  possessed  of  a 
dark  and  fell  spirit  in  relation  to  slavery,  whose  gratification 
is  sought  in  the  pursuit  of  measures  whose  inevitable  conse- 
quence must  be  the  overthrow  and  destruction  of  our  Govern- 
ment. Under  such  circumstances  it  does  not  behoove  the  State 
of  Missouri  to  show  the  least  countenance  to  any  measure 
which  might  gratify  this  spirit.  She  is  willing  to  assume  her 


216  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

full  responsibility  for  the  existence  of  slavery  within  her  limits, 
nor  does  she  seek  to  share  or  divide  it  with  others.” 

To  this  partisan  bravado  the  third  judge  replied  with  a 
dignified  rebuke  in  his  dissenting  opinion'. 

“As  citizens  of  a 'slave-holding  State  we  have  no  right  to 
complain  of  our  neighbors  in  Illinois  because  they  introduce 
with  their  State  constitution  a prohibition  of  slavery;  nor  has 
any  citizen  of  Missouri  who  removes  with  his  slave  to  Illinois 
a right  to  complain  that  the  fundamental  law  of  the  State  to 
which  he  removes,  and  in  which  he  makes  his  residence,  dis- 
solves the  relation  between  him  and  his  slave.  It  is  as  much 
his  own  voluntary  act  as  if  he  had  executed  a deed  of  emanci- 
pation. * * * There  is  with  me  nothing  in  the  law  relating 
to  slavery  which  distinguishes  it  from  law  on  any  other  subject, 
or  allows  any  more  accommodation  to  the  temporary  public 
excitements  which  are  gathered  around  it.  * * * In  this 

State  it  has  been  recognized  from  the  beginning  of  the  Gov- 
ernment as  a correct  position  in  law,  that  a master  who  takes 
his  slave  to  reside  in  a State  or  Territory  where  slavery  is  pro- 
hibited thereby  emancipates  his  slave  (citing  cases).  * * 

“But  the  Supreme  Court  of  Missouri,  so  far  from  standing 
alone  on  this  question,  is  supported  by  the  decisions  of  other 
slave  States,  including  those  in  which  it  may  be  supposed  there 
was  the  least  disposition  to  favor  emancipation  (citing  cases). 
* * * Times  may  'have  changed,  public  feeling  may  have 

changed,  but  principles  have  not  and  do  not  change;  and,  in  my 
judgment,  there  can  be  no  .safe  basis  for  judicial  decision  but  in 
those  principles  which  are  immutable.” 

These  utterances,  it  must  be  remembered,  occurred  in  the 
year  1852,  when  all  slavery  agitation  was  supposed  to  have 
been  forever  settled.  They  show  conclusviely  that  the  calm 
was  superficial  and  delusive,  and  that  this  deep-reaching  con- 
test was  still,  as  before  the  adjustment  of  1820,  actually  trans- 
forming the  various  institutions  of  society.  Gradually,  and 
as  yet  unnoticed  by  the  public,  the  motives  disclosed  in  these 
opinions  were  beginning  to  control  courts  of  justice,  and 
popular  discussion  and  excitement  were  not  only  shaping 


THE  BRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


217 


legislation,  but  changing  the  tenor  of  legal  decisions  through- 
out the  country. 

Not  long  after  the  judgment  by  the  Supreme  Court  of 
■Missouri,  Dred  Scott  and  his  family  were  sold  to  a man  named 
Sanford,  who  was  a citizen  of  New  York.  This  circumstance 
afforded  a ground  for  bringing  a similar  action  in  a Federal 
tribunal,  and,  accordingly,  Dred  Scott  once  more  sued  for  free- 
dom in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  at  St.  Louis.  The  case 
.was  tried  in  May,  1S54,  and  adecree  rendered  that  they  were 
Negro  slaves  and  lawful  property  of  Sanford.  As  a final  effort 
to  obtain  justice,  they  appealed  by  a writ  of  error  to  the 
.Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  the  highest  judicial  tri- 
bunal of  the  nation. 

Before  this  court  of  last  resort  the  case  was  argued  a first 
time  in  the  spring  of  1856.  The  country  had  been  for  two 
years  in  a blaze  of  political  excitement.  Civil  war  was  raging 
in  Kansas;  Congress  was  in  a turmoil  of  partisan  discussion;  a 
Presidential  election  was  impending,  and  the  whole  people  were 
anxiously  noting  the  various  phases  of  party  politics.  But  few 
persons  knew  there  was  such  a thing  as  the  Dred  Scott  case  on 
the  docket  of  the  Supreme  Court,  but  those  few  appreciated  the 
importance  of  the  points  it  involved,  and  several  distinguished 
lawyers  volunteered  to  take  part  in  the  argument.  Two  ques- 
tions were  presented  to  the  court : First,  Is  Dred  Scott  a citizen 
entitled  to  sue?  Secondly,  Did  his  residence  at  Bock  Island 
and  Fort  Snelling,  under  the  various  prohibitions  of  slavery 
existing  there,  work  his  freedom? 

The  Supreme  Court  was  composed  of  nine  justices,  namely: 
Chief  Justice  Taney  and  Associate  Justices  McLean,  Wayne, 
Catron,  Daniel,  Nelson,  Grier,  Curtis  and  Campbell.  There 
was  at  once  manifested  among  the  judges  not  only  a lively 
interest  in  the  questions  presented,  but  a wide  difference  of 
views  as  to  the  manner  of  treating  them.  Consultations  of  the 
Supreme  Court  were  always  shrouded  in  inviolable  secrecy, 
but  the  opinions  afterwards  published  indicate  that  the  political 
aspect  of  slavery,  which  was  then  convulsing  the  country, 
from  the  very  first,  found  a certain  sympathy  and  reflection  in 


218 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


these  grave  judicial  deliberations.  The  discussions  yet  turned 
upon  certain  merely  technical  rules  to  be  applied  to  the  plead- 
ings under  review:  and,  ostensibly  to  give  time  for  further 
examination,  the  case  was  postponed,  and  a re-argument 
ordered  for  the  next  term.  It  may,  however,  be  .suspected  that 
the  nearness  of  the  Presidential  election  had  more  to  do  with 
this  postponement  than  did  the  exigencies  of  the  law. 

The  Presidential  election  came  and  Mr.  Buchanan  was 
chosen.  Soon  after,  the  court  again  met  to  begin  its  long 
winter  term;  and  about  the  middle  of  December,  1856,  the 
Dred  Scott  case  was  once  more  elaborately  argued.  Again 
occupying  the  attention  of  the  court  for  four  successive  days, 
as  had  also  been  done  in  the  first  hearing,  the  eminent  counsel, 
after  passing  lightly  over  mere  technical  subtleties,  discussed 
very  fully  what  was  acknowledged  to  be  the  leading  point  in 
the  controversy — namely,  whether  Congress  had  power  under 
the  Constitution  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories, 
as  it  had  done  by  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act  and  various 
other  laws.  It  was  precisely  the  policy  or  impolicy  of  this 
and  similar  prohibitions  which  formed  the  bone  of  conten- 
tion in  party  politics.  The  question  of  their  constitutional 
validity  was  certain  to  take  even  a higher  rank  in  public 
interest. 

When,  after  the  second  argument,  the  judges  took  up  the 
case  in  conference  for  decision,  the  majority  held  that  the 
decision  of  the  Missouri  federal  tribunal  should  simply  be 
affirmed  on  its  merits.  In  conformity  to  this  view,  Mr.  Justice 
Nelson  was  instructed  to  prepare  an  opinion  to  be  read  as  the 
judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States;  such  a 
paper  was  thereupon  duly  written  by  him  of  the  following 
import:  It  was  a question,  he  thought,  whether  a temporary 
residence  in  a free  State  or  Territory  could  work  the  emanci- 
pation of  a slave.  It  was  the  exclusive  province  of  each  State, 
by  its  legislature  or  courts  <of  justice,  to  determine  this 
question  for  itself.  This  determined,  the  federal  courts  are 
bound  to  follow  the  State’s  decision.  The  Supreme  Court  of 
Missouri  had  decided  Dred  Scott  to  be  a slave.  In  two  oases 


THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


219 


tried  since,  the  same  judgment  had  been  given.  Though  former 
decisions  had  been  otherwise,  this  must  now  be  admitted  as 
“the  settled  law  of  the  State,”  “which,”  he  said,  “is  conclusive 
of  the  case  in  this  court.” 

This  very  narrow  treatment  of  the  points  at  issue,  having 
to  do  with  the  mere  lifeless  machinery  of  the  law,  was  strikingly 
criticised  in  the  dissenting  opinion  afterwards  read  by  Mr. 
Justice  McLean,  whose  reply,  by  way  of  anticipation,  may 
properly  be  quoted  here.  He  denied  that  it  was  properly  a 
Missouri  question : 

“It  involves  a right  claimed  under  an  act  of  Congress  and 
the  constitution  of  Illinois,  and  which  cannot  be  decided  with 
out  the  consideration  and  construction  of  those  laws.” 

“Rights,  sanctioned  for  twenty  years,  ought  not  and  cannot 
be  repudiated,  with  any  semblance  of  justice,  by  one  or  two  de- 
cisions, influenced,  as  declared,  by  a determination  to  counter- 
act the  excitement  against  slavery  in  the  free  States.  Having 
the  same  rights  of  sovereignty  as  the  State  of  Missouri  in 
adopting  a constitution,  I can  perceive  no  reason  why  the  in- 
stitutions of  Illinois  should  not  receive  the  same  consideration 
as  those  of  Missouri.  The  Missouri  court  disregards  the 
express  provisions  of  an  act  of  Congress,  and  the  constitution 
of  a sovereign  State,  both  of  which  laws,  for  twenty-eight 
years,  it  had  not  only  regarded,  but  carried  into  effect.  If  a 
State  court  may  do  this,  on  a question  involving  the  liberty  of 
a human  being,  what  protection  do  the  laws  afford?” 

Had  the  majority  of  the  judges  carried  out  their  original 
intention,  and  announced  their  decision  in  the  form  in  which 
Mr.  Justice  Wilson,  under  their  instruction,  wrote  it,  the  case 
of  Dred  Scott  would,  after  a passing  notice,  have  gone  to  a 
quiet  sleep  under  the  dust  of  the  law  libraries.  A far  different 
fate  was  in  store  for  it.  The  nation  was  then  being  stirred  to 
its  very  foundation  by  the  slavery  agitation.  The  party  of  pro- 
slavery reaction  was,  for  the  moment,  in  the  ascendant;  and,  as 
by  an  irresistible  impulse,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  was  swept  from  its  hitherto  impartial  judicial  moo  lings 
into  the  dangerous  seas  of  politics. 


220 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Before  Judge  Nelson’s  opinion  was  submitted  to  the  judges 
in  conference,  for  final  adoption  as  the  judgment  of  the  court, 
a movement  seems  to  have  taken  place  among  the  members, 
not  only  to  change  the  ground  of  the  decision,  but,  also,  to 
greatly  enlarge  the  field  of  inquiry.  It  is  stated  by  one  of  the 
participants  in  that  memorable  trial  (Mr.  Justice  Campbell) 
that  this  occurred  “upon  a motion  of  Mr.  Justice  Wayne,  who 
stated  that  the  case  had  created  publieinterest  and expectation; 
that  it  had  been  twice  argued,  and  that  an  impression  existed 
that  the  questions  argued  would  be  considered  in  the  opinion 
of  the  court.”  He  also  says  that  “the  apprehension  had  been 
expressed  by  others  of  the  court,  that  the  court  would  not  ful- 
fill public  expectation,  or  discharge  its  duties,  by  maintaining 
silence  upon  these  questions;  and,  my  impression  is,  that  sev- 
eral opinions  had  already  been  begun  among  the  members  of  the 
court  in  which  a full  discussion  of  the  case  was  made,  before 
Justice  Wayne  made  this  proposal.” 

The  exact  time  when  this  movement  was  begun  cannot  now 
be  ascertained.  The  motives  which  prompted  it  can  be  inferred 
by  recalling  contemporaneous  political  events.  A great  con- 
troversy divided  public  opinion,  whether  slavery  might  be  ex- 
tended, or  should  be  restricted.  The  Missouri  Compromise  had 
been  repealed  to  make  such  an  extension  possible.  The  terms 
of  that  repeal  were  properly  couched  in  ambiguous  language. 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  were  left  “perfectly  free  to  form  and 
regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject 
only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.”  Whether,  under 
the  Constitution,  slavery  could  be  excluded  from  the  Federal 
Territories,  was  affirmed  by  Northern  and  denied  by  Southern 
Democrats.  Northern  and  Southern  Democrats,  acting  to- 
gether in  the  Cincinnati  National  Convention,  had  ingeniously 
avoided  any  solution  of  this  difference. 

A two-fold  interpretation  had  enabled  that  party  to  elect  Mr. 
Buchanan,  not  by  its  own  popular  strength,  but  by  the  division 
of  its  opponents.  Notwithstanding  its  momentary  success,  un- 
less it  could  develop  new  sources  of  strength,  the  party  had 
only  a precarious  hold  upon  power.  Its  majority  in  the  Senate 


THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


221 


was  waning.  In  Kansas,  free-State  emigration  was  outstrip- 
ping the  South  in  numbers,  and  checkmating  her  in  border 
strife.  According  to  present  relative  growth  in  sectional  rep- 
resentation and  sectional  sentiment,  the  balance  of  power  was 
slowly  but  steadily  passing  to  the  North. 

Out  of  this  doubt  and  difficulty  there  was  one  pathway  that 
seemed  easy  and  certain.  All  the  individual  utterances  from 
the  Democratic  party  agreed  that  the  meaning  of  the  words 
“subject  to  the  Constitution”  was  a question  for  the  courts. 
This  was  the  original  compact  between  Northern  and  Southern 
Democrats  in  caucus,  when  Douglas  consented  to  repeal. 
Douglas,  shorn  of  his  prestige  by  his  defeat  for  Presidential 
nomination,  must  accept  conditions  from  his  successful  rival. 
The  Dred  Scott  case  afforded  the  occasion  for  a decision.  Of 
the  nine  judges  on  the  supreme  bench  seven  were  Democrats, 
and  of  these  five  were  appointed  from  slave  States.  A better 
opportunity  for  the  South  to  obtain  a favorable  dictum  could 
never  be  expected  to  arise.  A declaration  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  that,  under  the  Constitution,  Con- 
gress possessed  no  power  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the  Federal 
Territories,  would  by  a single  breath  end  the  old  and  begin  a 
new  political  era.  Congress  was  in  session,  and  the  political 
leaders  were  assembled  at  Washington.  Political  topics 
excluded  all  other  conversation  or  thought.  Politics  reddened 
the  plains  of  Kansas;  politics  had  recently  desecrated  the 
Senate  chamber  with  a murderous  personal  assault;  politics 
contended  greedily  for  the  spoils  of  a new  administration; 
politics  nursed  a tacit  conspiracy  to  nationalize  slavery.  The 
slavery  sentiment  ruled  society,  ruled  the  Senate,  ruled  the 
executive  mansion.  It  is  not  surprising  that  this  universal 
influence  flowed  in  at  the  open  door  of  the  national  hall  of 
justice — that  it  filtered  through  the  very  walls  which  sur- 
rounded the  consulting-room  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  judges  were,  after  all,  but  men.  They  dined,  they 
talked,  they  exchanged  daily  personal  and  social  courtesies 
with  the  political  world.  Curiosity,  friendship,  patriotism  led 
them  to  the  floors  of  Congress  to  listen  to  the  great  debates. 


222 


H I STORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Official  ceremony  called  them  into  the  presence  of  the  Presi- 
dent, of  legislators,  of  diplomats.  They  were  feasted,  flattered, 
questioned,  reminded  of  their  great  opportunity,  tempted  with 
the  suggestion  of  their  great  authority,  as  Attorney-General 
Cushing  once  addressed  them : 

“Yours  is  not  the  gauntleted  hand  of  the  soldier,  nor  yours 
the  voice  which  commands  armies,  rules  cabinets,  or  leads 
senates,  but,  though  you  are  none  of  these,  yet  you  are  backed 
by  all  of  them.  Theirs  is  the  external  power  which  sustains 
your  moral  authority;  you  are  the  incarnate  mind  of  the  polit- 
ical body  of  the  nation.  In  the  complex  institutions  of  our 
country  you  are  the  pivot  point  upon  which  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  all,  government  and  people  alike,  turn;  or,  rather, 
you  are  the  central  light  of  constitutional  wisdom  around 
which  they  perpetually  revolve.  Long  may  this  court  retain 
the  confidence  of  our  country  as  the  great  conservators  not  of 
the  private  peace  only,  but  of  the  sanctity  and  integrity  of  the 
Constitution.” 

They  could  render  their  names  illustrious;  they  could 
honor  their  States;  they  could  do  justice  to  the  South;  they 
could  perpetuate  their  party;  they  could  settle  the  slavery 
question;  they  could  end  sectional  hatred,  extinguish  civil 
war,  preserve  the  Union,  save  their  country.  Adavanced  age, 
physical  feebleness,  party  bias,  the  political  ardor  of  the 
youngest  and  the  political  satiety  of  the  eldest,  all  conspired 
to  draw  them  under  the  influence  of  such  considerations. 

One  of  the  judges,  in  official  language,  frankly  avows  the 
motive  and  object  of  the  majority  of  the  court.  “The  case,” 
he  wrote,  “involves  private  rights  of  value,  and  constitutional 
principles  of  the  highest  importance,  about  which  there  had 
become  such  a difference  of  opinion  that  the  peace  and  harmony 
of  the  country  required  the  settlement  of  them  by  judicial 
decision.”  This  language  betrays  the  confusion  of  ideas,  and 
misconception  of  authority  which  tempted  the  judges  beyond 
their  proper  duty.  Required  only  to  decide  a question  of 
private  rights,  they  thrust  themselves  forward  to  sit  as 
umpires  in  a quarrel  of  parties  and  factions. 


TEE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


223 


In  an  evil  hour  they  yielded  to  the  demands  of  “public 
interest,”  and  resolved  to  fill  “public  expectation.”  Mr.  Jus- 
tice Wayne  proposed  that  the  chief  justice  should  write  an 
opinion  on  all  the  questions  as  the  opinion  of  the  court. 
This  was  assented  to,  some  reserving  to  themselves  to  qual- 
ify their  assent  as  the  opinion  might  require.  Others  of 
the  court  proposed  to  have  no  question,  save  one,  discussed. 
The  extraordinary  proceeding  was  calculated  to  touch  the  pride 
of  Mr.  Justice  Nelson.  He  appears  to  have  given  it  a kind  of 
sullen  acquiescence.  “I  was  not  present,”  he  writes,  “when  the 
majority  decided  to  change  the  ground  of  the  decision,  and 
assigned  the  pre/paration  of  the  opinion  to  the  chief  justice, 
and,  when  advised  of  the  change,  I simply  gave  notice  that  I 
should  read  the  opinion  I had  prepared  as  my  own,  and  which 
as  the  one  on  file.”  From  this  time  the  pens  of  other  judges 
were  busy,  and  in  the  inner  political  circles  of  Washington  the 
case  of  Dred  Scott  gradually  became  a shadowy  and  portentous 
cause  celebre. 

The  first  intimation  which  the  public  at  large  had  of  the 
coming  new  dictum  was  given  in  Mr.  Buchanan’s  inaugural. 
The  fact  that  he  did  not  contemplate  such  an  announcement 
until  after  his  arrival  in  Washington,  leads  to  the  inference 
that  it  was  prompted  from  high  quarters.  In  Congressional 
and  popular  discussions  the  question  of  the  moment  was  at 
what  period  in  the  growth  of  a Territory  its  voters  might 
exclude  or  establish  slavery.  Referring  to  this,  Mr.  Buchanan 
said:  “It  is  a judicial  question  which  legitimately  belongs  to 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  before  wrhom  it  is 
now  pending,  and  will,  it  is  understood,  be  speedily  and  finally 
settled1.  To  their  decision,  in  common  with  all  good  citizens,  I 
shall  cheerfully  submit,  whatever  this  may  be.” 

The  popular  acquiescence  being  thus  invoked  by  the  Presi- 
dential voice  and  example,  the  court  announced  its  decision 
two  days  afterwards — March  6,  1857.  The  essential  character 
of  the  transaction  impressed  itself  upon  the  very  form  of  the 
judgment,  if,  indeed,  it  may 'be  called  at  all  by  that  name.  Chief 
Justice  Taney  read  the  opinion  of  the  court.  Justices  Nelson, 


224 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Wayne,  Daniel,  Grier,  Catron  and  Campbell  each  read  a sepa- 
rate and  individual  opinion,  agreeing  with  the  c_ief  justice  on 
some  points,  and  omitting  or  disagreeing  on  others,  or  arriving 
at  the  same  result  by  different  reasoning,  and  in  the  same  man- 
ner differing  with  one  another.  The  two  remaining  associate 
justices,  McLean  and  Curtis,  read  emphatic  dissenting  opin- 
ions. Thus  the  collective  utterance  of  the  bench  resembled  the 
speeches  of  a town  meeting  rather  than  the  decision  of  a court, 
and  employed  two  hundred  and  forty  printed  pages  of  learned 
legal  disquisition  to  order  the  simple  dismissal  of  a suit. 

Compared  with  the  prodigious  effort,  the  result  is  a ridicu- 
lous anti-climax,  revealing  the  motive  and  animus  of  the  whole 
affair.  The  opinion  read  by  Chief  Justice  Taney  was  long 
and  elaborate,  and  the  following  were  among  its  leading 
conclusions: 

That  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  do  not  include  or  refer  to  Negroes  other- 
wise than  as  property;  that  they  cannot  become  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  nor  isue  in  the  federal  courts;  that  Dred  Scott’s 
claim  to  freedom,  by  reason  of  his  residence  in  Illinois,  was  a 
Missouri  question,  which  Missouri  law  had  decided  against 
him;  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  recognizes 
slaves  as  property,  and  pledges  the  Federal  Government  to 
protect  it;  and  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act  and  like  pro- 
hibitory laws  are  unconstitutional;  that  the  Circuit  Court  of 
the  United  States  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the  case,  and  could 
give  no  judgment  in  it,  and  must  be  directed  to  dismiss  the 
suit. 

This  remarkable  decision  challenged  the  attention  of  the 
whole  people  to  a degree  never  before  excited  by  any  act  of 
their  courts  of  law.  Multiplied  editions  were  at  once  printed 
and  scattered  broadcast  over  the  land,  read  with  the  greatest 
(avidity,  and  earnestly  criticised. 

The  public  sentiment  regarding  it  immediately  divided, 
generally  on  existing  party  lines — the  South  and  the  Demo- 
crats accepting  and  commending  it,  the  North  and  the  Repub- 
licans spurning  and  condemning  it.  The  great  anti-slavery 


TEE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


225 


public  was  not  slow  in  making  a practical  application  of  its 
dogmas:  that  a sweeping  and  revolutionary  exposition  of  the 
Constitution  had  been  attempted,  when,  confessedly,  the  case 
and  question  had  no  right  to  be  in  court;  that  an  evident  par- 
tisan dictum  of  national  judges  had  been  built  on  an  avowed 
partisan  decision  of  State  judges;  that  both  the  legislative 
and  judicial  authority  of  the  nation  had  been  trifled  with; 
that  the  settler’s  “sovereignty”  in  Kansas  consisted  only  of  a 
Southern  planter’s  right  to  bring  his  slaves  there;  and  that,  if 
under  the  property  theory  the  Constitution  carries  slavery  to 
the  Territories,  it  would,  by  the  same  inevitable  logic,  carry  it 
into  the  free  States. 

But  much  more  offensive  to  the  Northern  mind  than  his 
conclusions  of  law  were  the  language  and  historical  assertions 
by  which  Chief  Justice  Taney  strove  to  justify  them.  We 
quote  from  his  decision: 

“In  the  opinion  of  the  court,  the  legislation  and  histories 
of  the  times,  and  the  language  used  in  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence show  that  neither  the  class  of  persons  who  had 
been  imported  as  slaves,  nor  their  descendants,  whether  they 
had  become  free  or  not,  were  then  acknowledged  as  a part  , of 
the  people,  nor  intended  to  be  included  in  the  general  words 
used  in  that  memorable  instrument.  It  is  difficult,  at  this  day, 
to  realize  the  state  of  public  opinion  in  relation  to  the  unfortu- 
nate race  which  prevailed  in  the  civilized  and  enlightened  por- 
tions of  the  world  at  the  time  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence and  when  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
framed  and  adopted.  But  the  public  history  of  every  Euro- 
pean nation  displays  it  in  a manner  too  plain  to  be  mistaken. 
They  had,  for  more  than  a century  before,  been  regarded  as 
beings  of  an  inferior  order,  and  altogether  unfit  to  associate 
with  the  white  race,  either  in  social  or  political  relations;  and 
so  far  inferior  that  they  had  no  rights  that  the  white  man 
was  bound  to  respect;  and  that  the  Negro  might  justly  and  law- 
fully be  reduced  to  slavery  for  his  benefit.  He  was  bought 
and  sold  and  treated  as  an  ordinary  article  of  merchandise  and 
traffic,  whenever  a profit  could  be  made  by  it.” 


226 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Quoting  the  provision's  of  several  early  slave  codes,  he 
continues: 

“They  show  that  a perpetual  and  impassable  barrier  was 
intended  ito  be  erected  between  the  white  race  and  the  one 
which  they  had  reduced  to  slavery,  and  governed  as  subjects 
with  absolute  and  despotic  power,  and  which  they  then  looked 
upon  as  so  far  below  them  in  the  scale  of  created  beings  that 
intermarriages  between  white  persons  and  Negroes  or  mulat- 
toes  were  regarded  as  unnatural  or  immoral,  and  punished  as 
crimes,  not  only  in  parties,  but  in  the  person  who  joined  them 
in  marriage.  And  no  distinction,  in  this  respect,  was  made 
between  the  free  Negro  or  mulatto  and  the  slave,  but  this  stig- 
ma, of  the  deepest  degradation,  was  fixed  upon  the  whole  race.” 

As  to  the  assertion  in  the  Declaration  that  all  men  are 
created  equal,  he  says: 

“The  general  words  above  quoted  would  seem  to  embrace 
the  whole  human  family,  and,  if  they  were  used  in  a similar 
instrument  at  this  day,  would  be  so  understood.  But  it  is  too 
clear  for  dispute  that  the  enslaved  African  race  were  not 
intended  to  be  included,  and  formed  no  part  of  the  people  who 
framed  and  adopted  this  Declaration;  for  if  the  language,  as 
understood  in  that  day,  would  embrace  them,  the  conduct  of 
the  distinguished  men  who  framed  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence would  have  been  utterly  and  flagrantly  inconsistent 
with  the  principles  they  asserted,  and  instead  of  the  sympathy 
of  mankind,  to  which  they  so  confidently  appealed,  they  would 
have  deserved  and  received  universal  rebuke  and  reprobation.” 

He  then  makes  the  following  application  of  the  facts  thus 
assumed: 

“There  are  only  two  provisions  which  point  to  them  and  in- 
clude and  treat  them  as  property,  and  make  it  the  duty  of  the 
Government  to  protect  it;  no  other  power  in  relation  to  this  race 
can  be  found  in  the  Constitution.  * * * No  one,  we  presume, 
supposes  that  any  change  in  public  opinion  or  feeling  in 
relation  to  this  unfortunate  race,  in  the  civilized  nations  of 
Europe  or  in  this  country,  should  induce  the  court  to  give  to 
the  words  of  the  Constitution  a more  liberal  construction  in 


THE  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


227 


their  favor  than  they  were  intended  to  bear  when  the  instru- 
ment was  framed  and  adopted.  * * * It  is  not  only  the 

same  in  words,  but  the  same  in  meaning,  and  delegates  the 
same  powers  to  the  Government,  and  reserves  and  secures  the 
same  rights  and  privileges  to  the  citizen;  and  as  long  as  it 
continues  to  exist  in  its  present  form,  it  speaks  not  only  in  the 
same  words,  but  with  the  same  meaning  and  intent  with  which 
it  spoke  when  it  came  from  the  hands  of  its  framers  and  was 
voted  on  and  adopted  by  the  people  of  the  United  States.’’’ 

The  North  protested  loudly  and  indignantly  at  this  cold 
and  pitiless  historical  delineation  of  the  bondage,  ignorance 
and  degradation  of  the  unfortunate  kidnapped  Africans  and 
their  descendants  in  a bygone  century,  as  an  immutable  basis 
of  constitutional  interpretation.  The  people  and  press  of  that 
section  seized  upon  the  salient  phrase  of  the  statement,  and, 
applying  it  to  the  present  time,  accused  the  chief  justice  of 
saying  that  a Negro  has  no  rights  which  a white  man  is 
bound  to  respect.  This  was  certainly  a distortion  of  his  exact 
words  and  meaning;  yet  the  exaggeration  was  more  than  half 
excusable,  in  view  of  the  literal  and  unbending  rigor  with 
which  he  proclaimed  the  constitutional  disability  of  the  entire 
African  Race  in  the  United  States,  and  denied  their  birthright 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  His  unmerciful  logic 
made  the  black  man  before  the  law  less  than  a slave.  Against 
such  a debasement  of  any  living  image  of  the  Divine  Maker  the 
resentment  of  the  public  conscience  of  the  North  was  quick 
and  unsparing. 

Had  Chief  Justice  Taney’s  delineation  been  historically 
correct,  it  would  have  been  nevertheless  unwise  and  unchris- 
tian to  embody  it  in  the  form  of  a disqualifying  legal  sentence 
and  an  indelible  political  brand.  But  its  manifest  untruth  was 
clearly  shown  by  Mr.  Justice  Curtis  in  his  dissenting  opinion. 
He  reminded  the  chief  justice  that  at  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution — 

“In  five  of  the  thirteen  original  States  colored  persons 
then  possessed  the  elective  franchise,  and  were  among  those 
by  whom  the  Constitution  was  ordained  and  established.  If 


228 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


so,  it  is  not  true  in  point  of  fact  that  the  Constitution  was 
made  exclusively  by  the  white  race,  and  that  it  was  made 
exclusively  for  the  white  race  is,  in  my  opinion,  not  only  an 
assumption  not  warranted  by  anything  in  the  Constitution,  but 
contradicted  by  its  opening  declaration  that  it  was  ordained 
and  established  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  for  them- 
selves and  their  posterity;  and  as  free  colored  persons  were 
then  citizens  of  at  least  five  States,  and  so  in  every  sense  part 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  they  were  among  those  for 
whom  and  whose  posterity  the  Constitution  was  ordained  and 
established.” 

He  also  in  the  same  opinion  says : 

“I  shall  not  enter  into  an  examination  of  the  existing  opin- 
ions of  that  period  respecting  the  African  race,  nor  into  any  dis- 
cussion concerning  the  meaning  of  those  who  asserted  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  that  all  men  are  created  equal; 
that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  My  own  opinion  is  that  a calm  comparison  of  these 
assertions  of  universal  abstract  truths,  and  of  their  own  indi- 
vidual opinions  and  acts  would  not  leave  these  men  under  any 
reproach  of  inconsistency;  that  the  great  truths  they  asserted 
on  that  solemn  occasion  they  were  ready  and  anxious  to  make 
effectual  whenever  a necessary  regard  to  circumstances,  which 
no  statesman  can  disregard  without  producing  more  evil  than 
good,  would  allow;  and  that  it  would  not  be  just  to  them,  nor 
true  in  itself,  to  allege  that  they  intended  to  say  that  the 
Creator  of  all  men  had  endowed  the  white  race  exclusively  with 
the  great  natural  rights  which  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
asserts.” 

Mr.  Justice  McLean  in  his  dissenting  opinion  completes 
the  outlines  of  the  true  historical  picture  in  accurate  language: 

“I  prefer  the  lights  of  Madison,  Hamilton  and  Jay  as  a 
means  of  construing  the  Constitution  in  all  its  bearings,  rather 
than  to  look  behind  that  period  into  a traffic  which  is  now 
declared  to  be  piracy,  and  punished  with  death  by  Christian 
nations.  I do  not  like  to  draw  the  sources  of  our  domestic  rela- 


THE  DEED  SCOTT  DECISION. 


229 


tions  from  so  d'ark  a ground.  Our  independence  was  a great 
epoch  in  the  history  of  freedom;  and  while  I admit  the  Govern- 
ment was  not  made  especially  for  the  colored  race,  yet  many  of 
them  were  citizens  of  the  New  England  States,  and  exercised 
the  rights  of  suffrage  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  and 
it  was  not  doubted  by  any  intelligent  person  that  its  tendencies 
would  greatly  ameliorate  their  condition. 

“Many  of  the  States  on  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  or 
shortly  afterward,  took  measures  to  abolish  slavery  within  their 
respective  jurisdictions  ; and  it  is  a well-known  fact  that  a belief 
was  cherished  by  the  leading  men,  South  as  well  as  North, 
that  the  institution  of  slavery  would  gradually  decline  until  it 
would  become  extinct. 

“The  increased  value  of  slave  labor,  in  the  culture  of  cot- 
ton and  sugar,  prevented  the  realization  of  this  expectation. 
Like  all  other  communities  and  States,  the  South  were  influ- 
enced by  what  they  considered  to  be  their  own  interest.  But 
if  we  are  to  turn  our  attention  to  the  dark  ages  of  the  world, 
why  confine  our  view  to  colored  slavery?  On  the  same  prin- 
ciples white  men  were  'made  slaves.  All  slavery  has  its  origin 
in  power  and  is  against  right.” 

The  Dred  Scott  case,  as  we  have  stated  the  opinion  of  the 
majority  of  the  justices,  was  that  Deed  Scott  was  not  a citizen 
and  had  no  right  to  sue  in  a federal  court,  so  the  case  was 
thrown  out. 

The  ownership  of  Dred  Scott  and  his  family  passed  by 
inheritance  to  the  family  of  a Massachusetts  Republican  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  and  they  were  emancipated  by  Taylor  Blow, 
Esq.,  on  May  26,  1857,  to  whom  they  had  been  conveyed  by 
Mr.  Choffee  for  that  purpose. 


230 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  KANSAS  BORDER  TROUBLE. 

“So  shall  the  Northern  pioneer  go  joyfully  on  his  way, 

To  wed  Penobscot's  waters  to  San  Francisco’s  bay; 

To  make  the  rugged  places  smooth,  and  sow  i he  vales  with  grain, 

And  bear  with  Liberty  and  Law  the  Bible  in  his  train: 

The  mighty  West  shall  bless  the  East,  and  sea  shall  answer  sea, 

And  mountain  unto  mountain  call,  praise  GodI  for  we  are  free.” 

THE  Territory  of  Kansas  had  been  for  some  time  the  scene 
of  antagonistic  and  contending  factions.  The  border  ruf- 
fians, supported  by  allies  from  Missouri  and  the  Southern  States, 
— intent  upon  securing  for  slavery  a foothold  within  her  broad 
and  fertile  prairies — on  the  one  hand,  and  the  free-State  men, 
composed  of  the  better  class  of  her  citizens,  and  emigrants 
from  the  East,  on  the  other,  made  Kansas  a scene  of  civil  war, 
which  resulted  in  settling  forever  the  boundary  line  of  slavery 
in  the  North  and  West. 

The  year  1855  was  noted  for  murder,  arson,  and  all  im- 
aginable crimes  committed  on  either  side,  and  in  the  spring 
of  1856  matters  began  to  assume  a warlike  aspect. 

The  pro-slavery  party  on  the  Kansas  border  were  re- 
inforced by  Colonel  Buford  from  Alabama,  at  the  head  of  a reg- 
iment of  wild  young  men,  mainly  recruited  in  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia.  They  oame  in  military  array,  armed,  and  with 
the  avowed  purpose  of  making  Kansas  a slave  State  at  all 
hazards.  On  one  of  their  raids  into  Kansas,  a party  of  Bu- 
ford’s men,  who  were  South  Carolinians,  took  a Mr.  Miller 
prisoner,  and,  finding  that  he  was  a free-State  man  and  a 
native  of  South  Carolina,  they  gravely  tried  him  for  treason  to 
his  native  State!  He  was  found  guilty,  and  escaped  wfith  his 
life  only,  losing  his  horse  and  money. 

Kansas  now  swarmed  with  the  minions  of  the  slave  power, 
intent  on  her  subjugation.  On  the  morning  of  the  21st  of 


THE  EARS AS  BRODER  TROUBLE. 


23  L 


May,  1S56,  Lawrence  was  surrounded  and  surprised  by  various 
parties  of  enemies,  part  of  them  under  General  Atchison,  who, 
with  the  “Platte  County  Rifles”  and  two  pieces  of  artillery, 
approached  from  Lecompton,  on  the  west,  while  another  force, 
composed  in  good  part  of  volunteers  from  the  Atlantic  South- 
ern States,  under  Colonel  Buford,  beleaguered  it  on  the  east. 
They  bristled  with  weapons  from  the  United  States  Armory, 
then  in  charge  of  the  Federal  officers  in  Kansas.  Nearly  all 
the  pro-slavery  leaders,  then  in  Kansas,  or  hovering  along  the 
Missouri  border,  were  on  hand;  among  them,  Colonel  Titus 
from  Florida,  Colonel  Wilkes  from  South  Carolina,  General 
Stringfellow,  a Virginian,  Colonel  Boone,  hailing  from  West- 
port,  and  many  others  of  temporary  and  local  fame.  The  entire 
force  was  about  800  strong,  having  possession  of  Mount  Oread, 
a hill  which  commanded  the  town.  The  pretext  for  this  raid 
was  the  desire  to  serve  legal  processes  in  Kansas,  although 
Deputy  Marshal  Fain,  who  held  a part  of  those  processes,  had 
been  in  Lawrence  the  evening  before  and  served  two  writs 
without  a sign  of  resistance,  as  on  several  previous  occasions. 
He  now  rode  into  the  towrn  with  ten  men,  and  arrested  two 
leading  free-State  citizens,  no  one  making  objection.  Mean- 
time, the  posse,  so  called,  were  busy  in  the  suburbs  breaking 
open  houses  and  robbing  the  inmates.  Fain  remained  in  town 
until  after  noon,  eating  dinner  with  his  party  at  the  principal 
hotel,  but  neglecting  to  pay  for  it;  then  returned  to  the  camp 
on  the  hill,  and  was  succeeded  by  “Sheriff  Jones”  of  that 
county,  whose  authority,  being  derived  from  the  sham  legis- 
lature, the  people  did  not  recognize.  Jones  rode  into  the  town 
at  the  head  of  twenty  men  at  three  p.  in.,  and  demanded  that 
all  the  arms  should  be  given  up  to  him,  on  pain  of  a bombard- 
ment. The  people,  unprepared  to  resist,  consented  to  sur- 
render their  artillery,  consisting  of  a twelve-pound  howitzer 
and  four  smooth-bore  pieces,  carrying  each  a pound  ball.  All 
these  had  been  buried  some  days  before,  but  were  now  dug  up 
and  made  over  to  Jones.  A few  muskets  were  likewise  sur- 
rendered by  their  owners.  The  pro-slavery  army  now  marched 
down  the  hill,  when  Atchison  made  a speech  to  them,  declar- 


232 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ing  that  the  Free-State  Hotel  and  the  two  free-State  printing- 
offices  must  be  destroyed.  “Sheriff  Jones”  declared  that  he 
had  an  order  to  that  effect  from  Judge  Lecompte,  of  the  fed- 
eral court.  The  whole  force  accordingly  marched  into  the 
heart  of  the  town,  destroyed  its  printing  offices,  and  fired  some 
fifty  rounds  from  their  cannon  at  the  Free-State  Hotel,  which, 
being  solidly  built  of  stone,  was  not  much  damaged  thereby. 
Four  kegs  of  gunpowder  were  then  placed  in  it  and  fired,  but 
only  two  of  them  exploded,  making  little  impression.  Fire  was 
now  applied  to  the  building,  and  it  was  burnt  to  the  bare  and 
blackened  walls.  The  dwelling  of  Governor  Robinson  was 
next  set  on  fire,  and,  though  the  flames  were  twice  extinguished, 
it  was  finally  consumed.  The  total  loss  to  the  citizens  of 
•Lawrence  by  that  day’s  robbery  and  arson  was  estimated  at 
$150,000.  None  of  them  were  killed  or  wounded,  but  one  of 
the  ruffians  shot  himself  badly,  and  another  was  killed  by  a 
brick  or  stone  knocked  by  one  of  their  cannon'  from  the  upper 
story  of  the  Free-State  Hotel. 

Such  were  the  beginnings  of  the  so-called  “Kansas  War,” 
a desultory,  wasteful,  but  not  very  bloody  conflict,  which  con- 
tinued, with  alternations  of  activity  and  quiet,  throughout  the 
next  year.  One  of  its  most  noted  incidents  is  known  as  the 
“Battle  of  Black  Jack,”  wherein  twenty-eight  free-State  men, 
led  by  old  John  Brown,  of  Osawatomie,  fought  and  defeated, 
on  the  open  prairie,  fifty-six  “border  ruffians,”  headed  by 
Captain  H.  Clay  Pate,  from  Virginia,  who  professed  to  be  an 
officer  under  Marshal  Donaldson.  It  terminated  in  the  sur- 
render of  Pate  and  all  that  remained  of  his  band,  twenty-one 
men,  beside  the  wounded,  with  twenty-three  horses  and  mules, 
wagons,  provisions,  camp  equipage,  and  a considerable  quan- 
tity of  plunder,  obtained  just  before  by  sacking  a little  free- 
State  settlement,  known  as  Palmyra. 

The  legislature  chosen  under  the  free-State  constitution 
was  summoned  to  meet  at  Topeka  on  the  4th  of  July,  1856, 
and  its  members  assembled  accordingly,  but  were  not  allowed 
to  organize,  Colonel  Sumner  with  a force  of  regulars  dispersing 
them  by  order  of  President  Pierce. 


THE  KANSAS  BRODER  TROUBLE. 


233 


The  village  of  Osawatomie,  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
Territory,  was  sacked  and  burned  on  the  5th  of  June  by  a pro- 
slavery  force,  headed  by  General  Whitfield.  But  few  of  the 
male  citizens  were  at  home  and  there  was  no  resistance. 

Leavenworth,  being  directly  on  the  border  and  easily  acces- 
sible from  a populous  portion  of  Missouri,  was  especially 
exposed  to  outrages.  It  was  long  under  the  control  of  the  pro- 
slavery party,  being  a military  post  and  a point  whence  over- 
land trains  and  mails  were  dispatched,  and  at  which  a vast 
Federal  patronage  was  concentrated.  The  office  of  The  Terri- 
torial Register  (free-State)  was  destroyed  by  a Missouri  band 
December  20,  1855.  Many  collisions  and  murders  occurred 
here  and  in  the  vicinity;  and  at  length,  on  the  recurrence  of 
the  municipal  election,  September  1, 1856,  a large  force,  mainly 
of  Missourians,  took  possession  of  the  town,  and,  under  the 
pretense  of  searching  for  arms,  plundered  and  ravaged  as  they 
chose.  "William  Phillips,  a lawyer,  refused  to  submit  to  their 
search,  and  stood  on  his  defense.  He  killed  two  of  his  assail- 
ants, but  was  finally  killed  himself,  while  his  brother,  who 
aided  him  in  his  defense,  had  his  arm  shattered  by  a bullet. 
Phillips’  house  was  burned,  with  several  others,  and  every 
known  free-State  man  put  on  board  a steamboat  and  sent 
down  the  river.  It  was  boasted  by  the  Missouri  journals 
that  not  a single  “abolition  vote”  was  cast  at  that  election. 

Meantime  the  emigrants,  flocking  to  Kansas  from  the  free 
States,  were  arrested  on  their  pasage  through  Missouri  and 
turned  back,  cannon  being  planted  all  along  the  Missouri  River 
to  stop  the  ascending  steamboats  from  this  purpose.  Not  many 
of  these  emigrants  were  actually  plundered  save  of  their  pas- 
sage money,  which  was  in  no  case  returned.  A large  party  was 
finally  made  up  of  those  whose  progress  to  their  intended 
homes  had  been  thus  obstructed,  who  proceeded  thither  by  a 
circuitous  route  through  Iowa  and  Nebraska ; but  who,  on  enter- 
ing Kansas,  were  met  by  a Federal  military  force,  and  all  their 
arms  taken  from  them. 

Yet  the  immigration  continued;  so  that,  while  the  office- 
holders, the  military  and  all  the  recognized  power  and  author- 


234 


EIST0R7  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ity  were  on  the  side  of  slavery,  the  free-State  preponderance 
among  the  settlers  constantly  increased.  The  pro-slavery 
forces  made  strong  incursions  or  raids  into  the  Territory  from 
time  to  time,  but  subsided  into  Missouri  after  a few  days;  and 
while  a good  share  of  the  fighting,  with  most  of  the  burning 
and  plundering,  was  done  by  them,  nearly  all  the  building,  the 
clearing,  the  plowing,  and  the  planting  were  the  work  of  free- 
State  men.  Meantime  dissipation,  exposure,  and  all  manner  of 
irregularities  were  constantly  thinning  the  ranks  of  the  pro- 
slavery  volunteers  from  the  South,  while  many  of  the  better 
class  among  them,  disgusted  and  remorseful,  abandoned  their 
evil  work,  and  shrank  away  to  some  region  wherein  they  were 
less  generally  detested.  Under  all  its  persecutions  and  deso- 
lations, Kansas  was  steadily  maturing  and  hardening  into  the 
bone  and  sinew  of  a free  State,  not  only,  but  of  one  fitted  by 
education  and  experience  to  be  an  apostle  of  the  gospel  of 
universal  freedom. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


235 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

“ What  is  the  wail  that  shakes  the  land,  clouding  the  face  of  day. 

From  Mississippi’s  gulf-worn  strand  to  Narragansett  Bay? 

-Must  North  and  South,  in  hitter  scorn,  throw  off  the  golden  tie 
That  hound  them  on  their  marriage  morn  in  holy  unity?” 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  sixteenth  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  born  in  Kentucky  on  the  12th  of  February, 
1809.  At  the  early  age  of  seven  he  was  taken  with  his  father’s 
family  to  southern  Indiana,  where  his  youthful  days  were 
passed  In  poverty,  hardship  and  toil.  On  becoming  of  age,  he 
left  the  farm  and  river  life,  removed  to  Illinois,  and  studied 
law.  He  became  brilliant  in  his  profession,  was  elected  to  the 
legislature  of  his  adopted  State,  and  later  was  elected  to 
Congress.  He  became  nationally  prominent  in  1858,  when,  as 
the  opponent  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  he  canvassed  the  State 
of  Illinois  for  the  United  States  Senate.  His  tilt  with  Mr. 
Douglas  showed  him  to  be  one  of  the  strongest  debaters  of  the 
country. 

In  the  Presidential  canvass  of  1860  Abraham  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois,  became  the  Republican  candidate  for  the  highest  office 
within  the  gift  of  the  American  people.  The  vital  principle  of 
this  party  was  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  In  April 
of  the  same  year  the  Democratic  convention  assembled  at 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  but  the  Southern  delegates  with- 
drew from  the  assembly.  The  Northern  delegates  adjourned 
to  Baltimore  and  chose  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  as  their 
standard-bearer.  The  Southern  delegates  from  the  South, 
however,  returned  to  Baltimore  in  the  June  following,  and 
selected  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  as  their  leader. 
The  American  party  chose  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  as  their 
candidate.  The  contest  resulted  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
to  the  office  of  President. 


236 


BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


The  leaders  of  the  South  had  declared  that  the  choice  of 
Lincoln  for  the  Presidency  would  be  a just  cause  for'  the  dis- 
solution of  the  American  Union.  A majority  of  the  Cabinet 
and  a large  number  of  senators  and  represen taties  in  Congress 
were  advocates  of  disunion.  It  was  seen  that  all  the  depart- 
ments of  government  would  soon  .pas®  under  the  control  of 
the  Republican  party.  James  Buchanan  was  not  himself  a 
disunionist;  but  he  declared  himself  not  armed  with  the  Con- 
stitutional power  to  prevent  secession  by  force.  The  interval, 
therefore,  between  the  election  and  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  seized  by  the  Southern  leaders  of  the  secession  element  as 
the  fitting  time  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

The  work  of  secession  began  in  South  Carolina  on  the  17th 
of  December,  I860;  a convention'  met  at  Charleston,  and,  after 
three  days,  passed  an  ordinance  that  the  union  hitherto  exist- 
ing between  South  Carolina  and  the  other  States  was  dissolved. 
The  sentiment  spread  over  the  South  with  great  rapidity.  By 
February  1,  1861,  six  other  States — Mississippi,  Florida,  Ala- 
bama, Georgia,  Louisiana,  anid  Texas — had  all  passed  ordi- 
nances of  secession.  Nearly  all  the  senators  and  representa- 
tives of  these  States  resigned  their  seats  in  Congress,  and  gave 
themselves  to  the  disunion  cause. 

In  the  secession  conventions  a few  of  the  speakers  de- 
nounced disunion  as  bad  and  ruinous.  In  the  convention  of 
Georgia,  Mr.  Stephens,  afterwards  Vice-President  of  the  Con- 
federate States,  undertook  to  prevent  the  secession  of  his  State. 
He  delivered  a great  oration,  in  which  he  defended  the  theory  of 
secession,  but  spoke  against  it  on  the  ground  that  the  measure 
was  impolitic,  ununion,  and  likely  to  prove  disastrous. 

On  the  4th  of  February,  1861,  delegates  from  six  of  the 
seceded  States  convened  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  and  formed 
a new  Government,  called  the  “Confederate  States  of  America.” 
On  the  8th  the  Government  was  organized  by  electing  Jefferson 
Davis,  of  Mississippi,  as  Provisional  President,  and  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  as  Vice-President.  A few  days  before 
a Peace  Conference  met  at  Washington,  and  proposed  certain 
amendments  to  the  Constitution.  But  Congress  gave  it  little 


THE  CIVIL  WA  R. 


237 


attention,  and  the  conference  adjourned.  The  'country  seemed 
on  the  brink  of  destruction.  Our  army  was  on  remote 
frontiers  and  our  fleet  in  distant  waters.  The  President  seemed 
at  a loss  what  to  do.  With  the  exceptions  of  Forts  Sumter, 
Moultrie,  Pickens,  and  Monroe,  all  the  important  ports  in  the 
seceded  States  had  been  seized  by  the  Confederate  authorities. 
Early  in  January,  President  Buchanan  sent  the  “Star  of  the 
West”  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter.  But  the  ship  was  fired  on  by 
a Confederate  battery  and  driven  away  from  Charleston. 
Thus,  in  grief  and  gloom,  the  administration  of  President 
Buchanan  drew  to  a close.  Such  was  the  alarming  condition 
of  affairs  that  it  was  deemed  advisable  for  his  successor,  the 
new  President,  to  enter  the  Capital  by  night. 

The  new  cabinet  was  soon  organized,  with  William  H. 
Seward,  of  New  York,  as  Secretary  of  State.  S.  P.  Chase, 
of  Ohio,  was  chosen  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  Simon 
Cameron  Secretary  of  War,  but  he,  in  the  following  January, 
was  succeeded  in  office  by  Edwin  M.  Stanton.  The  secretary- 
ship of  the  Navy  was  conferred  on  Gideon  Welles.  In  his 
inaugural  address  and  first  official  papers  President  Lincoln  in- 
dicated the  policy  of  the  new  administration  by  his  purpose  to 
repossess  the  forts,  arsenals  and  public  property  which  had 
been  seized  by  the  Southern  authorities.  It  was  with  this  pur- 
pose that  the  first  military  preparations  were  made.  In  the 
meantime,  on  the  12th  of  March,  an  effort  was  made  by  com- 
missioners of  the  seceded  States  to  obtain  from  the  LTnited 
States  Government  a recognition  of  their  independence,  but 
their  attempt  met  with  failure.  The  Government  then  made  a 
second  movement  to  reinforce  the  garrison  of  Fort  Sumter,  aud 
with  that  came  the  actual  beginning  of  civil  war. 

Major  Robert  Anderson  held  the  defenses  of  Charleston 
Harbor  -with  a force  of  only  seventy-nine  men.  He  therefore 
deemed  it  prudent  to  abandon  Fort  Moultrie  on  account  of  the 
weakness  of  his  garrison,  and  enter  Fort  Sumter.  The  Con- 
federates had  erected  powerful  batteries  about  the  harbor,  and 
their  volunteers  poured  into  the  city.  As  soon  as  it  was  known 
by  the  Southen  authorities  that  the  Federal  Government  would 


238 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


reinforce  the  forts,  they  determined  to  prevent  the  movement, 
by  compelling  the  surrender  of  Major  Anderson.  Hence,  on 
April  11,  General  Beauregard,  the  Confederate  commander  of 
Charleston,  sent  a flag  to  Fort  Sumter  demanding  an  evacu- 
ation. Major  Anderson  informed  him  in  reply  that  he  would 
defend  the  American  flag,  and  hold  the  fortress.  According’y, 
the  next  morning  the  first  gun  was  fired  from  a Confederate 
battery,  and,  after  a terrific  bombardment  of  thirty-four  hours’ 
duration,  the  fort  was  set  on  fire,  reduced  to  ruins,  and  forced 
to  surrender. 

Three  days  after  the  destruction  of  Fort  Sumter,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln issued  a call  for  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers  to  serve 
for  three  months,  to  exterminate  the  secession  movement. 
Virginia  seceded  from  the  Union  two  days  later.  Arkansas 
seceded  on  May  6th,  and  North  Carolina  followed  on  the  20th  of 
the  same  month.  In  Tennessee  there  was  a strong  feeling 
against  disunion,  and  it  was  not  until  June  8th  that  a secession 
ordinance  could  be  adopted.  The  movement  in  Missouri  re- 
sulted in  civil  war,  whilst  in  Kentucky  the  authorities  assumed 
a neutral  position.  The  people  of  Maryland  divided  into  hostile 
factions. 

Massachusetts  volunteers  were  forwarded  for  the  defense 
of  the  Union  on  the  19th  of  April,  but  as  they  were  passing 
through  Baltimore,  they  were  attacked  by  the  citizens  and  three 
men  killed.  Thus  the  first  blood  of  the  war  was  shed  on  Mary- 
land soil.  Already  a body  of  Confederate  soldiers  had  cap- 
tured the  United  States  Arsenal  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  and,  on 
April  20th,  the  Confederates  secured  possession  of  the  great 
Navy  Yard  at  Norfolk,  Virginia.  The  captured  property  now 
in  Confederate  hands  amounted  to  ten  millions  of  dollars. 
Washington  city  was  excited,  from  the  fact  that  it  was  in  dan- 
ger of  being  captured,  pillaged  and  destroyed  by  fire.  Another 
call  for  eighty-three  thousand  soldiers  was  made  by  President 
Lincoln  on  the  3d  of  May,  to  serve  for  a term  of  three  years 
or  during  the  war.  The  venerable  General  Winfield  Scott  was 
made  commander-in-nluef  of  the  LTnion  army.  The  Southern 
ports  were  blockaded  by  war  ships.  There  was  boundless 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


239 


activity  and  enthusiasm  in  the  Southern  States.  The  Confed- 
erate Congress  adjourned  from  Montgomery  to  convene  on  the 
20th  of  July  at  EichmoncL  Jefferson  Davis  and  the  officers  of 
his  Cabinet  had  assembled  there  to  direct  the  affairs  of  the 
Confederate  Government.  Such  was  the  position  of  the  two 
opposing  powers  early  in  June,  186L  An  examination  into 
the  causes  which  produced  the  great  Civil  "War  is  now  appro- 
priate. 

The  most  general  and  original  cause  of  the  Civil  W ar  in  the 
United  States  was  that  the  people  of  the  North  and  South  each 
placed  a different  construction  upon  the  National  Constitution. 
A difference  of  opinion  had  existed  always  as  to  how  the  Con- 
stitution was  to  be  understood.  The  relation  between  the 
States  and  the  General  Government  was  the  question  at  issue. 
One  party  held  that  the  National  Constitution  is  a compact 
between  sovereign  States,  and  for  certain  reasons  the  Union 
may  be  dissolved ; that  the  sovereignty  of  the  nation  is  lodged 
in  individual  States  and  not  in  the  Central  Government;  that 
Congress  can  exercise  no  other  than  delegated  powers,  that  a 
State,  feeling  aggrieved,  may  annul  an  Act  of  Congress;  that 
the  highest  allegiance  of  the  citizen  is  to  his  own  State,  and 
afterwards  to  the  general  Government,  and  that  acts  of  nullifi- 
cation and  disunion  are  justifiable,  honorable  and  revolutionary. 
This  was  the  view  held  in  the  Southern  States.  In  the  North- 
ern States  the  other  party  held  that  under  the  Constitution  the 
Union  of  the  States  cannot  be  dissolved,  that  the  power  of  the 
nation  is  vested  in  the  Central  Government;  that  the  States 
are  subordinate;  that  the  Acts  of  Congress,  until  they  are 
repealed  or  decided  unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States,  are  binding  on  the  States ; that  the  highest 
allegiance  of  the  citizen  is  due  the  general  Government  and 
not  to  his  own  State,  and  that  all  attempts  at  nullification  and 
disunion  are  in  their  nature  disloyal  and  treasonable. 

Hence,  from  the  preceding  views,  arose  an  issue  the  most 
terrible  that  ever  perplexed  a Nation.  It  struck  right  into  the 
vitals  of  our  Government.  It  threatened  to  undo  the  whole 
Civil  structure  of  the  United  States,  with  each  renewal  of  the 


240  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


agitation.  For  many  years  the  parties  who  combatted  about 
the  meaning  of  the  Constitution,  were  scattered  in  various  por- 
tions of  the  country.  The  doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty  was 
most  advocated  in  the  New  England  States,  in  the  earlier  his- 
tory of  the  country,  but  the  position  of  the  parties  changed 
with  the  rise  of  the  tariff  question.  Since  the  tariff  (a  Con- 
gressional measure),  favored  the  Eastern  States,  at  the  expense 
of  the  South,  it  came  to  pass,  naturally,  that  the  people  of  the 
South  took  up  the  doctrine  of  State  Eights.  Hence  it  happen- 
ed that  as  early  as  1831,  the  right  of  nullifying  an  act  of  Con- 
gress was  openly  advocated  in  South  Carolina,  and  thus  it 
happened  that  the  belief  in  State  sovereignty  became  moro 
prevalent  in  the  South  than  in  the  North.  Thus  were  two 
powerful  sectional  parties  produced  and  brought  into  actual 
conflict. 

Another  general  cause  of  the  Civil  War,  was  the  different 
system  of  labor  in  the  South  and  in  the  North.  In  the  South 
the  laborers  were  bondmen,  property,  slaves,  whilst  in  the 
North  they  were  recognized  as  freemen,  citizens  and 
voters.  The  Northern  theory  was,  that  both  capital  and 
labor  are  free,  but  in  the  South  it  was  held  that  the 
capital  of  a country  should  own  the  labor.  All  the 
colonies  had  been  slave-holding  in  the  beginning,  but 
in  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States  the  system  of  slave  labor  was 
gradually  abolished,  because  it  was  unprofitable.  In  the  North- 
western Territory,  out  of  which  was  formed  five  great  States, 
slavery  was  excluded  by  the  original  compact  under  which  that 
Territory  was  organized.  A dividing  line  was  thus  drawn 
through  the  Union  from  East  to  West.  Therefore,  it  became 
evident  that  whenever  the  question  of  slavery  was  agitated,  a 
sectional  division  would  arise  between  the  parties,  and  that 
war  and  disunion  would  be  threatened.  The  danger  arising 
from  this  source  was  increased,  and  the  strife  between  the  sec- 
tions intensified  by  several  minor  causes. 

In  1793,  through  the  invention  of  Mr.  Whitney  of  Massa- 
chusetts, cotton  became  the  most  profitable  of  all  the  Southern 
staples.  Before  this  invention,  so  slow  and  tedious  was  the 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


241 


process  of  separating  tlie  seed  from  the  fibre,  that  the  produc- 
tion of  upland  cotton  was  almost  without  profit.  The  industry 
of  the  States  that  grew  cotton  was  paralyzed  by  the  time  em- 
ployed in  preparing  the  product  for  market.  Mr.  "Whitney 
removed  the  difficulty  by  inventing  a gin  which  astonished  the 
beholder,  on  account  of  its  quick  and  excellent  work,  and  cot- 
ton became  the  most  profitable  staple.  It  caused  a revolution 
in  this  industry  of  the  South.  Before  the  Civil  War,  it  was  es- 
timated that  the  cotton  gin  had  added  a billion  of  dollars  to  the 
resources  of  the  Southern  States.  Nearly  all  the  cotton  in  the 
world  was  produced  there.  According  to  the  increase  in  the 
value  of  cotton,  slave  labor  became  important,  slaves  valuable, 
and  slavery  a deep-rooted,  permanent  institution. 

From  this  time,  henceforth,  it  was  feared  that  the  question 
of  slavery  would  so  embarrass  the  politics  of  the  country  as  to 
cause  a dissolution  of  the  Union.  This  danger  was  fully  shown 
in  the  Missouri  agitation  of  1820.  A threat  of  disunion  was 
made  in  the  North,  because  it  was  proposed  to  enlarge  the 
bounds  of  slavery.  And  on  account  of  the  proposed  rejection 
of  Missouri  as  a slave-holding  State,  similar  threats  were  made 
in  the  South.  At  the  time  of  the  enactment  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  Mr.  Clay  and  his  colleagues  wished  to  save  the 
Union  by  extirpating  the  slavery  question  from  American  poli- 
tics, but  in  this  their  success  was  limited  to  a shoit  period,  an  d 
was  immediately  followed  by  the  Nullification  Acts  of  South 
Carolina. 

These  acts  hinged  upon  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  the 
profits  derived  from  cotton.  The  Eastern  States  had  given 
themselves  largely  to  manufacturing,  while  the  staple  produc- 
tion of  the  Southern  States  was  cotton.  It  was,  therefore,  con- 
tended that  tariff  legislation  favored  manufacturers  at  the 
expense  of  producers.  By  annulling  these  laws,  Mr.  Calhoun 
of  South  Carolina,  proposed  to  remedy  the  matter,  but  failing 
in  his  measures,  another  compromise  was  found  necessary  in 
order  to  allay  the  animosities  which  had  been  engendered. 

A further  enlargement  of  the  domain  of  slavery,  in  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  led  to  a renewal  of  the  agitation.  The 


242  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Mexican  war  followed,  and  was  opposed  by  many,  not  so  much 
on  account  of  the  injustice  of  tlie  conflict,  but  through  a fear 
that  new  territory  would  be  acquired  by  the  United  States, 
and  slavery  thereby  extended.  The  discussion  led  to  the 
passage  of  the  “Omnibus  Bill,”  which,  for  a brief  period, 
abated  the  excitement. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  passed  in  1854.  Through 
the  passage  of  this  bill  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  repealed 
and  the  controversy  relating  to  slavery  re-opened.  At  the 
same  time  the  civilization  and  character  of  the  Northern  and 
Southern  people  had  become  very  different.  In  wealth,  popu- 
lation, and  in  schools  the  North  had  far  outgrown  the  South. 
In  the  race  for  territorial  acquisitions  the  North  had  gained 
an  advantage.  Owing  to  the  division  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  1860,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  made  President  by  the  votes  of  the 
Northern  States.  His  election  to  the  office  of  the  Presidency 
maddened  and  excited  the  people  of  the  South,  as  they  regarded 
the  new  President  as  chosen  regardless  to  their  welfare  and 
hostile  to  their  interests. 

The  want  of  intercourse  between  the  people  of  the  North 
and  the  South  was  another  cause  for  the  Civil  War.  There  was 
but  little  travel  or  interchange  of  opinion  between  the  people 
of  the  two  sections.  The  main  lines  of  travel  extended  from 
the  East  to  the  West,  and  emigration  flowed  in  the  same  chan- 
nel, Consequently,  the  people,  without  intending  it,  became 
suspicious,  jealous,  and  estranged,  and  each  misjudged  the 
motives  of  the  other.  They  accused  each  other  of  ill-will  and 
dishonesty.  In  short,  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  matters 
had  gravitated  to  such  a point  that  the  people  of  the  North 
and  South  regarded  each  other  almost  as  distinct  nationalities. 

Still  another  cause  was  found  in  the  publication  of  books 
and  newspapers  of  a sectional  character.  For  twenty  years 
preceding  the  war,  books  and  papers  were  published  in  the 
North  and  South,  the  popularity  of  which  depended  principally 
on  the  hatred  and  ill-feelings  existing  between  the  two  locali- 
ties. Such  publications  teemed  with  false  statements  and  ridi- 
cule. The  language  and  belief,  manners  and  customs  of  one 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


section  were  held  up  to  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  the  people  of 
the  other.  The  minds  of  all  classes  were  thus  prejudiced  and 
misdirected,  especially  the  young.  The  "belief  was  maintained 
in  the  North  that  the  South  was  given  up  to  ignorance,  bar- 
barism and  inhumanity;  while  in  the  South  the  opinion 
prevailed  that  the  people  of  the  North  were  a race  of  selfish, 
cold-blooded,  mean,  cowardly,  meddlesome  Yankees. 

The  evil  influence  of  tricky  politicians  may  be  named  as 
another  cause  to  produce  war.  It  is  the  misfortune  of  govern- 
ments that  they  may  at  times  fall  under  the  leadership  of 
designing  men.  In  our  own  country  the  demagogue  has 
enjoyed  special  privileges  to  produce  mischief,  and  the  people 
have  suffered  accordingly,  ' American  patriotism  and  states- 
manship sank  to  a low  ebb  from  1850  to  1860.  Scheming  and 
ambitious  men  had  come  to  the  front,  and  proclaimed  them- 
•selves  the  leaders  of  public  opinion  by  controlling  the  political 
parties.  The  welfare  and  peace  of  the  country  were  put  aside 
as  of  no  value,  as  their  purposes  were  wholly  selfish.  In  order 
to  gain  power  and  keep  it,  many  unprincipled  men  in  the  South 
were  anxious  to  destroy  the  Union,  while  the  fanatics  of  the 
North  were  willing  to  abuse  the  Union  in  order  to  accomplish 
their  own  wicked  purposes. 

In  connection  with  all  the  foregoing  causes  was  a public 
opinion  developed  in  the  North  against  the  institution  of  slavery 
itself.  The  belief  began  to  prevail  that  slavery  was  cruel  and 
wrong,  and  it  ought  to  be  destroyed ; the  conscience  of  the 
Nation  was  aroused.  Although  this  opinion  was  feeble  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  it  developed  rapidly,  and  had  much  to 
do  in  deciding  the  final  character  of  the  conflict.  Such,  prin- 
cipally were  the  causes  that  brought  on  the  Civil  War,  one  of 
the  most  terrible  and  bloody  strifes  of  modern  times. 

Thus  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1861,  the  government  of 
the  United  States  was  involved  in  a terrible  struggle  for  its 
own  preservation.  An  army  of  Volunteers  was  brought  into 
camp  at  Washington  City,  and  on  the  21th  of  May  was  advanced 
across  the  Potomac  river,  to  Alexandria,  Virginia,  and  con- 
stituted the  first  general  movement  of  the  war.  General  B.  P. 


244  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Butler  at  this  time  held  Fortress  Monroe  with  a force  of  twelve 
thousand  men.  General  Magruder,  the  Confederate  commander, 
was  stationed  in  that  vicinity,  at  Bethel  Church,  with  a detach- 
ment of  Southern  troops.  On  the  10th  of  June,  a body  of 
Union  troops  was  sent  to  dislodge  them,  but  was  defeated  with 
considerable  loss. 

The  Union  army  under  General  T.  A.  Morris  moved  forward 
from  Parkersburg  to  Grafton,  West  Virginia,  in  the  latter  part 
of  May.  He  met  and  defeated  a force  of  Confederates  on  the  3d 
of  June  at  Philippi.  General  George  B.  McClellan  now  took 
the  command  and  on  the  11th  of  July  defeated  the  Southern 
troops  at  Rich  Mountain.  The  Confederate  commander,  General 
Garnett,  retreated  to  Canuck’ s Ford,  on  Cheat  river,  where  he 
was  again  defeated  and  himself  killed.  General  Floyd,  com- 
manding a detachment  of  Confederate  troops  at  Carmfex  Ferry, 
on  Gauley  river,  was  attacked  on  August  the  10th,  by  General 
William  S.  Bosecrans,  and  forced  to  retreat,  and  on  September 
the  14th  the  Confederates  under  General  Robert  E.  Lee  were 
defeated  in  a battle  at  Cheat  Mountain. 

General  Robert  Patterson  marched  against  Harper’s  Ferry, 
early  in  June.  On  the  11th  of  the  same  month,  Colonel  Lewis 
Wallace,  commanding  a division  of  Union  troops,  made  a suc- 
cessful attack  upon  the  Confederates  at  Romney.  Patterson 
then  crossed  the  Potomac  and  drove  the  Southern  army  back 
to  Winchester.  Up  to  this  time  the  engagements  had  been 
only  of  a trivial  character.  The  time  had  now  come  for  the 
first  great  battle  of  the  war. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


245 


CHAPTER  XV. 

BATTLE  OF  BULL  HUH. 

*s  But  now  the  trumpet,  terrible  from  far, 

In  shrilled  clangour  animates  the  war ; 

Confederate  drums  in  fuller  concert  beat, 

And  echoing  hills  the  loud  alarm  repeat.” 

T T was  Sunday,  July  21,  1861,  that  the  memorable  battle  of 
■*-  Bull  Bun,  near  Manassas  Railway  Station,  Virginia,  the 
most  decisive  and  desperate  which  had  yet  occurred  on  the 
the  American  Continent,  took  place.  The  Union  Army,  ditring 
the  preceding  day  and  night,  reposed  at  Centerville,  about  seven 
miles  East  from  the  scene  of  conflict.  The  Union  Army  was 
placed  under  the  command  of  General  Irwin  McDowell,  an 
officer  who  had  received  a military  education  at  West  Point, 
had  distinguished  himself  during  the  Mexican  war,  had  been 
rapidly  promoted  from  rank  to  rank,  had  invariably  conducted 
himself  with  gallantry  and  heroism,  and  who  was  worthy  of  the 
important  trust  which  was  on  this  occasion  conferred  upon 
him. 

The  plan  of  attack  devised  by  General  McDowell,  andwddck 
he  proposed  to  execute,  wTas  in  the  opinion  of  those  most  com- 
petent to  judge,  an  excellent  one.  The  Union  Army  was  sepa- 
rated into  three  divisions,  which  were  ordered  to  advance  to  the 
position  of  the  enemy  by  three  different  routes.  Two  of  these 
movements  were  to  be  actual  assaults ; the  third,  however,  to  be 
a feint  for  the  purpose  of  distracting  the  attention  of  the  Con- 
federates. The  three  divisions  of  the  Union  Army  were  com- 
manded by  Generals  Tyler,  Hunter  and  Heintzelman.  Gen- 
eral Tyler’s  division  comprised  the  first  and  second  Ohio,  and 
the  second  New  York  regiments  under  General  Schenck,  the 
sixty-ninth,  seventy-ninth  and  thirteenth  of  New  York,  with 
the  second  Wisconsin  regiment.  Three  efficient  batteries  accom- 
panied them,  those  of  Carlisle,  Ayres  and  Rickett.  This 


246  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


embraced  Tyler’s  command,  and  was  directed  to  marcli  forward 
by  tbe  Washington  road,  and  to  cross  Bull  Bun  a mile  and  a 
half  to  the  right.  General  Hunter’s  division  on  the  extreme 
right,  consisted  of  the  eighth  and  fourteenth  New  York  regi- 
ments, a battalion  of  the  second,  third  and  eighth  regular 
infantry,  a number  of  artillery,  the  first  and  second  Ohio,  the 
seventy-first  New  York,  two  New  Hampshire  regiments,  and 
the  powerful  Bhode  Island  battery.  This  division  of  the  Union 
Army  formed  General  Hunter’s  command,  and  was  instructed 
to  move  forward  on  the  second  road.  General  Heintzelman’s 
division  was  made  up  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  Massachusetts  and 
the  first  Minnesota  regiments,  the  second,  fourth  and  fifth 
Maine,  and  the  second  Vermont  regiments,  supported  by  cavalry 
and  artillery,  and  were  directed  to  take  the  third  route.  Gen- 
eral Hunter’s  orders  were  to  pass  a small  stream  called  Cub 
Bun,  to  turn  to  the  right,  then  to  the  North,  to  pass  the  upper 
ford  of  Bull  Bun,  then  marching  Southward,  to  attack  the  enemy 
in  the  rear.  General  Heintzelman  was  directed  to  cross  Bull 
Bun  at  the  lower  ford,  and  then  attack  the  Confederates,  when 
they  were  being  driven  before  the  advancing  lines  of  Hunter. 
A reserve  of  six  thousand  Union  troops  under  General  Miles, 
was  posted  at  Centerville.  The  whole  number  of  Union  troops 
who  marched  to  the  attack  of  the  Confederates  at  Bull  Bun  is 
estimated  at  about  twenty-three  thousand.  The  duty  assigned 
to  Hunter  and  Heintzelman  was,  to  drive  the  enemy  from 
the  right  and  from  the  rear  upon  the  force  of  General  Tyler 
on  the  left,  so  that  hemmed  in  between  the  three  bodies, 
their  defeat  might  be  more  certainly  and  efficiently  accom- 
plished. 

General  McDowell  had  at  first  intended  to  commence  the 
march  from  Centerville  on  Saturday  afternoon,  July  20,  and 
orders  had  actually  been  given  to  that  effect.  But  it  was  dis- 
covered at  the  moment  of  starting  that  a deficiency  of  heavy- 
ammunition  existed,  and  that  a large  supply  must  at  once  be 
obtained  from  Fairfax.  This  process  rendered  a short  delay 
necessary,  and  then  it  was  determined  to  postpone  the  advance 
until  the  following  day.  Accordingly  at  half  past  two  o’clock 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


247 


on  Sunday  morning,  the  command  was  given  to  strike  tlie  tents 
and  to  commence  tlie  march. 

Soon  the  great  army  began  to  move  forward.  The  scene 
which  was  then  presented  to  the  view  of  an  observer  was  one 
of  imposing  magnificence,  and  of  solemn  martial  splendor. 
The  moon  shone  brightly  and  serenely  in  the  distant  heavens, 
which  were  spangled  with  myriads  of  sparkling  gems,  while 
the  vast  array,  swarming  over  many  a hill  and  vale,  hurried 
forward  with  impetuous  tread  toward  a field  soon  to  become 
reddened  with  human  blood.  The  mellow  light  of  night’s 
golden  luminary,  and  the  glittering  stars,  served  only  to  add 
the  charm  of  a mystic  and  mysterious  grandeur  to  the  specta- 
cle. The  sacred  silence  of  the  Sabbath  morn  was  broken  by 
the  rumbling  sound  of  the  artillery,  by  the  confused  tread  of 
horses  and  of  men,  intermingled  with  the  occasional  echo  of 
the  stern  word  of  command,  or  the  gladsome  voices  of  laughter 
and  song.  General  McDowell  and  his  staff  accompanied  the 
central  column  of  General  Tyler’s  command. 

At  length  the  clearer  light  of  the  early  dawn  spread  over 
the  face  of  the  earth.  Then,  after  a short  interval,  the  sun  ap- 
peared in  all  his  glory  in  the  rosy  East,  and  as  he  commenced 
to  mount  the  azure  heavens,  the  head  of  General  Tyler’s  col- 
umn reached  the  eminence  from  which  the  first  distant  view  of 
the  position  of  the  enemy  could  be  obtained.  Seldom  had  a 
fairer,  calmer  or  lovelier  scene  been  presented  to  the  charmed 
eye  of  the  enthusiastic  admirer  of  nature,  than  that  which  the 
wide  sweep  of  country  before  them  exhibited,  soon  to  be  torn 
and  riven  by  the  impetuous  rush  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  by 
the  terrific  discharges  of  the  artillery;  soon  to  be  covered  with 
human  gore,  and  with  the  bleeding  bodies  of  the  dying  and  the 
dead. 

It  was  half-past  five  o’clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  head 
of  General  Tyler’s  division  reached  a position  favorable  for 
commencing  the  attack.  The  enemy  could  be  seen  from  that 
position  busily  forming  their  lines  in  front.  Skirmishers  were 
immediately  thrown  forward,  who  soon  encountered  the  Rebel 
pickets  and  exchanged  shots  with  them.  A ponderous  thirty- 


248  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


two  pound  rifled  cannon  was  then  advanced  upon  the  road,  and 
a number  of  shells  were  thrown  into  their  ranks.  To  this  sa- 
lute they  made  no  reply,  and  General  Tyler  ordered  his  divi- 
sion to  move  forward,  so  as  to  be  in  nearer  contact  with  the 
enemy,  who  seemed  to  have  concealed  the  principal  portion  of 
their  numbers  behind  the  woods  and  the  rolling  hills.  They 
had,  in  fact,  taken  their  position,  in  great  part,  in  the  forest  on 
the  right  and  left,  and  had  posted  their  artillery  and  masked 
their  guns  behind  the  groves  which  were  scattered  over  the  in- 
tervening country. 

The  second  Ohio  and  the  second  New  York  regiments  were 
then  ordered  by  General  Tyler  to  advance  and  attack  the 
enemy  in  their  concealed  position.  They  obeyed,  and  soon 
demonstrated  the  fact  that  they  had  posted  themselves  in  such 
a manner  as  to  entice  our  men  forward,  that  they  might  be 
more  completely  within  the  range  of  their  batteries.  So  heavy 
an  attack  Avas  now  opened  upon  them  from  cannon  which  were 
almost  invisible,  and  which  seemed  to  pour  forth  a deadly 
deluge  from  fiery  mouths  opening  upon  the  very  surface  of  the 
earth,  that  General  Schenck  at  length  gave  the  order  to  retire 
from  the  unequal  contest.  But,  at  the  same  moment,  Carlisle’s 
battery  was  ordered  forward  to  respond  to  the  masked  artillery. 
His  great  guns  replied  with  terrible  effect.  In  half  an  hour 
the  concealed  cannon  of  the  enemy  at  this  point  were  complete- 
ly silenced. 

While  these  events  were  progressing  in  the  front  of  the 
enemy’s  main  position,  the  divisions  of  Hunter  and  of  Heintzel 
man  were  operating  on  the  extreme  right,  so  as  to  reach  the 
flank  and  rear  of  Beauregard’s  army.  The  circuit  which  they 
made  was  an  extensive  one  of  some  miles;  the  march  was 
difficult,  and  it  was  half-past  ten  before  they  reached  the  pres- 
ence of  the  enemy.  The  latter  were  posted  in  a strong  posi- 
tion, beyond  Ludley  Springs.  General  Hunter  at  once  attacked 
them  wdth  the  fourteenth  New  York,  the  Khode  Island  regi- 
ment, commanded  by  Burnside,  the  second  New  Hampshire 
and  the  New  York  seventy-first.  As  these  troops  advanced,  the 
Confederates  poured  upon  them  a destructive  deluge  of  shot 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


249 


and  shell,  but  they  continued  to  advance  with  firmness  and  un- 
flinching heroism.  This  was  the  northern  extremity  of  the 
battle-ground,  and  some  of  the  fiercest  fighting  of  that  bloody 
day  took  place  in  this  part  of  the  engagement.  The  gallant 
sixty-ninth  rushed  forward  to  the  encounter  with ' yells  of 
mingled  fury  and  exultation.  They  formed  the  van  of  a col- 
umn which  General  Tyler  had  sent  forward  to  co-operate  with 
Hunter’s  division  in  surrounding  the  foe,  and  they  fell  upon 
the  enemy  with  that  combination  of  gallantry  and  ferocity 
which  have  characterized  the  patriot  soldier  in  every  country 
on  the  globe. 

These  operations  were  but  preliminary  to  the  grand  and 
chief  contest  of  the  day.  The  cannonading  between  the  two 
armies  now  became  general.  All  the  guns  of  the  Confederates 
were  by  this  time  brought  into  play,  and  nearly  all  the  Union 
forces  except  the  reserves  had  come  into  action.  The  battle 
field,  the  range  of  the  artillery,  and  the  various  operations  of 
the  assailants  and  defendants,  extended  over  an  area  of  about 
five  miles.  The  discharges  of  artillery  were  very  continuous, 
the  reverberation  was  deafening,  the  intensity  and  effect  of  the 
battle  were  terrific.  The  sullen  roar  of  the  guns  was  heard 
at  Centerville,  at  Fairfax,  at  Alexandria;  it  was  even  percepti- 
ble at  Washington.  The  widely  spread  and  still  extending 
scene  of  conflict  over  the  hills,  the  valleys  and  the  ravines  of 
Manassas  and  Bull  Bun,  was  now  enveloped  in  countless 
up-rolling  volumes  of  smoke ; and  only  at  intervals,  by  the 
friendly  aid  of  fitful  gusts  of  the  wind,  could  a glimpse  be 
obtained  of  the  exact  position  and  operations  of  the  opposing 
armies.  Thus  far,  however,  it  was  evident  that  all  had  gone 
well  with  the  Union  army.  Hunter  had  succeeded  in  turning 
the  flank  of  the  enemy,  and  masses  of  fugitive  Mississippians, 
retreating  before  his  advancing  columns,  gave  evidence  that 
the  tide  of  victory  was  his.  But  as  the  Union  troops  pressed 
forward  in  pursuit,  new  batteries,  till  then  concealed  in  the 
rear,  opened  their  deadly  mouths  upon  them,  hurling  death 
into  their  serried  ranks.  The  Confederates  fought  here  indeed 
with  the  utmost  desperation.  At  times  a furious  charge  from 


250  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IX  AMERICA. 


their  retiring  columns  would  recover  for  a moment  the  lost 
advantage ; but  it  would  be  only  to  suffer  in  return  a new 
reverse,  and  to  commence  a new  retreat.  Then  again  fresh 
batteries,  skillfully  masked,  would  open  upon  the  advancing 
Federals,  inflicting  upon  them  additional  penalties  for  their 
success.  But  the  general  sweep  of  the  contest  up  to  this 
moment  was  favorably  to  the  Union  army.  Hunter  and 
Heintzelman  were  successively  progressing  toward  a junction 
with  Tyler,  and  the  arc  of  a grand  and  overwhelming  circle  of 
destruction  and  defeat  was  being  skillfully  drawn  around  the 
Confederate  army,  and  now  cheer  after  cheer  rose  upon  the  air, 
which  were  wafted  by  the  breeze  over  the  field  from  one  por- 
tion of  the  exultant  and  victorious  troops  to  another. 

At  half  past  twelve,  it  may  with  truth  be  asserted  that,  in 
all  essential  respects  a decisive  advantage  had  been  gained  by 
the  Union  Army,  Hunter  and  Heintzelman,  had  penetrated  far 
into  the  position  of  the  enemy.  On  the  heights  on  the  enemy’s 
left,  regiment  after  regiment  of  the  foe  had  been  driven  in  by 
the  heroic  charges  of  our  troops.  Fresh  regiments  could  be 
discovered  by  the  distant  observer,  hastening  up  to  the  support 
of -those  which  were  wavering”,  and  then  after  a desperate  com- 
bat, the  whole  defeated  mass  could  be  seen  to  recoil  and  plunge 
into  a general  retreat.  The  Union  troops  made  such  impetuous 
assaults,  that  the  personal  presence  and  frantic  efforts  of 
Beauregard  himself  could  not  resist  them.  Whole  regiments 
of  Confederates  were  here  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  torn  and  scat- 
tered fragments,  were  hurled  back  in  dreadful  panic  and  dis- 
order. But  still  such  was  the  marvelous  ability  with  which 
Beauregard  had  fortified  his  position  that  fresh  triumphs  and 
fresh  pursuits  on  the  part  of  the  Union  troops  only  conducted 
them  into  the  jaws  of  additional  batteries,  which  had  been 
posted  and  concealed  in  endless  succession  up  to  the  very  centre 
of  his  position  at  Bull  Bun;  so  that  it  seemed  as  if  Satanic  skill 
and  malignity  had  contrived  an  inevitable  ruin  for  the  Union- 
ists. Nothwithstanding  all  this  the  deadly  toils  were  gradually 
drawing  closer  around  the  enemy.  His  desperate  efforts  were 
becoming  weaker  and  weaker.  He  had  abandoned  all  his 


THE  CIVIL  WAE. 


251 


breastworks  in  this  portion  of  the  field  except  one,  and  even 
this  was  stormed  later  in  the  day  by  several  regiments  which 
were  the  last  to  abandon  the  contest  and  join  the  subsequent 
retreat  of  the  Union  army. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  opposing  armies,  on  the 
sanguinary  battlefield  of  Bull  Bun  up  to  one  o’clock  on  that 
dreadful  day.  At  this  hour  the  fire  of  the  enemy  had  become 
languid.  All  over  the  blood  stained  hills  and  plains  their 
remaining  guns  responded  slowly  and  feebly.  At  two  o’clock 
the  foe  seemed  extremely  disheartened  and  confused.  Three 
times  had  they  been  dislodged  from  a locality  known  as  “ a 
hill  with  a house  on  it  ” which  was  one  of  the  strongest  posi- 
tions on  the  field.  At  that  point  the  enemy  was  commanded 
by  General  Beauregard  in  person;  and  his  troops  had  been 
driven  a mile  and  a half  from  the  fiercely  contested  point,  not- 
withstanding the  utmost  efforts  of  that  brave  commander. 
This  discomfiture,  which  had  been  accomplished  by  the  regi- 
ments under  Heintzelman,  added  still  more  to  the  desperate 
nature  of  the  situation  of  the  Confederates.  And  yet,  after  all 
this  heroism  and  this  success,  when  victory  seemed  inevitable, 
to  the  Union  arms,  when  the  exhausted  host  of  the  Confeder- 
ate chiefs  appeared  to  be  practically  defeated,  the  final  issue 
was  completely  reversed  and  one  of  the  most  disgraceful  retreats 
which  is  inscribed  on  the  historic  page,  ensued.  How  was  this 
unexpected  and  remarkable  catastrophe  produced? 

It  was  about  three  o’clock  when  large  bodies  of  troops  were 
observed  by  the  Union  commanders,  darkening  the  hill  tops  in 
the  furthest  distance  opposite  the  centre  of  the  battle  field. 
Soon  they  were  seen  hastening  to  join  in  the  conflict;  and  their 
Southern  flags  waving  in  the  breeze,  and  the  freshness  and 
vigor  of  their  movements,  clearly  proved  that  they  were  rein- 
forcements, which  had  endured  nothing  of  the  heat,  the  ex- 
haustion or  the  agony  of  the  long  struggle.  They  were  in  fact 
four  regiments  of  General  Johnston’s  division,  as  stated  by  the 
“ Bichmond  Dispatch”,  under  command  of  General  Kirby 
Smith,  who  having  made  good  their  escape  from  Winchester, 
had  arrived  by  railroad  at  Manassas  Junction,  and  were  now 


252  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


hastening  to  the  field  of  battle  to  rescue  the  Confederate  army 
from  destruction.  This  terrible  apparition,  at  such  a time  and 
in  such  a juncture,  might  well  have  appalled  the  stoutest  heart ; 
yet,  at  the  moment  of  its  occurrence,  no  thought  of  flight  existed, 
and  additional  troops  were  ordered  forward  to  confront  the 
advancing  enemies.  Among  these  were  three  Connecticut 
regiments,  the  fourth  of  Maine  and  the  first  Tyler  Brigade. 

Notwithstanding  the  prodigious  exertions  which  the  Union 
army  had  already  made  during  the  protracted  contest,  they 
approached  their  new  foes  with  the  utmost  heroism.  A terri- 
ble onslaught  ensued  between  them.  One  battery  was  taken 
eight  times,  and  eight  times  lost.  Meanwhile  fresh  accessions 
to  the  Confederate  forces  were  arriving’  on  successive  trains. 

<D 

They  deployed  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  were  gradually  and 
stealthily  winding  themselves  around  the  left  of  the  Union 
army,  with  the  evident  purpose  of  surrounding  them  and  cut- 
ting off  their  retreat.  Nevertheless,  an  hour  of  the  most  des- 
perate fighting  ensued,  during  Avhich  prodigies  of  valor  were 
performed  by  the  Union  troops.  Still,  however,  the  deluge  of 
fresh  reinforcements  to  the  enemy  continued  to  pour  down 
upon  the  field.  The  left  of  the  Union  army  was  becoming 
slowly  surrounded  and  their  rear  attained.  The  fresh  troops 
of  the  Confederates  rushed  upon  their  opponents,  in  successive 
tides,  with  sanguinary  fury.  One  regiment  of  Mississippians, 
armed  with  immense  bowie  knives,  fell  upon  the  Union  troops 
with  the  yells  of  maniacs  and  the  ferocity  of  tigers.  Then  it 
was  that,  for  the  first  time  during  the  long  and  desperate  con- 
flict, the  Union  soldiers  began  to  exhibit  confusion  and  dismay, 
and  the  first  indication  of  a panic  commenced  to  appear.  A 
vast  body  of  Confederate  black  horse  cavalry  now  came  pour- 
ing out  of  the  woods  upon  our  left,  attacked  the  troops  which 
happened  to  be  near  them,  and  assailed  a multitude  of  team- 
sters, who,  without  any  orders  to  that  effect,  had  moved  their 
wagons  forward  with  the  general  advance.  The  dreadful  panic 
which  had  now  arisen  spread  rapidly  from  regiment  to  regi- 
ment.- Masses  of  men,  in  the  utmost  disorder,  rushed  down 
from  the  distant  hills  in  full  retreat.  The  flight  became  gen- 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


253 


eral,  and  then  ensued  that  marvelous  and  disgraceful  stampede 
from  Bull  Bun,  which  will  always  remain  one  of  the  chief 
wonders  and  scandals  of  American  history. 

No  reasonable  person  will  condemn  the  Union  Army  at  Bull 
Bun  for  not  maintaining  the  advantage  they  had  gained,  or 
even  for  retreating.  A complete  defeat,  under  such  circum- 
stances, was  excusable.  The  crime  which  cannot  be  palliated  or 
forgiven,  is  that  the  flight  should  have  been  continued  so  long 
and  sa  far ; that  such  extreme  disorder  and  frantic  fear,  such 
groundless  despair  and  such  excesses  of  weakness,  so  total  an 
oblivion  of  all  shame,  and  such  a disregard  of  the  dignity  of 
manhood,  should  have  characterized  the  conduct  of  soldiers  who 
had  exhibited  such  admirable  heroism  and  endurance  so  shortly 
before. 

Begiment  after  regiment  now  came  rushing  along  the  road 
and  over  the  fields  towards  Centerville.  But  soon  all  distinct- 
ions of  regiments  and  companies,  of  infantry,  cavalry  and  artil- 
lery were  lost.  The  confusion  of  Babel  was  synthetic  order  and 
perfect  symmetry  when  compared  with  the  chaotic  uproar  which 
now  prevailed.  Many  of  the  men  threw  away  their  guns  and 
knapsacks,  lest  they  might  be  impeded  in  their  escape.  The 
heavy  guns  were  abandoned,  the  traces  cut,  and  the  horses,  cov- 
ered with  fugitives  clinging  to  them  on  all  sides,  were  spurred 
forward  in  the  flight.  Soon  the  way  of  flight  became  choked 
with  private  conveyances,  with  terrified  civilians,  with  broken 
gun  carriages,  all  tumbling,  crashing  and  rolling  against  each 
other,  wounded  horses  plunged  to  and  fro  in  the  midst  of  the 
demented  mass  of  human  beings.  Many  were  crushed  to  death. 
Many  threw  themselves  on  the  earth,  being  either  wounded,  or 
exhausted  and  unable  to  continue  their  flight.  A few  officers 
indeed  endeavored  to  stem  the  tide  and  stop  the  panic,  but  their 
efforts  were  utterly  fruitless.  Thus  the  tumultuous  sweep  of 
fugitive  wretches  continued  to  roll  onward  without  the  least 
pause  or  abatement,  until  they  reached  Centerville.  There  the 
presence  of  General  Miles,  and  especially  Blenker’s  brigade, 
tended  to  diminish  the  disorder  to  some  extent.  But  this  effect 
was  only  partial.  The  great  mass  continued  to  hurry  forward 


254  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


to  Fairfax,  to  Alexandria,  and  even  to  Washington,  -where  they 
arrived  during  the  ensuing  night  and  day.  The  dead  and 
-wounded  of  the  Union  Army  were  left  on  the  battlefield.  Much 
greater  losses  of  artillery  and  ammunition  occurred  during  the 
flight  than  during  the  engagement.  No  officer  eminent  for 
ability  on  the  Union  side  had  fallen.  The  loss  of  the  Confed- 
erate Army  in  this  particular  was  much  greater  than  that  of 
their  opponents.  The  only  pursuit  attempted  by  the  victorious 
and  astonished  Confederates,  was  made  with  their  cavalry,  and 
the  assaults  of  these  were  effectually  terminated  at  Centerville 
by  the  vigorous  charges  and  deadly  aim  of  Blenker’s  rifle  bri- 
gade. That  officer  even  recovered  some  of  the  guns  which  had 
been  abandoned  during  the  flight. 

Thus  ended  the  battle,  the  defeat  and  the  rout  of  Bull  Bun. 
At  first  the  loss  on  the  Union  side  was  supposed  to  be  much 
greater  than  actually  proved  to  be  the  case,  as  was  subse- 
quently demonstrated  by  the  official  return  made  by  General 
McDowell  to  the  Government.  According  to  that  return,  the 
Union  army  lost  481  killed,  1,011  wounded,  1,216  missing. 
The  missing  including  the  prisoners  taken  by  the  enemy,  and 
those,  who  having  escaped  from  the  slaughter,  never  returned 
to  the  service.  The  number  of  artillery  lost,  was  seventeen 
rifled  cannon,  eight  small-bore  guns,  2,500  muskets,  and  thirty 
boxes  of  old  firearms.  But,  though  the  Confederates  had  ob- 
tained a victory,  there  never  was  an  instance  in  which  victors 
more  signally  failed  to  improve  their  advantages.  One  of  the 
highest  arts  of  a military  commander,  is  the  art  of  following 
up  effectually  the  opportunities  which  the  favor  of  fortune  may 
have  bestowed  upon  him ; and  more  ability,  is  shown  by  some  gen- 
erals, in  the  skill  with  which  they  turned  a triumph  to  good  ac- 
count, than  they  exhibited  in  gaining  it.  Many  other  generals 
have  shown  higher  genius  in  the  success  with  which  they  have 
averted  the  consequences  of  a defeat,  than  their  successful  op- 
ponents exhibited  in  gaining  the  victory.  In  the  present  case, 
it  proved  almost  a barren  triumph  on  the  one  side,  and  nearly 
a harmless  repulse  on  the  other.  The  Confederates  might,  in 
the  midst  of  that  overwhelming  and  dreadful  panic,  have 


THE  CIVIL  WAR . 


255 


marched  upon  Washington,  entered  it,  dispersed  or  captured 
the  Federal  Government,  and  thus  have  struck  a blow  as  deadly 
and  decisive  as  that  which  Hannibal  might  have  inflicted,  if, 
immediately  after  the  terrible  slaughter  of  Oanme,  he  had 
thundered  with  his  legions  at  the  gates  of  Home,  and  had 
taken  possession  of  the  Eternal  City.  But,  like  Hannibal,  Beau- 
regard neglected  to  improve  the  propitious  moment,  and,  that 
moment  being  once  lost  in  the  vicissitudes  of  Nations,  it  never 
returns  again. 

Meanwhile,  on  the  20th  of  July,  the  new  Confederate 
Government  was  organized  at  Richmond,  Virginia.  Jefferson 
Davis,  the  President,  was  a man  of  wide  experience  in  the 
affairs  of  state,  and  considerable  reputation  as  a soldier.  He 
had  served  in  both  houses  of  the  National  Congress,  and  as  a 
member  of  Pierce’s  Cabinet.  His  decision  of  character  and 
advocacy  of  State  rights,  had  made  him  a national  leader  of 
the  South. 

In  Missouri,  the  next  military  movements  took  place.  The 
Convention,  previously  called  by  Governor  Jackson,  in  the 
month  of  March,  had  refused  to  pass  an  Ordinance  of  Secession, 
but  those  in  favor  of  disunion  were  numerous  and  powerful, 
and  the  State  became  a battle  field  Both  Confederate  and 
Union  camps  were  organized.  The  Confederates  captured  the 
United  States  arsenal  at  Liberty,  and  thereby  obtained  a supply 
of  arms  and  ammunition.  By  the  formation  of  Camp  Jackson, 
near  Saint  Louis,  the  arsenal  in  that  city  was  endangered,  but 
by  the  vigilance  of  the  brave  Captain  Lyon,  the  arms  and 
stores  were  sent  to  Springfield. 

In  order  to  secure  control  of  the  lead  mines  in  the  South- 
west part  of  the  State,  the  Confederates  now  hurried  up  troops 
from  Arkansas  and  Texas.  On  the  17th  of  June,  Lyon  de- 
feated Governor  Jackson  at  Boone ville,  and  on  the  5th  of  July, 
the  Unionists,  led  by  Colonel  Franz  Sigel,  were  again  success- 
ful in  a fight  at  Carthage.  On  the  10th  of  August,  a bloody 
battle  was  fought  at  Wilson’s  Creek,  near  Springfield.  Gen- 
eral Lyon  made  a daring  attack  on  the  Confederates  under 
Generals  McCulloh  and  Price.  The  Union  army  at  first 


256  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

gained  the  field,  but  General  Lyon,  their  brave  and  noble  com- 
mander, was  killed  and  his  men  retreated. 

General  Price  now  pressed  northward  to  Lexington,  which 
was  defended  by  2,  GOO  Union  troops  under  command  of 
Colonel  Mulligan.  A stubborn  defense  was  made  but  Mul- 
ligan was  obliged  to  capitulate.  Lexington  was  retaken  by 
the  Union  army  on  October  16th,  and  General  John  C. 
Fremont  followed  the  retreating  Confederates  as  far  as 
Springfield,  when  he  was  superseded  by  General  Hunter. 
The  latter  retreated  to  St.  Louis,  and  Price  fell  back  towards 
Arkansas. 

Notwithstanding  that  Kentucky  had  assumed  a neutral 
position,  the  Confederates  under  General  Polk  entered  the 
State  and  captured  the  town  of  Columbus.  The  Confederates 
also  gathered  in  force  at  Belmont  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
Mississippi.  Colonel  U.  S.  Grant  with  10,000  Illinois  troops 
was  now  sent  into  Missouri.  On  the  7th  of  November,  he  made 
a successful  attack  on  the  enemy’s  camp  at  Belmont,  but  was 
afterward  obliged  to  retreat. 

After  the  Union  defeat  at  Bull  Bun  troops  were  rapidly 
hurried  to  Washington.  General  Scott,  who  was  now  too  aged 
for  active  duty,  retired  from  the  service,  and  was  succeeded  by 
General  George  B.  McClellan,  who  took  command  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  By  October  his  forces  had  increased  to 
150,000  men.  On  the  21st  of  that  month,  2,000  troops  were 
thrown  across  the  Potomac  at  Ball’s  Bluff.  Without  proper 
support  the  Federals  were  attacked  by  a force  of  Confederates 
under  General  Evans,  driven  to  the  river,  their  leader,  Colonel 
Baker,  killed,  and  the  force  routed  with  a loss  of  800  men. 
In  the  summer  of  1861,  a naval  expedition,  commanded  by 
Commodore  Stringham  and  General  Butler,  proceeded  to  the 
North  Carolina  coast,  and,  on  the  29th  of  August,  captured  the 
forts  at  Hatteras  inlet.  On  the  7th  of  November  an  armament 
under  Commodore  Dupont  and  General  Thomas  W.  Sherman, 
reached  Port  Boy al,  and  captured  Forts  Walker  and  Beaure- 
gard. The  blockade  became  so  vigorous  that  communication 
between  the  seceded  States  and  foreign  nations  was  cut  off. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


257 


In  this  juncture  of  affairs  a serious  international  difficulty 
arose  with  the  government  of  Great  Britain. 

The  Confederate  government  had  appointed  James  M. 
Mason  and  John  Slidell  as  ambassadors  to  France  and  England. 
The  envoys  escaping  from  Charleston,  reached  Havana  in 
safety.  At  that  port  they  took  passage  on  the  British  steamer 
Trent  for  Europe.  On  the  8th  of  November,  the  vessel  was 
overtaken  by  the  United  States  frigate  San  Jacinto,  commanded 
by  Captain  "Wilkes.  The  Trent  was  hailed  and  boarded,  the  two 
ambassadors  were  seized,  transferred  to  the  San  J acinto  and  con- 
veyed to  Boston.  When  the  Trent  reached  England  and  that 
government  became  informed  of  the  stopping  of  her  vessel  on 
the  high  seas,  the  whole  kingdom  burst  out  in  a blaze  of  wrath. 

At  first  the  United  States  government  was  disposed  to 
defend  Captain  Wilkes’  action.  Had  such  a course  been  taken 
war  between  Great  Britain  and  the  American  government  would 
have  been  inevitable.  The  country  was  saved  from  the  peril 
by  the  diplomacy  of  William  H.  Seward,  the  Secretary  of  State. 
When  the  English  government  demanded  reparation  for  the 
insult  and  the  liberation  of  the  prisoners,  Mr.  Seward,  replied 
in  a mild,  cautious,  and  very  able  paper.  It  was  conceded  by 
the  government  at  Washington  that  the  seizure  of  Mason  and 
Slidell  was  not  justifiable  according  to  the  law  of  nations.  An 
apology  was  made  for  the  wrong  done,  the  Confederate  ambas- 
sadors' were  liberated,  put  on  board  a vessel,  and  sent  to  their 
destination.  So  ended  the  first  year  of  the  Ciri.1  War. 

The  Union  forces  had  now  increased  to  about  450,000  men. 
Of  these  nearly  200,000,  under  General  McClellan,  were  en- 
camped near  Washington.  Another  Army,  commanded  by 
General  Don  C.  Buell,  was  stationed  at  Louisville,  Kentucky. 
On  the  9th  of  January,  Colonel  Humphrey  Marshall,  command- 
ing a force  of  Confederates  on  Big  Sandy  Paver,  was  defeated 
by  a body  of  Unionists,  led  by  Colonel  James  A.  Garfield. 
Ten  days  later  the  important  battle  of  Mill  Spring,  Kentucky, 
was  fought.  The  Confederates  under  Generals  Crittenden  and 
Zollicoffer,  were  severely  defeated  by  the  forces  of  General 
George  H.  Thomas.  Zollicoffer  was  killed  in  the  battle. 


258  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


At  the  beginning  o£  the  year  the  capture  of  Forts  Henry 
ancl  Donelson,  on  the  Tennessee  and  the  Cumberland  rivers, 
was  planned  by  General  Halleck.  Commodore  Foote  was  sent 
up  the  Tennessee  with  a fleet  of  gunboats  and  General  Grant 
was  ordered  to  move  forward  against  Fort  Henry.  Before  the 
land  forces  reached  that  place,  the  flotilla  compelled  the  evacu- 
ation of  the  fort,  the  Confederates  escaping  to  Donelson.  The 
Federal  gunboats  now  dropped  down  the  Tennessee  and  then 
ascended  the  Cumberland.  Grant  pressed  on  from  Fort  Henry 
and  began  the  seige  of  Fort  Donelson.  The  place  was 
defended  by  ten  thousand  Confederates  under  General  Buck- 
ner. Grant’s  forces  numbered  nearly  thirty  thousand.  On 
the  16th  of  February,  Buckner  was  obliged  to  surrender.  His 
army  became  prisoners  of  war,  and  all  the  magazines,  stores 
and  guns  of  the  fort  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Federals. 

General  Grant  now  proceeded  to  Pittsburg  Landing,  on  the 
Tennessee,  where  a camp  was  established  at  Shiloh  church, 
near  the  river,  and  here  on  the  fair  Sunday  morning  of  April  the 
6th,  1862,  occurred  one  of  the  most  dreadful  and  bloody  battles 
of  modern  times. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


259 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  SHILOH. 

“ Oh,  bravely  came  we  off, 

When  with  a volley  of  our  final  shot, 

After  such  bloody  toil  we  bid  good  night.” 

Fhe  severe  losses  which  the  Confederates  had  incurred  in 
**■  the  Southwest,  seemed  only  to  have  rendered  them  more 
determined;  and  their  ablest  Generals  gradually  concentrated 
their  most  efficient  troops  near  Corinth.  At  that  place,  Gen- 
eral Beauregard,  the  hero  of  Bull  Him,  commanded,  assisted 
by  Albert  Sidney  Johnson,  Breckinridge  and  other  Confed- 
erate officers  of  high  rank.  Their  purpose  was  to  intercept  the 
victorious  march  of  the  Union  troops  who  had  won  the  battles 
at  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  and  to  prevent  their  intended 
advance  towards  Memphis.  For  some  days  General  Grant 
had  been  transferring  his  forces  to  Savannah,  Tennessee,  and 
thence  across  the  river  to  Pittsburg  Landing.  It  was  on  the 
4th  of  April  that  about  thirty-five  thousand  of  these  had  passed 
over,  and  had  taken  their  position  at  the  distance  of  several 
miles  from  the  shore.  They  were  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
remainder  of  the  army,  under  General  Buell,  containing  about 
an  equal  number  of  men,  who  should  have  already  been  on  the 
spot,  in  accordance  with  the  plans  of  General  Grant.  While 
this  unfortunate  delay  existed,  and  the  separation  of  the  Union 
army  into  two  divisions,  which  necessarily  resulted  from  it, 
continued,  the  Confederate  Generals  conceived  the  idea  of 
making  a sudden  attack.  Their  time  was  admirably  chosen. 
They  executed  their  purpose  with  superior  skill  and  fortitude ; 
and  the  great  but  indecisive  battle  of  Shiloh  was  the  result. 

The  Union  forces  which  had  crossed  the  river,  were  posted 
westward  from  Pittsburg  Landing  in  a curved  line  along  the 
banks,  and  extended  a distance  of  three  and  a half  miles, 
the  centre  facing  the  road  to  Corinth.  They  were  commanded 


' 260  HISTOR  Y OF  THE  COL  OR  ED  RA  CE  IN  AMERICA. 


by  Generals  Prentiss,  Sherman,  Hurlbut  and  McClernand.  As 
Corinth  was  a position  admirably  adapted  for  defense,  it  was 
not  suspected  that  the  enemy  would  abandon  the  advantages  it 
afforded  and  venture  on  an  attack.  Hence  it  must  be  admitted 
that  their  attack  was  in  a great  measure  unexpected.  They 
marched  out  of  Corinth  on  Saturday,  April  5,  seventy  thousand 
in  number,  in  three  grand  divisions.  Sidney  Johnson  was  in 
command  of  the  centre,  Generals  Brag’s:  and  Beauregard  the  two 
wings,  whilst  Hardee,  Polk,  Breckinridge  and  Cheatham  held 
inferior  positions.  Their  plan  of  attack  was,  to  assault  the 
centre  of  the  Union  Army,  consisting  of  the  divisions  of  Pren- 
tiss and  McClernand,  penetrate  them  and  then  assail  each  of  the 
wings  on  the  front  and  flank.  Having  thus  divided  and  over- 
powered the  Union  Army,  their  purpose  was  to  compel  them 
to  surrender,  or  drive  them  into  the  Tennessee  river,  and  thus 
complete  either  the  capture  or  the  ruin  of  the  whole. 

During  the  night  of  Saturday  their  numerous  forces  lay  at 
no  very  great  distance  from  the  Union  encampments.  Their 
proximity  was  not  fully  suspected.  The  division  of  General 
Prentiss  at  this  time  was  in  the  extreme  front  of  the  other  divis- 
ions of  the  Union  Army.  Upon  his  command,  therefore,  fell 
the  full  force  of  this  most  terrible  battle,  all  of  that  memorable 
Sunday  of  April  the  6th,  1862.  The  circumstances  which  led 
to  the  beginning  of  the  battle  of  Shiloh  are  peculiar.  For  a 
night  or  two  prior  to  the  great  fight,  mules  had  been  stealthily 
taken  from  some  of  the  companies  of  the  division  of  the  Army 
under  General  Prentiss.  These  were  supposed  to  have  been 
taken  by  some  of  the  bands  of  guerrillas,  hovering  at  that  time 
in  front  of  the  Union  Army.  Some  of  the  men  in  his  division 
desired  to  put  a stop  to  these  night  depredations,  pursue  the 
raiders,  and  retake  the  animals.  Accordingly,  about  daylight 
of  April  6,  1862,  a company  of  soldiers  advanced  forward  into 
the  timber  fronting  the  Union  Army,  but  after  marching  a few 
miles  were  checked  by  a sharp  fire  from  a strong  force  of  the 
enemy  posted  in  front.  The  firing  being  heard  distinctly  at 
camp,  several  more  companies  were  sent  forward  to  their 
assistance,  but  before  the  troops  reached  the  scene  of  the  cou- 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


2€H 


fusion,  they  were  joined  by  the  first  company,  and  all  under  a 
sharp  fire  from  an  advancing  enemy,  fell  back  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  main  division.  It  was  now  evident  that  the  little 
incident  relative  to  the  theft  of  the  mules  had  precipitated  the 
battle,  and  General  Prentiss  immediately  prepared  himself  to 
resist  the  advance  of  the  Confederate  Army,  which  at  this  time 
was  becoming  general  along  the  whole  line.  The  gray  mists 
of  morning  were  then  about  ascending,  and  throwing  a 
partial,  hazy  light  over  the  scene,  so  soon  to  become  the  arena 
of  one  of  the  bloodiest  struggles  of  modern  times.  Many  of 
the  officers  had  not  yet  risen.  Many  of  the  men  were  not  yet 
armed,  when  the  whole  Union  camp  became  aware  that  a vigor- 
ous attack  had  commenced  upon  some  portion  of  their  front. 
The  twenty-fifth  Missouri  regiment,  belonging  to  the  division 
of  General  Prentiss,  was  the  first  to  feel  the  assault  of  the 
approaching  enemy,  who  were  firing  volleys  of  musketry  as 
they  advanced.  Their  cannon  already  in  position  and  unlim- 
bered were  tossing  shells  into  the  heart  of  the  Union  encamp- 
ment. During  this  process  the  Union  Army  was  gradually 
arming  and  falling  into  line,  but  this  was  not  accomplished 
until  an  advantage  had  been  gained  by  the  enemy. 

The  whole  of  General  Sherman’s  division  was  the  nest  to 
confront  the  Confederates  in  line  of  battle.  It  was  now  sis 
o’clock.  Sherman’s  troops  withstood  the  shock  for  some  time 
with  heroism,  but  as  Prentiss  was  being  forced  back,  although 
fighting  most  desperately  against  superior  numbers,  Sherman 
also  being  overpowered  by  vast  masses  of  Confederates,  was 
compelled  to  give  way.  As  they  retreated  the  balls  of  the 
enemy  ploughed  through  their  living  masses  with  fearful 
slaughter.  The  divisions  of  Generals  Sherman  and  Buckland 
abandoned  their  camp  equipage,  and  some  of  them  retreated  in 
disgraceful  disorder.  Several  of  the  Ohio  regiments,  especially 
the  fifty-third,  commanded  by  Colonel  Appier,  fled  without 
firing  a single  gun,  and  covered  themselves  with  ignominy.  In 
vain  did  General  McClernand  order  forward  a portion  of  his 
left,  to  support  the  scattering  and  fugitive  troops  of  Buckland. 
In  vain  did  General  Sherman  exert  himself  to  stop  the  flight  of 


262  1IIS TORT  OF  TUB  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


liis  own  men,  clashing  bravely  along  the  lines  amid  a hail  storm 
of  bullets.  The  advancing  billows  of  the  Confederate  host 
overwhelmed  everything  before  them ; and  while  portions  of  the 
Union  regiments  occasionally  paused  a short  period  to  stop  the 
tide  of  the  fugitives  and  pursuers,  the  great  mass  were  driven 
in  a tumultuous  chaos  towards  the  river. 

By  this  time  General  Grant  arrived  on  the  field  from  Savan- 
nah, and  immediately  placed  guards  in  the  rear  to  stop  the 
retreating  soldiers.  The  temporary  flight  was  thus  terminated, 
the  officers  became  reassured,  and  succeeded  in  bringing  in 
their  troops,  many  of  whom  had  begun  to  waver,  in  order  of 
battle.  Then  ensued  a more  regular,  universal  and  desperate 
combat.  Prentiss  was  now  forced  back  from  the  centre 
towards  a deep  ravine  through  which  passed  an  old  road,  with 
heavy  timber  on  each  side.  At  this  juncture,  General  Grant 
rode  up  to  General  Prentiss  and  asked  him  if  he  could  hold  his 
position  till  evening.  The  brave  General  told  him  he  would 
hold  his  post  at  all  hazards.  Grant,  seeing  the  serious  nature 
of  the  terrible  conflict,  rode  back  towards  the  river  and  at  once 
commenced  to  strengthen  a new  position  not  far  from  its  banks. 
The  battle  raged  along  the  whole  line,  for  the  enemy  had  now 
all  reached  the  scene  of  conflict,  and  every  portion  of  both 
armies  was  brought  into  action.  The  roar  of  cannon,  crash  of 
musketry,  and  screaming  of  shells  was  deafening.  The  earth 
trembled  as  if  in  the  throes  of  an  earthquake,  under  their 
shock.  The  fiercest  struggle  was  in  the  centre,  extending 
from  the  line  of  Prentiss,  to  the  troops  who  had  taken  General 
Sherman’s  position.  A furious  charge  was  made  upon  the 
fourteenth  Ohio  battery,  and,  after  a long  contest,  it  was 
captured  by  the  enemy.  A similar  onslaught  was  made  upon 
the  fifth  Ohio  battery,  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  three  of 
its  guns.  The  left  wing  of  the  Union  forces  also  encountered 
and  resisted  a ferocious  assault.  The  Confederates,  by  a sud- 
den dash,  captured  a part  of  the  battery  of  Waterhouse,  to- 
gether with  that  of  Beer.  For  nearly  two  hours,  a lurid  sheet 
of  fire  blazed  between  the  two  columns,  hurling  destruction 
into  each  other’s  ranks.  Three  different  times  the  Union 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


263 


troops,  weakened  by  the  deadly  fire  of  the  Mississippi  riflemen, 
were  compelled,  slowly,  to  retire  toward  the  river,  and  three 
times  they  regained  the  lost  advantage.  Dresser’s  battery  of 
rifled  guns,  on  two  occasions,  made  the  enemy  recoil  with 
fearful  loss. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  upon  the  sanguinary  field 
of  Shiloh  up  till  three  o’clock,  at  which  time  the  combat  raged 
with  appalling  fury.  The  brave  Prentiss,  faithful  to  his 
promise  to  General  Grant,  was  now  driven  across  the  deep 
ravine,  and  had  taken  position  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
country  road  intersecting  the  same.  It  formed,  at  this  hour, 
the  dividing  line  between  the  Union  and  Confederate  forces. 
The  very  air  seemed  filled  with  sheets  of  flame  from  the  flashes 
of  fire  from  the  guns  of  the  opposing  forces,  and  for  a mile  up 
and  down  the  ravine,  shifting  smoke  and  sulphurous  hail 
seemed  to  fill  all  space.  This  part  of  the  field  will  always  be 
known  by  those  who  were  on  that  portion  of  the  field,  as  the 
“Hornet’s  Nest,”  so  deadly,  desperate  and  terrible  was  the 
struggle  at  this  point.  The  wide-spread  scene  of  conflict  was 
covered  with  a far  ascending  curtain  of  smoke,  within  which 
the  rushing,  advancing,  receding  masses  of  men  might  be 
dimly  seen,  plunged  into  the  mortal  struggles  of  the  conflict. 
At  one  time  the  fire  of  the  enemy  appeared  to  be  concentrated 
toward  the  centre.  At  another,  it  would  expand  and  extend 
itself  up  and  down  the  line  to  right  and  to  left.  By  this  time 
the  ground  was  thickly  covered  with  the  dead,  dying  and 
wounded  of  both  armies.  Fierce  bayonet  charges  had  been 
made  during  the  day  by  both  sides.  Thus,  repeatedly,  was  the 
terrific  spectacle  exhibited  during  that  long  and  desperate  com- 
bat of  a thousand  men,  sometimes  five  thousand,  summoned  by 
the  sound  of  the  bugle,  forming  into  line,  rushing  forward 
with  fixed  bayonets,  as  if  impelled  by  a single  animating  spirit, 
rending  the  air  with  their  yells,  sheets  of  flame  darting  forth 
from  their  advancing  lines,  then  the  shock  of  the  collision,  the 
reverberation  of  the  blows,  the  clashing  of  steel,  and,  at  last, 
the  necessary  recoil,  as  the  one  party  or  the  other,  possessing 
greater  momentum  and  strength  than  their  adversaries,  re- 


264  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

mained  masters  of  the  position.  Then  were  heard  the  piercing 
shrieks  of  the  wounded,  the  melancholy  groans  of  the  dying, 
the  yociferons  shouts  of  the  victors.  All  this  had  frequently 
been  enacted  during  the  long  progress  of  that  day.  For  the 
most  part  the  superiority  of  numbers  which  the  Confederates 
possessed,  generally  gave  them  the  advantage.  As  the  sun 
was  descending  the  western  heavens,  the  Union  army  was 
gradually  retiring  towards  the  river,  unable  to  resist  with  suc- 
cess the  ponderous  masses  opposed  to  them.  At  about  three 
o’clock  P.  M.,  the  brave  and  heroic  Prentiss,  after  defending  the 
front  most  gallantly,  according  to  his  promise  to  General 
Grant,  was  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  and  then  near  the  terri- 
ble “Hornet’s  Nest,”  by  a historic  Black  Jack  tree,  the  white 
flag  was  unfurled  to  the  victorious  Confederates.  Thus  had 
the  enemy  gained  full  possession  of  the  camp  of  Sherman, 
McClernand  and  Prentiss.  The  whole  front  line,  except 
Stuart’s  brigade,  had  given  away.  To  the  last,  the  divisions  of 
Wallace  and  Hurlbut  made  a heroic  stand  and  maintained 
their  positions.  Hurlbut  had  been  encamped  at  the  end  of  the 
line  nearest  the  river.  His  troops  consisted  chiefly  of  Ken- 
tucky, Indiana  and  Iowa  regiments.  Having  open  fields  be- 
fore them,  they  raked  the  approaching  enemy  with  fearful 
effect.  Here,  in  a clump  of  trees  called  the  Peach  Orchard, 
Albert  Sidney  Johnson,  the  gallant  Confederate  commander, 
was  shot  in  the  thigh  and  quickly  bled  to  death.  They  held 
their  position  from  ten  in  the  forenoon,  until  half  past  three. 
No  officers  on  the  field  deserved  greater  praise  for  their  hero- 
ism and  gallantry,  than  Generals  Hurlbut  and  Prentiss.  Their 
example  and  exertions  served  greatly  to  avert  the  horrors  of  an 
universal  defeat,  which  impended  over  the  army  of  the  Union 
on  that  memorable  day.  Next  in  line  to  his  brigade,  was  that 
of  General  Wallace,  who  commanded  the  troops  which  had 
formerly  been  under  the  orders  of  General  C.  F.  Smith,  when 
sickness  prevented  him  from  being  present  in  this  engage- 
ment. General  Wallace  entered  into  the  conflict  about  ten 
o’clock.  He  and  his  men  fought  with  the  utmost  resolution 
till  half  past  three.  Four  separate  times  the  Confederate  gen- 


THE  CIVIL  WAR, 


265 


erals  attempted  to  turn  them,  by  the  most  furious  charges. 
Just  as  often  their  advancing  masses  were  compelled  to  recoil 
and  retreat  with  fearful  losses.  The  powerful  batteries  from 
Missouri,  commanded  by  Stone,  Weber  and  Eichardson,  were 
admirably  served,  and  greatly  contributed  to  the  partial  success 
of  the  day,  in  this  portion  of  the  field.  But  when  the  general 
retreat  began,  and  the  whole  line  commenced  to  retire,  they 
were  compelled  to  yield,  for  it  would  have  been  madness  to 
remain.  As  this  division  commenced  to  fall  back,  General 
Wallace  was  severely  wounded.  His  soldiers  were  the  last  to 
give  way,  at  that  desperate  moment  when  the  Union  line  was 
driven  back  within  half  a mile  of  Pittsburg  Landing,  with 
victorious  masses  of  the  Confederates  crowding  within  a 
thousand  yards  of  their  confused  and  retreating  ranks. 

And  now  the  last  terrible  tragedy  of  this  day  seemed  about 
to  be  consummated.  The  Confederates  at  length  occupied  all 
the  camps  of  the  Union  army.  The  latter  had  now  fallen  back 
under  cover  of  a new  line  of  fortifications,  skillfully  erected 
during  the  day  by  command  of  General  Grant.  They  were 
now  pressed  back  as  far  as  the  nature  of  the  ground  would 
permit.  The  Tennessee  river  was  but  a short  distance  away, 
and  in  case  of  a continuance  of  the  Confederate  advance,  and 
loss  of  the  newly  fortified  position,  there  would  be  no  other 
alternative  but  surrender  or  to  perish  beneath  the  tranquil  and 
glancing  waves  of  the  river,  for  sufficient  transports  had  not 
been  provided  to  convey  over  even  a small  proportion  of  the 
multitude  of  the  retreating  army.  Never  had  the  fate  of 
soldiers  seemed  more  desperate,  their  ruin  more  inevitable. 
During  the  day  General  Buell  had  been  repeatedly  telegraphed 
to  hasten  his  tardy  re-inforcements,  but  he  had  as  yet  been 
unable  to  reach  the  battle  field.  Certain  destruction  thus 
appeared  to  impend  over  the  Union  army,  when  a sudden  deliv- 
erance unexpectedly  arose.  The  gunboats,  Lexington  and 
Tyler,  having  opportunely  arrived  from  Savannah,  were  at  that 
moment  able  to  bring  their  guns  to  bear  upon  the  victorious 
masses  of  Confederates,  and  having  steamed  up  the  mouth  of 
Licking  creek,  they  opened  deadly  fire  upon  their  right  wing. 


266  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Broadside  after  broadside  of  sixty-four  pounders  was  dis- 
charged as  rapidly  as  the  most  skillful  gunnery  could  send 
their  shells  into  the  serried  ranks  of  the  enemy.  At  the  same 
time  the  long  wished  for  advance  guard  of  Buell’s  army 
appeared  on  the  high  bluffs  which  lined  the  opposite  sides  of 
the  river.  Their  presence  at  once  inspired  the  Union  troops, 
and  shout  after  shout  ascended  to  greet  them.  But  no  time 
was  to  be  lost,  and  quickly  several  transports  which  had  been 
tied  along  the  opposite  banks  were  loosened  and  filled  with 
artillery  and  troops.  But  before  they  could  arrive,  Colonel 
"Webster,  the  chief  of  General  Grant’s  staff,  had  collected  all  the 
guns  which  remained  untaken,  had  formed  them  into  a semi- 
circle bearing  upon  the  Confederate  advance,  and  had  opened 
a formidable  assault  upon  their  line.  These  combined  salutes, 
while  they  raised  the  courage  of  the  Union  forces,  disheartened 
the  foe.  The  death  of  their  great  Commander,  Albert  S.  John- 
son, had  now  become  known,  which  misfortune  added  to  their 
discouragement.  Their  commanders  at  length  discovered 
that  their-  successes  for  that  day  were  ended;  and  that  no  fur- 
ther advantage  could  be  gained.  They  therefore  ceased  to 
press  forward,  withdrew  as  far  as  the  Union  camps  which  they 
had  taken,  and  prepared  to  renew  the  battle  with  more  decisive 
results,  as  they  hoped,  on  the  ensuing  day. 

The  night  of  Sunday  was  industriously  employed  in  trans- 
porting the  troops  of  General  Buell  across  the  river.  As  soon 
as  the  successive  regiments  arrived  they  proceeded  to  take  their 
position  in  the  Union  lines.  The  gunboats  continued  their 
bombardment  during  the  whole  night.  They  soon  made  the 
position  occupied  by  the  centre  and  the  right  of  the  Confed- 
erates, at  the  close  of  Sunday,  untenable,  and  compelled  them 
to  fall  back  from  point  to  point,  so  that  they  evacuated  more 
than  half  of  the  ground  they  had  gained  by  the  retreat  of  the 
Union  army  toward  the  river.  This  circumstance  will  account 
for  the  fact  that  the  enemy  made  no  assault  during  the  night, 
as  had  been  confidently  expected,  and  it  also  prevented  them 
from  commencing  the  battle  at  daybreak  on  Monday. 

During  the  hours  of  that  memorable  night,  while  a furious 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


267 


tempest  raged,  and  the  rain  descended  in  torrents,  the  Union 
commanders  ■were  busy  in  making  preparations  for  resuming 
the  contest.  New  dispositions  had  been  made.  Ammon’s 
brigade  was  placed  on  the  extreme  left,  that  of  Bruce  in  the 
centre,  that  of  Hazen  on  the  right  of  Nelson’s  division.  At 
seven  o’clock  on  Monday  the  action  began,  by  a simultaneous 
advance  on  both  sides ; for  both  armies  seemed  equally  eager 
for  the  combat.  General  Lewis  "Wallace  opened  the  engage- 
ment by  shelling  the  enemy  opposed  to  him.  He  was  answered 
by  a powerful  Confederate  battery,  and  a duel  between  artillery 
ensued.  The  result  her©  was,  that  a body  of  Union  infantry 
having  been  sent  across  a ravine  to  attack  the  flank  of  this  por- 
tion of  the  enemy’s  line,  the  guns  of  the  latter  were  soon  lim- 
bered up  and  hastily  withdrawn.  General  Nelson  at  the  same 
time  attacked  the  enemy  opposed  to  him.  His  large  mass  of 
troops  renewed  the  contest  in  all  its  fury;  the  action  soon 
became  general  along  the  whole  line;  and  the  rattle  of  small 
arms,  and  the  louder,  heavier  tones  of  the  artillery  kept  up  the 
music  without  intermission  over  the  far  extended  scene  of  con- 
flict. The  enemy  attacked  the  Union  centre  and  right  with  the 
utmost  desperation.  At  half  past  ten  the  Union  Army  had 
regained  nearly  all  the  ground  from  which  they  had  been  driven 
the  preceding  day.  At  that  moment  the  enemy  concentrated 
their  efforts  to  make  a grand  assault.  Suddenly,  and  with  much 
concert,  their  generals  hurled  their  furious  squadrons  on  the 
advancing  Union  troops.  Stunned  by  the  shock  the  latter  reeled, 
and  for  a time  gave  way  on  the  entire  right.  The  ground  then 
was  fiercely  contested,  and  the  issiie  would  have  been  doubtful, 
perhaps  disastrous;  but  just  at  the  critical  moment  General 
Buell  arrived  on  that  part  of  the  field  and  assumed  command. 
He  soon  comprehended  the  relative  positions  of  the  combat- 
ants, and  ordered  a forward  double  quick  movement  by  bri- 
gades. The  Confederate  lines  were  then  driven  back  for  a 
quarter  of  a mile.  Soon  the  deserted  camps  of  the  Union  Army 
were  reached,  and  reoccupied  by  their  former  owners.  By  half 
past  two  the  entire  right  of  the  enemy  was  routed ; they  had  lost 
all  in  that  portion  of  the  field  which  they  had  gained ; the  cap- 


268  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


tured  guns  of  the  Union  Army  were  retaken ; and  some  addi- 
tional trophies  were  wrested  from  the  retreating  enemy.  In 
that  part  of  the  Union  lines,  where  the  brigades  of  Crittenden, 
McCook,  Smith,  Boyle  were  posted  a contest  of  equal  intensity 
took  place.  At  one  time  the  Union  troops  wrere  overpowered 
and  retreated.  The  day  was  recovered  by  a spirited  cannonade 
poured  into  the  Confederate  masses,  by  the  batteries  Menden- 
hall and  Bartlett.  After  a long  contest  here  they  also  began  to 
retire,  and  to  leave  the  field  in  the  hands  of  their  antagonists. 
On  the  extreme  right,  where  the  gallant  Hurlbut  and  McCler- 
nahd  commanded,  the  vicissitudes  of  the  day  were  equally 
varied,  to  be  terminated  at  last  by  a result  equally  honorable  to 
the  Union  arms.  Four  times  McClernand  lost  and  regained  the 
position  which  he  occupied  at  the  commencement  of  the  engage- 
ment. The  troops  in  the  centre  of  the  Union  Army,  commanded 
by  General  Sherman,  overpowered  by  a terrific  assault  of  artil- 
lery, in  which  Watson’s  Louisiana  battery  was  remarkable  for 
its  prodigious  effects,  were  compelled  at  one  time  to  give  way. 
But  after  a long  struggle  they  recovered  their  advantage,  aided 
by  the  efficient  batteries  of  Thurber  and  Thompson.  By  four 
o’clock,  an  hour  and  a half  later  than  the  victory  on  the  left, 
the  enemy  commenced  to  retire  here  also  before  Sherman’s 
advancing  lines.  Then  the  retreat  became  general,  and  the 
whole  Confederate  Army,  discouraged  and  essentially  weakened 
by  the  immense,  though  futile  struggles  of  the  day,  withdrew 
from  the  field  in  comparative  order  to  Corinth.  The  Union 
Army  then  reoccupied  their  original  camp,  and  took  possession 
of  almost  every  trophy  which,  on  the  preceding  day,  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  temporary  victors. 

But  in  justice  to  the  enemy,  weary  and  overweighted  as 
they  were,  it  must  be  said,  the  Confederates  fought  well,  how- 
ever, and  it  was  not  till  four  in  the  afternoon  that  they 
retreated,  fighting  still,  and  in  good  order,  toward  Corinth, 
whence  they  had  set  out.  When  the  Confederates  first  attacked 
Grant  was  at  Savannah,  seven  miles  down  the  river.  Hastening 
back  he  was  on  the  field  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  and 
did  whatever  could  be  done  to  withstand  the  tremendous  force 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


269 


of  the  Confederate  advance.  When  Buell  came  upon  the  field 
toward  night,  the  aspect  of  affairs  so  struck  him  that  his  first 
inquiry  of  Grant,  was,  what  preparations  he  had  made  for 
retreat.  “ I have  not  despaired  of  whipping  them  yet,”  was 
the  thoroughly  characteristic  reply.  One  account  adds,  that 
when  Buell  urged  that  a prudent  general  ought  to  provide  for 
possibilities  of  defeat,  and  repeated  his  inquiry,  Grant  pointed 
to  his  transports  and  said:  “Don’t  you  see  those  boats?” 
“Yes,”  said  Buell,  “ but  they  will  not  carry  more  than  ten 
thousand  and  we  have  more  than  thirty  thousand.”  “Well,” 
returned  Grant,  “ten  thousand  are  more  than  I mean  to  retreat 
with.”  An  officer  on  the  field  of  Shiloh  describes  how 
“ throughout  the  battle,  Grant  rode  to  and  fro  on  the  front, 
smoking  his  inevitable  cigar,  with  his  usual  stolidity  and  good 
fortune ; horses  and  men  were  killed  all  around  him,  but  he  did 
not  receive  a scratch.” 

During  the  progress  of  this  remarkable  battle  Generals 
Grant,  Buell,  Sherman,  Prentiss,  Nelson,  the  Wallaces,  Hurlbut, 
McClernand  and  McCook  greatly  distinguished  themselves. 
They  were  present  in  every  portion  of  the  field,  and  exhibited 
the  utmost  skill  and  coolness  in  every  emergency.  Very  many 
of  the  inferior  commanders  were  equally  valiant  and  equally 
worthy  of  commendation.  But  it  must  also  be  admitted,  that 
some  of  the  subaltern  officers  disgraced  themselves  during  the 
combat  by  their  cowardice.  General  Grant  was  compelled  to 
order  a number  of  these  under  arrest  on  the  battle  field.  The 
results  of  this  great  conflict  were  important,  for  if  the  Confed- 
erates had  succeeded  in  destroying  the  Union  army,  as  their 
leaders  anticipated,  it  would  have  cast  a shadow  of  gloom  over 
the  patriots  of  the  North.  The  chief  misfortune  of  the  enemy, 
was  the  death  of  General  A.  S.  Johnson.  The  loss  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing  was  more  than  ten  thousand  men  on 
each  side. 

The  chief  honor  in  this  battle  will  be  ascribed  by  posterity 
to  the  two  generals  who  were  highest  in  command,  Generals 
Grant  and  Buell. 

After  the  Confederates  evacuated  Columbus,  Kentucky, 


270  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 

they  fortified  Island  number  Ten,  in  the  Mississippi,  op- 
posite the  old  town  of  New  Madrid,  Missouri.  General  Pope 
advanced  against  this  place  with  a body  of  Western  troops, 
while  Commodore  Poote  descended  the  Mississippi  river  with 
his  gunboats.  Pope  captured  New  Madrid,  and  for  twenty- 
three  days  Island  number  Ten  was  besieged.  On  the  7th  of 
April,  the  Confederates  attempted  to  escape;  but  Pope  had  cut 
off  the  retreat,  and  the  enemy  numbering  five  thousand  was 
captured.  On  the  6th  of  June,  the  City  of  Memphis  was  taken 
by  the  fleet  of  Commodore  Davis. 

Early  in  the  year  General  Curtis  pushed  forward  into 
Arkansas  and  took  position  at  Pea  Ridge,  among  the  moun- 
tains. Here  he  was  attacked  on  the  6th  of  March  by  twenty 
thousand  Confederates  and  Indians,  under  Generals  McCulloh, 
McIntosh  and  Pike.  A hard  fought  battle  ensued,  lasting  for 
two  days.  The  Union  troops  won  the  fight,  and  two  Confederate 
generals,  McCulloh  and  McIntosh,  were  killed  and  their  men 
compelled  to  retreat  to  Texas. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  Navy  Yard  at  Norfolk,  the 
Confederates  had  raised  the  frigate  Merrimac,  one  of  the 
sunken  ships,  and  plated  the  sides  with  iron.  The  vessel  was 
sent  to  attack  the  Union  fleet  at  Portress  Monroe.  She  ap- 
proached to  where  two  valuable  vessels,  the  Cumberland  and 
Congress,  lay.  Soon  her  fatal  character  and  mission  became 
evident.  She  was  recognized  as  the  famous  iron  clad  steamer 
and  battering  ram  Merrimac. 

As  this  dangerous  monster  silently  approached  the  Cum- 
berland, that  vessel  discharged  a volley  of  her  heavy  guns  at 
the  stranger.  The  balls  indeed  reached  their  aim,  but  they 
did  not  produce  the  slightest  perceptible  effect.  They  glanced 
from  her  iron  sides  and  deck,  leaving  no  trace  of  their  contact. 
The  Congress  also  added  the  compliment  of  her  artillery  to 
that  of  the  Cumberland,  but  with  an  equally  harmless  result. 
The  Rebel  craft  seemed  to  defy  and  scorn  their  attacks ; for  she 
continued  steadily  to  approach,  her  ports  all  silent  and  shut, 
but  under  the  impetus  of  a powerful  head  of  steam.  At  length 
she  steered  with  direct  aim  and  increased  velocity  toward  the 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


271 


Cumberland.  She  struck  her  amidships  with  her  iron  beak, 
making  a fearful  gash  in  her  side.  She  then  fired  a volley 
into  the  wounded  vessel,  drew  off  a short  distance  and  repeated 
the  ferocious  assault.  It  was  enough  to  seal  her  fate;  the 
Cumberland  had  been  fatally  disabled,  and  was  instantly  in  a 
sinking  condition.  During  the  progress  of  this  attack,  two 
Rebel  steamers,  the  Yorktown  and  the  Jamestown,  had 
descended  the  James  river,  and  engaged  the  Union  vessels  on 
the  other  side. 

The  Merrimac,  having  thus  destroyed  the  Cumberland, 
turned  her  prow  and  addressed  herself  to  the  Congress.  This 
vessel  was  unable  to  make  any  effective  resistance,  her  crew 
having  been  discharged  the  day  before,  and  several  companies 
of  the  naval  brigade  being  only  temporarily  on  board.  When 
her  commander  saw  the  hopelessness  of  resistance,  the  wooden 
vessels  being  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  iron  batterer,  he 
struck  his  colors  to  avoid  the  destruction  which  had  overtaken 
the  Cumberland.  The  Jamestown  then  approached,  received 
on  board  the  officers  of  the  Congress  as  prisoners,  and  gave 
the  crew  an  opportunity  to  escape  in  the  boats.  The  vessel 
was  then  fired  by  the  Rebels.  Immediately  after  this  achieve- 
ment, the  Merrimac,  the  Yorktown  and  Jamestown,  commenced 
an  attack  in  concert  on  the  batteries  of  Newport  News,  to 
which  that  fort  responded  with  vigor.  Meanwhile  the  Con- 
gress burned  to  the  water’s  edge,  and,  before  sinking,  blew  up, 
The  Cumberland  also  sank.  The  loss  of  life  in  both  ships  was 
considerable,  inasmuch  as  a large  number  of  the  crews  of  both 
were  unable  to  escape  in  the  boats. 

The  Merrimac,  having  completed  her  intended  achieve- 
ments, returned  in  triumph  to  Norfolk,  capturing  in  her 
passage  several  small  vessels.  This  sudden  demonstration  of 
naval  power  was  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  incidents  which 
had  yet  occurred  during  the  war.  Never  before  had  the  effi- 
ciency of  ironclad  steam  batteries  been  so  clearly  demonstrated. 
It  was  now  evident  that  the  colossal  wooden  vessels  which  had 
for  ages  been  the  pride  and  the  terror  of  European  fleets ; could 
be  henceforth  rendered  harmless  by  the  use  of  ships  of  much 


272  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


smaller  proportions,  if  incased  in  iron,  if  propelled  by  steam, 
and  if  armed  with  the  sharp  iron  beaks  which  had  been  famil- 
iar to  the  naval  architecture  of  the  Ancient  Greeks  and 
Romans. 

Fortunately  for  the  honor  and  safety  of  the  Union  cause, 
the  private  enterprise  of  an  eminent  citizen  had  constructed  a 
vessel  on  the  same  principle ; and  that  vessel,  by  an  equally 
propitious  accident,  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  this  disaster  a 
few  hours  after  its  occurrence.  The  Ericsson  ironclad  steamer, 
Monitor,  reached  Fortress  Monroe  at  nine  o’clock  on  the  night 
of  the  8th  of  March. 

The  next  morning  she  proceeded  out  into  the  channel  and 
invited  the  exulting  enemy  to  an  engagement.  The  offer  was 
accepted,  and  soon  the  Merrimac,  the  Yorktown  and  Jamestown, 
attempted  to  renew  the  triumph  of  the  preceding  day.  A des- 
perate combat  of  five  hours  duration  ensued.  The  wooden 
vessels  of  the  Rebels  quickly  found  it  expedient  to  retire,  hav- 
ing the  iron  bound  monsters  confronting  each  other.  Then  a 
most  singular  and  novel  spectacle  was  exhibited.  During  sev- 
eral hours  the  vessels  fought  fiercely,  butting  and  grappling 
each  other.  They  repeatedly  discharged  their  heavy  guns 
against  each  other’s  sides;  but,  while  the  shot  of  the  Merrimac 
rebounded  harmlessly  from  the  impenetrable  covering  of  her 
antagonist,  the  greater  calibre  of  the  guns  of  the  Monitor 
forced  their  thunderbolts  through  the  sides  of  the  Rebel  craft 
and  severely  damaged  her.  The  Monitor  was  commanded  with 
great  skill  and  fortitude  by  Lieutenant  J.  S.  Worden,  who  was 
wounded  during  the  engagement.  At  its  termination  the  Mer- 
rimac was  towed  back  to  the  port  of  Norfolk,  apparently  disa- 
bled, and  evidently  with  much  less  exultation  than  had  char- 
acterized her  return  to  her  berth  on  the  preceding  day.  The 
presence  of  the  Monitor  in  Hampton  Roads  secured  the  Union 
vessels,  which  were  enforcing  the  blockade  of  James  river  from 
the  future  attacks  of  the  Merrimac ; and,  fortunately,  without 
the  laurels  which  had  so  suddenly  sprung  up  to  decorate  the 
brows  of  the  Confederate  naval  heroes- 

The  Merrimac,  whose  sudden  onslaught  on  the  Federal 


NAVAL  CONFLICT  — MERRIMAC  AND  MONITOR 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


273 


ships  excited  so  much  surprise  and  indignation,  originally  be- 
longed to  the  Federal  Government,  had  been  built  in  1855  at 
the  Charlestown  navy  yard,  and  was  known  in  the  Federal 
Navy  by  the  same  name.  She  happened  to  be  lying  in  the 
port  of  Norfolk,  as  a store  and  receiving  ship,  at  the  period  of 
the  Rebel  attack  on  that  city.  When  the  navy  yard  at  Nor- 
folk was  abandoned  and  sacrificed  in  so  mysterious  a manner 
by  Commodore  McCaulley,  the  Merrimac  was  set  on  fire,  scut- 
tled and  sunk  by  his  order.  She  was  3,200  tons  burden,  and 
pierced  by  forty  guns.  The  Rebel  authorities  appreciating 
her  value,  subsequently  raised  the  hull  and  proceeded  to  con- 
vert her  into  an  iron-clad  battery.  She  was  covered  with  a 
bomb-proof  coating  of  wrouglit-iron  several  inches  in  thickness. 
Her  bow  was  armed  with  a steel  peak  projecting  six  feet  under 
the  water,  with  which  to  strike  and  perforate  her  opponents. 
Her  decks  were  protected  by  a covering  of  railroad  iron,  in  the 
form  of  an  arch,  from  which  the  shot  and  shell  of  her  assail- 
ants necessarily  glanced  without  effect.  Her  special  mission 
was  intended  to  be  to  sink  the  various  vessels  engaged  in  the 
blockade  of  the  Southern  ports ; and  it  is  probable  that  had  not 
the  formidable  and  unexpected  apparition  of  the  Monitor  sud- 
denly intercepted  her  purpose,  it  would  have  been,  in  a great 
measure,  accomplished,  before  any  other  effectual  means  to 
prevent  it  could  have  been  obtained  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. 

The  structure  of  the  Monitor  was  essentially  different  from 
that  of  her  rival.  She  was  172  feet  in  length,  and  placed  so 
low  in  the  water  as  to  afford  little  surface  for  the  assaults  of 
the  enemy.  Her  deck  was  flat,  and  her  sides  encased  in  heavy 
armor.  Both  ends  of  the  vessel  were  pointed,  and  she  required 
very  little  water  in  which  to  float.  The  chief  objects  which 
appeared  on  her  deck,  were  a smoke-stack  and  a turret.  The 
latter  was  encased  in  wrought-iron  several  inches  in  thickness, 
and  contained  two  guns,  each  ball  of  which  weighed  184 
pounds.  Within  the  bowels  of  the  vessel,  a powerful  engine 
was  placed,  which  drove  her  with  resistless  impetus  against  her 
enemy.  Her  flat  deck  was  bomb-proof  and  covered  with  iron 


274  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


plate  an  inch  in  thickness.  The  turret  revolved,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  bring  its  tremendous  guns  to  bear  at  any  angle  which 
might  be  desired.  The  vessel  was  a marvel  of  architectural 
skill  and  of  mechanical  power,  such  as  the  present  age  had 
never  before  witnessed. 

On  the  8th  of  February,  a Union  squadron,  commanded  by 
General  Burnside  and  Commodore  Goldsborough,  attacked  the 
Confederate  fortifications  on  Boanoke  Island.  The  garrison, 
nearly  3,000  strong,  were  taken  prisoners.  Burnside  next  pro- 
ceeded against  Newbern,  and  on  the  14th  of  March  captured 
the  city.  Proceeding  southward,  he  reached  the  harbor  of 
Beaufort,  and  on  the  25th  of  April  took  possession  of  the  town. 
On  the  11th  of  the  same  month,  Fort  Pulaski,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Savannah,  surrendered  to  General  Gilman.  Early  in 
April,  a powerful  squadron,  under  General  Butler  and  Admiral 
Farragut,  succeeded  in  running  past  the  batteries.  On  the 
next  day  they  reached  New  Orleans  and  captured  the  city.  Gen- 
eral Butler  became  commandant,  and  the  fortifications  were 
manned  with  15,000  Union  soldiers.  Three  days  afterwards, 
Forts  Jackson  and  Saint  Philip  surrendered  to  Admiral  Porter. 

The  Confederates  now  invaded  Kentucky  in  two  strong  div- 
isions, one  led  by  General  Kirby  Smith  and  the  other  by  General 
Bragg.  On  the  30th  of  August,  Smith’s  army  reached  Rich- 
mond and  routed  the  Federals  stationed  there  with  heavy  losses. 
Lexington  was  taken,  and  then  Frankfort,  and  Cincinnati  was 
saved  from  capture  only  by  the  exertions  of  General  L.  Wal- 
lace. Meanwhile  the  army  of  General  Bragg  advanced  from 
Chattanooga  and,  on  the  17th  of  September,  captured  a Union 
division  of  four  thousand  five  hundred  men  at  Mumfordsville. 
The  Confederate  general  pressed  on  toward  Louisville  and 
would  have  taken  the  city  but  for  the  arrival  of  General  Buell. 
His  army  was  increased  to  a hundred  thousand  men.  In  October 
he  again  took  the  field,  and  on  the  8th  of  the  month,  General 
Bragg  arrived  at  Perryville.  Here  a severe  but  indecisive 
battle  was  fought,  and  the  Confederates  laden  with  spoils 
continued  their  retreat  into  East  Tennesee. 

On  the  19th  of  September  a hard  battle  was  fought  at 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


275 


Iuka,  between  the  Union  army  under  Generals  Eosecrans  and 
Grant,  and  a Confederate  force  under  General  Price.  The 
latter  was  defeated,  losing,  in  addition  to  his  killed  and  wounded, 
nearly  a thousand  prisoners.  Eosecrans  now  took  post  at 
Corinth  with  twenty  thousand  men;  while  Grant  with  the 
remainder  of  the  Union  forces  proceeded  to  Jackson,  Tennessee. 
Generals  Price  and  Yan  Dorn  turned  about  to  re-capture 
Corinth.  There,  on  the  3d  of  October,  another  severe  fight 
ensued,  which  ended  after  two  days  fighting  in  the  repulse  of 
the  Confederates. 

General  Grant  next  moved  forward  to  co-operate  with 
General  Sherman  in  an  effort  to  capture  Yicksburg.  On  the 
20th  of  December,  General  Yan  Dorn  cut  Grant’s  line  of 
supplies  at  Holly  Springs,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat.  On  the 
same  day  General  Sherman  dropped  down  the  river  from 
Memphis  to  the  Yazoo.  On  the  29th  of  the  month,  he  made 
an  unsuccessful  attack  on  the  Confederates  at  Chickasaw  Bayou. 
The  assault  was  exceedingly  disastrous  to  the  Union  army, 
who  lost  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners  more  than  three 
thousand  men. 

General  Eosecrans  was  now  transferred  to  the  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  with  headquarters  at  Nashville. 
General  Bragg,  on  his  retirement  from  Kentucky,  had  thrown 
his  forces  into  Murfreesboro.  Eosecrans  moved  forward,  and  on 
the  30th  of  December,  came  upon  the  Confederates  on  Stone’s 
river,  a short  distance  north-west  of  Murfreesboro.  On  the 
following  morning  a furious  battle  ensued,  continuing  until 
night  fall.  The  Union  army  was  brought  to  the  verge  of  ruin. 
But  during  the  night  Eosecrans  rallied  his  forces  and  at  day- 
break was  ready  to  renew  the  conflict.  On  that  day  there  was 
a lull.  On  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  January,  Bragg’s  army 
again  rushed  to  the  onset,  gained  some  successes  at  first,  was 
then  checked  and  finally  driven  back  with  heavy  losses.  Bragg 
withdrew  his  shattered  columns  and  filed  off  towards  Chat- 
tanooga. 

In  Yirginia  the  first  scenes  of  the  year  were  enacted  in  the 
Shenandoah  Yalley.  General  Banks  was  sent  forward  with  a 


276  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

strong  division,  and  in  the  last  of  March  occupied  the  town  of 
Harrisonburg.  To  counteract  this  movement,  Stonewall  Jackson 
was  seut  with  twenty  thousand  men  to  pass  the  Blue  Ridge 
and  cut  off  Banks’  retreat.  At  Front  Royal,  the  Confederates 
fell  upon  the  Union  troops,  routed  them,  and  captured  their 
guns  and  stores.  Banks,  succeeded,  however  in  passing  with 
his  main  division  to  Strasburg  and  escaping  out  of  the  Valley. 
Jackson  now  found  himself  in  great  peril.  For  General  Fremont 
had  been  sent  into  the  Valley  to  intercept  the  Confederate  retreat. 
But  Jackson  succeeded  in  reaching  Cross  Keyes  before  Fremont 
could  attack  him.  The  battle  was  so  little  decisive  that  Jack- 
son  passed  on  to  Port  Republic,  where  he  attacked  and  defeated 
the  division  of  General  Shields. 

On  the  10th  of  March,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  set  out 
from  the  camps  about  Washington  to  capture  the  Confederate 
Capital.  The  advance  proceeded  as  far  as  Manassas  Junction, 
where  McClellan  changing  his  plan,  embarked  a hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  of  his  men  for  Fortress  Monroe.  From  that 
place,  on  the  4th  of  April,  the  Union  Army  advanced  to  York- 
town.  This  place  wras  defended  by  ten  thousand  Confederates 
under  General  Magruder;  and  here  McClellan’s  advance  was 
delayed  for  a month.  On  the  4th  of  May,  Yorktown  was  taken, 
and  the  Onion  Army  pressed  on  to  West  Point  at  the  junction 
of  the  Mattapony  and  Pamunky.  McClellan  reached  the  Chick- 
ahominy  without  serious  resistance,  and  crossed  Battonis  bridge. 

On  the  10th  of  May,  General  Wood,  the  commandant  of 
Fortress  Monroe,  led  an  expedition  against  Norfolk,  and  cap- 
tured the  town.  On  the  next  day  the  iron  clad  Virginia  was 
blown  up  to  save  her  from  capture.  The  James  river  was  thus 
opened  for  the  supply  transports  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
On  the  31st  of  May,  that  army  was  attacked  by  the  Confederates 
at  a place  called  Fair  Oaks,  or  Seven  Pines.  Here  for  a part 
of  two  days,  the  battle  raged  with  great  fury.  At  last  the 
enemy  were  driven  back;  but  McClellan’s  victory  was  by  no 
means  decisive.  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  the  Confederate 
Commander-in-Chief ; was  severely  Avounded,  and  the  command 
devolved  on  General  Robert  E.  Lee. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


277 


McClellan  now  formed  the  design  of  retiring  to  a point  on 
the  James,  below  Richmond.  Before  the  movement  fairly  began 
General  Lee,  on  the  25th  of  June,  struck  the  right  wing  of  the 
Union  Army  at  Oak  Grove,  and  a hard  fought  battle  ensued. 
On  the  next  day  another  engagement  occurred  at  Mechanics- 
ville,  and  the  Union  troops  won  the  field.  On  the  following 
morning,  Lee  renewed  the  struggle  at  Gaines’  Mill,  and  came 
out  victorious.  On  the  29th,  McClellan’s  Army  was  attacked 
at  Savage’s  Station,  and  again  in  the  White  Oak  Swamp — but 
the  Confederates  were  kept  at  bay.  On  the  30th  was  fought 
the  desperate  battle  of  Glendale,  or  Frazier’s  Farm.  On  that 
night  the  Union  Army  reached  Malvern  Hill,  twelve  miles 
below  Richmond.  General  Lee  determined  to  carry  the  place 
by  storm.  On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  July,  the  whole  Con- 
federate Army  rushed  forward  to  the  assault.  All  day  long 
the  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  high  grounds  continued. 
Rot  until  nine  o’clock  at  night  did  Lee’s  columns  fall  back 
exhausted.  For  seven  days  the  roar  of  battle  had  been  heard 
almost  without  cessation.  On  the  2d  of  July,  McClellan 
retired  with  his  army  to  Harrison’s  Landing,  a few  miles  down 
the  river,  and  the  great  campaign  was  at  an  end.  The  Union 
Army  had  lost  more  than  fifteen  thousand  men,  and  the  losses 
of  the  Confederates  had  been  still  greater. 

General  Lee  now  formed  the  design  of  capturing  the  Fed- 
eral Capital.  The  Union  troops  between  Richmond  and  Wash- 
ington were  under  command  of  General  John  Pope.  Lee  moved 
Northward,  and  on  the  20tli  of  August,  Pope  retreated  beyond 
the  Rappahannock.  Meamvliile  General  Banks  was  attacked 
by  Stonewall  Jackson  at  Cedar  Mountain,  where  nothing  but 
hard  fighting  saved  the  Union  troops  from  a rout.  Jackson 
next  passed  swiftly  by  with  his  division  on  a flank  movement  to 
Manassas  Junction,  where  he  made  large  captures.  Pope  then 
threw  his  army  between  the  two  divisions  of  the  Confederates. 
On  August  28th  and  29th,  there  was  terrible  fighting  on  the 
old  Bull  Run  battle  field.  At  one  time  it  seemed  that  Lee’s 
Army  would  be  defeated,  but  Pope’s  reinforcements  were  with- 
held by  General  Porter,  and  on  the  31st,  the  Confederates 


278  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


attacked  the  Union  Army  at  Chantilly,  winning  a complete  vic- 
tory. Generals  Stevens  and  Kearney  were  among  the  brave 
men  who  were  killed  in  this  battle.  Pope  withdrew  his  broken 
columns  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and  found  safety  within  the 
defenses  of  Washington. 

General  Lee  now  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Point  of  Bocks, 
and  on  the  6th  of  September  captured  Frederick,  Maryland. 

Here  occurred  a notable  instance  of  heroism,  mingled  with 
love  for  the  old  flag. 

We  digress  to  give  the  story  of  Barbara  Frietchie,  as  told 
by  the  poet  Whittier.  She  was  an  old  lady  living  in  Frederick, 
Maryland,  who  was  willing  to  give  her  own  life  to  save  the  flag 
she  so  dearly  loved: 


BARBARA  FRIETCHIE. 

Up  from  the  meadows  rich  with  corn, 

Clear  in  the  cool  September  morn, 

The  clustered  spires  of  Frederick  stand 
Green-walled,  by  the  hills  of  Maryland. 

Round  about  them  orchards  sweep, 

Apple  and  peach  tree  fruited  deep, 

Fair  as  a garden  of  the  Lord 

To  the  eyes  of  the  famished  Rebel  horde. 

On  that  pleasant  morn  of  the  early  fall, 
When  Lee  marched  over  the  mountain  wall, 
Over  the  mountains  winding  down, 

Horse  and  foot  into  Frederick  town, 

Forty  flags  with  their  crimson  bars, 

Forty  flags  with  their  silver  stars, 

Flapped  in  the  morning  wind  ; the  sun 
Of  noon  looked  down,  and  saw  not  one. 

Up  rose  old  Barbara  Frietchie  then  ; 

Bowed  with  her  four-score  years  and  ten, 
Bravest  of  all  in  Frederick  town, 

She  took  up  the  flag  the  men  hauled  down. 

In  her  attic  window  the  staff  she  set, 

To  show  that  one  heart  was  loyal  yet. 

Up  the  street  came  the  Rebel  tread, — 
Stonewall  Jackson  riding  ahead. 

Under  his  slouched  hat,  left  and  right, 

He  glanced  ; the  old  flag  met  his  sight. 

“ Halt ! ” — the  dust-brown  ranks  stood  fast. 
“ Fire ! ” — out  blazed  the  rifle  blast. 

It  shivered  the  window,  pane  and  sash; 

It  rent  the  banner  with  seam  and  gash. 
Quick,  as  it  fell,  from  the  broken  staff 
Dame  Barbara  snatched  the  silken  scarf. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


279 


She  leaned  far  out  on  the  window-sill, 

And  shook  it  forth  with  a royal  will. 

“ Shoot,  if  you  must,  this  old  gray  head, 

But  spare  your  country’s  flag,”  she  said. 

A shade  of  sadness,  a blush  of  shame, 

Over  the  face  of  the  leader  came; 

The  nobler  nature  within  him  stirred 
To  life  at  that  woman’s  deed  and  word  f 

“ Who  touches  a hair  of  yon  gray  head 
Dies  like  a dog ! March  on!  " he  said. 

All  day  long  through  Frederick  street 
Sounded  the  tread  of  marching  feet: 

All  day  long  that  free  flag  toss’d 
Over  the  heads  of  the  Rebel  host. 

Ever  its  torn  folds  rose  and  fell 
On  the  loyal  winds  that  loved  it  well. 

Barbara  Frietchie's  work  is  o’er, 

And  the  Rebel  rides' on  his  raids  no  more: 

And  ever  the  stars  above  look  down 
On  thy  stars  below  in  Frederick  town  I 

Flag  of  Freedom  and  Union  wave! 

Over  Barbara  Frietchie’s  grave, 

Honor  to  her ! and  let  a tear 

Fall,  for  her  sake,  on  Stonewall’s  bier. 

On  the  10th,  Hagerstown  was  taken,  and  on  the  loth, 
Stonewall  Jackson  captured  Harper’s  Ferry  with  nearly  12,000 
prisoners;  on  the  previous  day  there  was  a hard-fought  en- 
gagement at  South  Mountain,  in  which  the  Union  troops 
gained  the  battle.  McClellan’s  army  was  now  in  the  rear  of 
Lee,  wTho  fell  back  to  Antietam  Creek,  and  took  a strong  posi- 
tion near  Sharpsburg.  Then  followed  two  days  of  skirmishing, 
which  terminated  on  the  17th  in  one  of  the  great  battles  of  the 
war.  From  morning  till  night  the  struggle  continued  with 
terrific  fury,  and  ended,  after  a loss  of  more  than  10,000  men 
on  each  side,  in  a drawn  battle.  Lee  withdrew  his  forces  from 
the  field  and  recrossed  the  Potomac. 

General  McClelland  nest  moved  forward  to  Rectortowip 
Virginia.  Here  he  was  superseded  by  General  Burnside,  who 
changed  the  plan  of  campaign,  and  advanced  against  Freder- 
icksburg. At  this  place  the  two  armies  were  again  brought 
face  to  face.  Burnside’s  movement  was  delayed,  and  it  was 
not  until  the  12th  of  December  that  a passage  could  be 
effected.  Meanwhile  the  heights  South  of  the  river  had  been 


280  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


strongly  fortified,  and  the  Union  columns  were  hurled  back  in 
several  desperate  attempts  to  -dislodge  Lee.  The  Union  army, 
in  its  vain  attempt  to  capture  an  impregnable  position,  lost  over 
12,000  men.  Thus,  in  disaster  to  the  Union  cause,  ended  the 
campaigns  of  1862. 

The  war  had  now  grown  to  enormous  proportions.  The 
Confederate  States  were  draining  every  resource  of  men  and 
means,  and  tli9  superior  energies  of  the  North  were  greatly 
taxed.  On  the  day  after  the  battle  of  Malvern  Hill,  President 
Lincoln  issued  a call  for  three  hundred  thousand  troops.  Dur- 
ing Pope’s  retreat  from  the  Rappahannock,  he  sent  forth  another 
call  for  three  hundred  thousand,  and  to  that  was  added  a draft 
of  three  hundred  thousand  more.  Most  of  these  demands  were 
promptly  met,  and  it  became  evident  that  in  resources  the 
United  States  Government  was  vastly  superior  to  the  Confed- 
eracy. On  the  1st  of  January,  1863,  the  President  issued  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  of  which  he  had  given  notice  in 
the  previous  September.  The  war  had  been  begun  with  no 
well  defined  intention  to  free  the  slaves  of  the  South.  But 
during  the  progress  of  the  struggle  the  sentiment  of  abolition 
had  grown  with  great  rapidity;  and  when  at  last  it  became  a 
military  necessity  to  strike  a blow  at  the  labor  system  of  the 
South,  the  step  was  taken  with  but  little  opposition.  Thus, 
after  an  existence  of  two  hundred  and  forty-four  years,  African 
slavery  in  the  United  States  was  swept  away. 

Early  in  January,  General  Sherman  dispatched  an  expedi- 
tion to  capture  Arkansas  Post,  on  the  Arkansas  river.  The 
Union  forces  reached  their  destination  on  the  10th  of  the 
month,  fought  a battle  with  the  Confederates  and  gained  a vic- 
tory. On  the  next  day  the  fort  was  surrendered  with  nearly 
five  thousand  prisoners.  Soon  afterwards  the  Union  forces 
were  concentrated  for  the  capture  of  Vicksburg.  Three  months 
were  spent  by  General  Grant  in  examining  the  bayous  around 
Vicksburg,  in  the  hope  of  getting  a position  in  the  rear  of  the 
town.  A canal  was  cut  across  a bend  in  the  river  with  a view 
to  opening  a passage  for  the  gunboats.  But  a flood  washed  the 
works  away;  then  another  canal  was  begun  only  to  be  aban- 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


281 


doned.  Finally  it  was  determined  to  run  the  fleet  past  the 
batteries  of  the  enemy  on  the  heights  of  Vicksburg.  On  the 
night  of  the  16th  of  April  the  boats  dropped  down  the  river. 
All  of  a sudden  the  guns  open  fire  with  shot  and  shell,  pelting 
the.  passing  steamers ; but  they  went  by  with  little  damage. 

General  Grant  now  marched  his  land  forces  down  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  formed  a junction  with  the  squadron.  On  the  1st 
day  of  May,  he  defeated  the  Confederates  at  Port  Gibson.  The 
evacuation  of  Grand  Gulf  followed  immediately.  The  Union 
Army  marched  around  to  the  rear  of  Vicksburg.  On  the  12th 
of  May,  a Confederate  force  was  defeated  at  Raymond.  On 
the  11th  of  the  month,  a decisive  battle  was  fought  near  Jackson; 
the  Confederates  were  beaten  and  the  city  captured.  General 
Pemberton  moved  forward  with  his  forces  from  Vicksburg 
but  was  defeated  by  Grant  on  the  16th,  at  Champion  Hills, 
and  again  at  Black  River  Bridge,  on  the  17th.  He  then  fell 
back  within  the  defenses  of  Vicksburg. 

The  city  was  now  besieged.  On  the  19th  of  May,  Grant 
made  an  assault  on  the  works  of  the  enemy,  but  was  repulsed 
with  terrible  losses.  Three  days  afterwards  the  attempt  was 
renewed  with  a still  greater  destruction  of  life.  But  the  siege 
was  pressed  with  never  ceasing  severity.  Admiral  Porter  bom- 
barded the  town  incessantly.  Reinforcements  swelled  the  Union 
ranks.  Pemberton  held  out  until  the  4th  of  July,  and  was 
then  driven  to  surrender.  The  defenders  of  Vicksburg,  num- 
b^.  t-g  thirty  thousand,  became  prisoners  of  war. 

Thousands  of  small  arms,  hundreds  of  cannon,  and  vast 
quantities  of  ammunition  and  stores  were  the  fruits  of  the  great 
victory. 

Meanwhile  General  Banks  had  been  conducting  a cam- 
paign on  the  lower  Mississippi.  From  Baton  Rouge  he 
advanced  into  Louisiana,  reached  Brashear  City,  and  gained  a 
victory  over  the  Confederates  at  Bayou  Teche.  He  then  moved 
Northward  and  besieged  Port  Hudson,  the  last  fort  held  by  the 
Confederates  on  the  Mississippi.  The  garrison  made  a brave 
defense,  and  it  was  not  until  the  8th  of  July  that  the  command- 
ant, with  his  force  of  six  thousand  men,  was  obliged  to  surrender. 


282  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Just  before  the  investment  of  Yicksburg,  occurred  the  great 
raid  of  the  Union  leader,  Colonel  Grierson.  With  the  sixth 
Illinois  Cavalry  he  struck  out  from  La  Grange,  Tennessee, 
traversed  Mississippi  to  the  east  of  Jackson,  cut  the  railroads, 
destroyed  property,  and  after  a rapid  course  of  more  than  eight 
hundred  miles,  gained  the  river  at  Baton  Bouge.  Late  in  the 
same  spring  Colonel  Streights’  command  went  on  a raid  into 
Georgia,  but  was  surrounded  and  captured  by  General  Forrest. 
In  the  latter  part  of  June,  Bosecrans  succeeded  in  crowding 
General  Bragg  out  of  Tennessee.  The  Union  general  followed 
and  took  post  at  Chattanooga,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Ten- 
nessee. During  the  summer  Bragg  was  reinforced  by  the  corps 
of  Johnson  and  Longstreet.  On  the  19th  of  September,  he 
turned  upon  the  Union  army  at  Chickamauga  Creek  in  the 
North-west  angle  of  Georgia.  A bloody  battle  was  fought, 
but  night  came  with  the  fight  undecided.  On  the  following 
morning  the  conflict  was  renewed.  After  several  hours  of 
desperate  fighting,  the  Union  army  was  split  in  two  through  a 
mistake  made  by  General  Wool.  Bragg  instantly  thrust  for- 
ward a heavy  Confederate  column  into  the  gap,  and  the  Union 
army  being  thus  cut  in  Wo,  drove  the  right  wing  into  a rout. 
General  Thomas,  with  desperate  firmness,  held  the  left  until 
nightfall,  and  then  fell  back  to  Chattanooga.  The  Union  loss 
amounted  to  nearly  nineteen  thousand,  and  that  of  the  Confed- 
erates was  fully  as  great. 

General  Bragg  pressed  forward  to  besiege  Chattan  X/0a. 
But  General  Hooker  arrived  with  two  corps  from  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  opened  the  Tennessee  river  and  brought  relief. 
At  the  same  time  General  Grant  assumed  the  direction  of 
affairs  at  Chattanooga.  General  Sherman  arrived  with  his 
division  and  offensive  operations  were  at  once  renewed.  On 
the  24tli  of  November,  Lookout  Mountain,  overlooking  the 
town  and  river  was  stormed  and  captured,  by  the  division  of 
General  Hooker.  The  following  description  of  the  battle  of 
Missionary  Bidge  is  of  great  interest. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


283 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

BATTLE  OP  MISSIONARY  RIDGE. 

‘From  rank  to  rank  their  volleyed  thunder  flew, 

Death  spoke  in  ev’ry  booming  shot, 

That  knelled  upon  the  ear.” 

ATE  on  the  afternoon  of  November  25tli,  there  was  an 
J — J accident — an  accident  like  the  charge  of  Balaklava; 
though,  unlike  this  theme  for  poetry,  it  called  for  greater  daring, 
and  was  attended  by  complete  success,  and  yielded  most  import- 
ant results,  for,  it  led  to  the  complete  shattering  of  the 
Southern  army  and  drove  them  from  the  field. 

On  Orchard  Knob,  and  opposite  the  center  of  Missionary 
Ridge  were  four  divisions  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 
On  the  left  was  Baird’s  division;  then  Wood’s  and  Sheridan’s 
divisions  occupying  the  lines  which  two  days  before,  they  had 
taken  in  their  magnificent  advance;  on  the  right  was  Johnson’s 
division — all  under  the  personal  command  of  Thomas.  It  was 
past  three  o’clock.  General  Sherman  had  ceased  operations. 
General  Hooker’s  advance  had  not  yet  been  felt.  The  day  was 
dying,  and  Bragg  still  held  the  ridge.  If  any  movement  to 
dislodge  him  was  to  be  made  that  day,  it  must  be  made  at 
once.  At  half  past  three  o’clock,  an  attack  was  ordered  by 
General  Grant.  He  had  changed  his  plan  of  battle.  At  once 
orders  were  issued  that  at  the  firing  in  rapid  succession  of  sis 
guns,  on  Orchard  Knob,  Thomas’  whole  line  should  instantly 
move  forward,  Sheridan’s  and  Wood’s  divisions  in  the  center, 
Sheridan  to  be  supported  on  the  right  by  Johnson,  and  Wood 
on  the  left  by  Baird’s  division.  This  demonstration  was  to  be 
made  to  relieve  the  pressure  on  Sherman.  The  only  order 
given  was  to  move  forward  and  take  the  rifle  pits  at  the  foot 
of  the  ridge.  In  Sheridan’s  division  the  order  was,  “ as  soon 
as  the  signal  is  given,  the  whole  line  will  advance  and  you 
will  take  what  is  before  you.” 


284  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Between  Orchard  Knob  and  Missionary  Bidge  was  a valley 
partly  covered  with  a small  growth  of  timber.  It  was  wooded  in 
front  of  the  right  of  Baird’s,  and  of  the  whole  of  Wood’s  divis- 
ion. In  front  of  Sheridan’s  and  Johnson’s,  it  had  been  almost 
entirely  cleared.  At  the  foot  of  the  ridge  were  heavy  rifle  pits, 
which  conld  be  seen  from  Orchard  Knob,  and  extending  in  front 
of  them  for  four  or  five  hundred  yards  the  ground  was  covered 
with  felled  trees.  There  was  a good  plain  for  both  direct  and 
enfilading  fire  from  the  rifle  pits,  and  the  approaches  were  com- 
manded by  the  Southern  artillery.  At  this  point  the  ridge  is 
five  or  six  hundred  feet  high.  Its  side,  scored  with  gullies,  and 
showing  but  little  timber,  had  a rough  and  bare  appearance. 
Half  way  up  was  another  line  of  rifle  pits,  and  the  summit  was 
furrowed  with  additional  lines  and  dotted  over  with  epaule- 
ments,  in  which  were  placed  fifty  pieces  af  artillery.  The  art 
of  man  could  not  have  made  a stronger  fortress.  Directly  in 
front  of  Orchard  Knob,  and  on  the  summit  of  the  ridge,  was  a 
small  house,  where  Bragg  had  established  his  headquarters. 

At  twenty  minutes  before  four  the  signal  guns  were  fired. 
Suddenly  twenty  thousand  men  rushed  forward,  moving  in  line 
of  battle  by  brigades,  with  a double  line  of  skirmishers  in  front, 
and  closely  followed  by  the  reserves  in  mass.  The  big  siege 
guns  in  the  Chattanooga  forts  roared  above  the  light  artillery 
and  musketry  in  the  valley.  The  enemy’s  rifle  pits  were  ablaze 
and  the  whole  ridge  in  our  front  had  broken  out  like  another 
iEtna.  Not  many  minutes  afterwards  our  men  were  seen 
working  through  the  felled  trees  and  other  obstructions.  Though 
exposed  to  such  a terrific  fire,  they  neither  fell  back  nor  halted. 
By  a bold  and  desperate  push  they  broke  through  the  works  in 
several  places,  and  opened  flank  and  reserved  fires.  The  enemy 
were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  took  precipitate  flight  up  the 
ridge.  Many  prisoners  and  a large  number  of  small  arms  were 
captured.  The  order  of  the  commanding  General  had  now 
been  fully  and  most  successfully  carried  out.  But  it  did  not 
go  far  enough  to  satisfy  these  brave  men,  who  thought  the  time 
had  come  to  finish  the  battle  of  Chickamauga.  There  was  a 
halt  of  but  a few  minutes,  to  take  breath  and  to  reform  lines; 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


then,  with  a sndclen  impulse,  all  started  up  the  side  of  the 
ridge.  Not  a commanding  officer  had  given  the  order  to  advance. 
The  men  who  carried  the  muskets  had  taken  the  matter  into 
their  own  hands,  had  moved  of  their  own  accord.  Officers, 
catching  their  spirit,  first  followed,  then  led.  There  was  no 
thought  of  protecting  flanks,  though  the  enemy’s  line  could  be 
seen  stretching  beyond  on  either  side,  there  was  no  thought  of 
support,  or  reserves. 

As  soon  as  this  movement  was  seen  from  Orchard  Knob, 
Grant  quickly  turned  to  Thomas,  who  stood  by  his  side  and  I 
heard  him  angrily  say:  “Thomas,  who  ordered  those  men  up 
the  ridge?”  Thomas  replied  in  his  usual  slow,  quiet  manner: 
“ I don't  know.  I did  not.”  Then  addressing  General  Gordon 
Granger,  he  said:  “Did  you  order  them  up,  Granger?”  “No,” 
said  Granger,  “they  started  rip  without  orders.  When  those 
fellows  get  started,  all  hell  can't  stop  them.”  General  Grant 
said  something  to  the  effect  that  somebody  would  suffer  if  it  did 
not  turn  out  well,  and  then  turning  round,  stoically  watched  the 
ridge.  He  gave  no  further  orders. 

As  soon  as  Granger  had  replied  to  Thomas,  he  turned  to  his 
Chief-of-Staff,  General  J.  S.  Fullerton,  and  said:  “Hide  at 
once  to  Wood  and  then  to  Sheridan,  and  ask  them  if  they 
ordered  their  men  up  the  ridge,  and  tell  them  if  they  can  take 
it  to  push  ahead.”  As  I was  mounting  Granger  added:  “ It 
is  hot  over  there  and  you  may  not  get  through.  I shall  send 
Captain  Avery  to  Sheridan  and  other  officers  after  both  of  you.” 
As  fast  as  his  horse  could  carry  him,  he  rode  first  to  General 
Wood  and  delivered  the  message.  “ I didn’t  order  them  up,” 
said  Wood;  “they  started  up  on  their  own  account,  and  they 
are  going  up,  too ! Tell  Granger  if  we  are  supported,  we  will  take 
and  hold  the  ridge.”  As  soon  as  he  reached  General  Wood,  Cap- 
tain Avery  got  to  General  Sheridan  and  delivered  his  message. 
“ I didn’t  order  them  up,”  said  Sheridan;  “but  we  are  going  to 
take  the  ridge.”  He  then  asked  Avery  for  his  flask  and  waved 
it  at  a group  of  Confederate  officers  standing  just  in  front  of 
Bragg’s  headquarters,  with  the  salutation,  “Here’s  at  you!”  At 
once  two  guns — the  “Lady  Breckinridge”  and  the  “Lady 


286  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Buckner  ” — in  front  of  Bragg’s  headquarters,  were  fired  at 
Sheridan  and  the  group  of  officers  about  him.  One  shell  struck 
so  near  as  to  throw  dirt  oyer  Sheridan  and  Avery.  “Ah!” 
said  the  General,  “ that  is  ungenerous;  I shall  take  those  guns 
for  that!”  Before  Sheridan  received  the  message  taken  by 
Captain  Avery,  he  had  sent  a staff-officer  to  Granger  to  enquire 
whether  the  order  given  to  take  the  rifle  pits,  meant  those  at 
the  base,  or  those  on  top  of  the  ridge  ? Granger  told  this  officer 
that,  the  order  was  given  to  take  those  at  the  base.  Conceiving 
this  to  be  an  order  to  fall  back,  the  officer,  on  his  way  to  Sheri- 
dan, gave  it  to  General  Wagner,  commanding  the  second  brigade 
of  the  division,  which  was  then  nearly  half  way  up  the  ridge. 
Wagner  ordered  his  brigade  back  to  the  rifle  pits  at  the  base, 
but  it  only  remained  there  until  Sheridan,  seeing  the  mistake, 
ordered  it  forward.  It  again  advanced  under  a terrific  fire  that 
was  raking  the  lower  part  of  the  ridge. 

The  men,  fighting  and  climbing  up  the  steep  hill,  sought 
the  roads,  ravines,  and  less  rugged  parts.  The  ground  was  so 
broken  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep  a regular  line  of  battle. 
At  times  their  movements  were  in  shape  like  the  flight  of 
migratory  birds.  Sometimes  in  line,  sometimes  in  mass, 
mostly  in  Y-shaped  groups,  with  the  points  towards  the  enemy. 
At  these  points  regimental  flags  were  flying ; sometimes  drop- 
ping as  the  bearers  were  shot,  but  nerer  reaching  the  ground, 
for  other  brave  hands  were  there  to  seize  them.  Sixty  flags 
were  advancing  up  the  hill,  in  the  faces  of  its  defenders. 
Bragg  was  hurrying  large  bodies  of  troops  from  his  right  to 
the  center.  They  could  be  seen  coming  along  the  summit  of 
the  ridge  in  double  quick  time.  Cheatham’s  division  was 
being  withdrawn  from  Sherman’s  front.  Bragg  and  Hardee 
were  at  the  center,  doing  their  utmost  to  encourage  their  troops, 
and  urging  them  to  stand  firm,  and  drive  back  the  advancing 
enemy  now  so  near  the  summit;  indeed,  so  near  that  the  guns 
could  not  be  sufficiently  depressed  to  reach  them,  and  became 
useless.  Artillerymen  were  lighting  the  fuses  of  shells  and 
bowling  them  down  the  hill  by  hundreds.  The  critical 
moment  arrived  when  the  summit  was  just  within  reach.  At 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


287 


six  different  points,  and  almost  simultaneously,  Sheridan’s  and 
Wood's  divisions  broke  over  the  crest;  Sheridan’s  first,  near 
Bragg’s  headquarters;  and  in  a few  minutes  Sheridan  was 
beside  the  guns  that  had  been  fired  at  him,  and  claiming  them 
as  captures  of  his  division.  Baird’s  division  took  the  works  on 
Wood’s  left,  almost  immediately  afterwards;  and  then  Johnson 
came  up  on  Sheridan’s  right.  The  enemy’s  guns  were  turned 
upon  those  who  still  remained  in  the  works,  and  soon  all  were 
in  flight  down  the  Eastern  slope.  Baird  got  on  the  ridge  just 
in  time  to  change  front  and  oppose  a large  body  of  the  enemy 
moving  down  from  Bragg’s  right  to  attack  our  left.  After  a 
sharp  engagement,  which  lasted  until  dark,  he  drove  the  enemy 
back  beyond  a high  point  on  the  North,  which  he  at  once  occu- 
pied. The  sun  had  not  yet  gone  down ; Missionary  Ridge  was 
ours  and  Bragg’s  army  was  broken  and  in  flight.  Dead  and 
wounded  comrades  lay  thickly  strewn  on  the  ground;  but 
thicker  yet  were  the  dead  and  wounded  men  in  gray.  Then 
followed  the  wildest  confusion  as  the  victors  gave  vent  to  their 
joy.  Some  madly  shouted;  some  wept  from  very  excess  of 
joy;  some  grotesquely  danced  out  their  delight.  Even  our 
wounded  forgot  their  pain  to  join  in  the  general  hurrah.  But 
Sheridan  did  not  long  stop  to  receive  praise  and  congratula- 
tions. With  two  brigades  he  started  down  the  Mission  Mills 
road,  and  found,  strongly  posted  on  a second  hill,  the  enemy’s 
rear.  They  made  a stout  resistance,  but,  by  a sudden  flank 
movement,  he  drove  them  from  the  heights,  and  captured  two 
guns  and  many  prisoners.  The  day  was  succeeded  by  a clear 
moonlight  night.  At  seven  o’clock  General  Granger  sent 
word  to  General  Thomas  that,  by  a bold  dash  at  Chickamauga 
Crossing,  he  might  exit  off  a large  number  of  the  enemy  now 
supposed  to  be  leaving  Sherman’s  front,  and  that  he  proposed 
to  move  in  that  direction.  It  was  midnight  before  guides 
could  be  found,  and  then  General  Sheridan  again  put  his  tired 
and  well  worn  men  in  motion.  He  reached  the  creek  just  as 
the  rear  guard  of  the  enemy  was  crossing,  and  pressed  it  so 
closely  that  it  burned  the  pontoon  bridge  before  all  the  troops 
were  over.  Here  Sheridan  captured  several  hundred  prisoners, 


288  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


a large  number  of  Quartermaster’s  wagons,  together  with  cais- 
sons, artillery,  ammunition  and  many  small  arms. 

In  this  battle,  Sheridan’s  and  Wood’s  divisions — the  two 
center  assaulting  divisions — took  thirty-one  pieces  of  artillery, 
several  thousand  small  arms,  and  3,800  prisoners.  In  that  one 
hour  of  assault  the  enemy  lost  2,337  men  in  killed  and 
wounded — over  twenty  per  cent,  of  their  whole  force.  The 
Northern  loss  was,  in  killed  and  wounded,  1,697. 

During  the  night,  the  last  of  Bragg’s  army  was  withdrawn 
from  Missionary  Bidge,  and  Chattanooga,  from  that  time,  re- 
mained in  undisputed  possession  of  the  Union  forces. 

After  the  battle,  Bragg’s  army  fell  back  in  full  retreat 
toward  Ringgold.  On  the  1st  of  September,  General  Burnside 
arrived  with  his  command  at  Knoxville.  After  the  battle  of 
Chickamauga,  General  Longstreet  was  sent  into  East  Tennessee, 
where  he  arrived  and  began  the  siege  of  Knoxville.  On  the 
29th  of  November,  the  Confederates  attempted  to  carry  the 
town  by  storm,  but  were  repulsed  with  heavy  losses.  General 
Sherman  soon  marched  to  the  relief  of  General  Burnside,  and 
Longstreet  retreated  into  Virginia. 

Early  in  1863,  the  Confederates  resumed  activity  in  Arkan- 
sas and  Southern  Missouri.  On  the  8th  of  January,  they 
attacked  Springfield,  but  were  repulsed.  Three  days  after- 
ward, at  Hartsville,  a battle  was  fought  with  similar  result. 
On  the  26th  of  April,  General  Marmaduke  attacked  the  post  at 
Cape  Girardeau,  but  the  garrison  drove  the  Confederates  away. 
On  the  4th  of  July,  General  Holmes  made  an  attack  on  the 
Union  troops  at  Helena,  Arkansas,  but  was  repulsed.  On  the 
13th  of  August,  Lawrence,  Kansas,  was  sacked,  and  140  persons 
killed  by  a band  of  desperate  fellows  led  by  a guerilla  chief- 
tain called  Quantrell.  On  the  10th  of  September,  the  Union 
General  Steele  captured  Little  Rock,  Arkansas. 

In  the  summer  of  this  year,  General  John  Morgan  made  a 
great  raid  through  Kentucky,  Indiana  and  Ohio.  He  crossed 
the  Ohio  at  Brandenburg,  and  began  his  march  to  the  North. 
At  Corydon  and  other  points  he  was  resisted  by  the  home 
guards  and  pursued  by  General  Hobson.  Morgan  crossed  into 


THE  CIVIL  WAE. 


289 


Ohio,  made  a circuit  north  of  Cincinnati,  and  attempted  to  re- 
cross the  river,  but  the  raiders  were  driven  back.  The  Con- 
federate leader  pressed  on  until  he  came  near  New  Lisbon, 
when  he  was  captured  by  the  brigade  of  General  Shackelford. 
After  a four  months’  imprisonment,  Morgan  was  released,  and 
subsequently  killed  by  Union  troops  in  a guerrilla  engagement. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  General  Magruder  captured  Gal- 
veston, Texas.  By  this  means  the  Confederates  secured  a port 
of  entry  in  the  Southwest.  On  the  7th  of  April,  Admiral  Du- 
pont, with  a fleet  of  iron-clad  vessels,  attempted  to  capture 
Charleston,  but  was  driven  back.  In  June,  the  city  was  be. 
sieged  by  a strong  land  force  under  General  Gilmore,  assisted 
by  Admiral  Dahlgren’s  fleet.  After  the  bombardment  had  con- 
tinued for  some  time,  General  Gilmore,  on  the  18th  of  July, 
attempted  to  carry  Fort  Wagner  by  assault,  but  was  repulsed 
with  severe  loss.  The  siege  progressed  until  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember, when  the  Confederates  evacuated  the  fort  and  retired 
to  Charleston.  Gilmore  now  brought  his  guns  to  bear  on  the 
wharves  and  buildings  in  the  lower  part  of  the  city,  but  Charles- 
ton still  held  out,  and  the  only  gain  of  the  Union  troops  was 
the  establishment  of  a complete  blockade. 

After  his  defeat  at  Fredericksburg,  General  Burnside  was 
superseded  by  General  Joseph  Hooker,  who,  in  the  latter  part  of 
April,  crossed  the  Rappahannock  and  reached  Chancellorsville. 
Here  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  May,  he  was  attacked  by 
the  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  commanded  by  Generals  Lee 
and  J ackson.  The  latter  General,  at  the  head  of  twenty-five 
thousand  men,  outflanked  the  Union  army,  burst  upon  the  right 
wing  and  swept  everything  to  destruction.  But  it  was  the  last 
of  Stonewall  Jackson’s  battles.  As  night  came  on,  this  most 
skillful  and  heroic  Confederate  leader  received  a volley  through 
a mistake  of  his  men,  from  his  own  lines,  and  fell  from  his  horse 
mortally  wounded,  never  to  rise  again. 

On  the  3d,  the  battle  was  renewed,  General  Sedgwick  was 
defeated  and  driven  across  the  Rappahannock.  The  main  army 
was  crowded  between  Chancellorsville  and  the  river,  where  it 
remained  until  the  5th,  when  General  Hooker  succeeded  in 


/ 


290  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

withdrawing  his  forces  to  the  Northern  bank.  The  Union  losses 
amounted  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners  to  about  seventeen 
thousand;  those  of  the  Confederates  to  about  twelve  thousand. 
Next  followed  the  cavalry  raid  of  General  Stoneman.  On  the 
29th  of  April,  he  crossed  the  Rappahannock  with  ten  thousand 
men,  tore  up  the  Virginia  Central  Railroad,  cut  General  Lee’s 
communications,  swept  around  within  a few  miles  of  Richmond, 
and  then  recrossed  the  Rappahannock  in  safety. 

General  Lee  now  determined  to  carry  the  war  into  the 
North.  In  the  first  week  of  June  he  crossed  the  Potomac  and 
captured  Hagerstown.  On  the  22d,  he  entered  Chambersburg, 
and  then  pushed  on  through  Carlisle  to  within  a few  miles  of 
Harrisburg.  The  militia  of  Pennsylvania  was  called  out,  and 
volunteers  came  pouring  in  from  other  States.  General  Hooker 
pushed  forward  to  attack  his  antagonist;  General  Lee  rapidly 
concentrated  his  forces  near  Gettysburg,  Pennsylvania.  On 
the  eve  of  battle,  the  command  of  the  Union  army  was  trans- 
ferred to  General  George  G.  Meade,  who  took  up  a position  on 
the  hills  around  Gettysburg.  Here  the  two  armies,  each 
numbering  about  eighty  thousand  men,  were  brought  face  to 
face. 

After  more  than  two  years  of  indecisive  warfare  it  seemed 
that  the  fate  of  the  American  Republic  was  to  be  staked  on  the 
issue  of  a single  battle.  On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  J aly 
the  Union  advance,  led  by  Generals  Reynolds  and  Buford, 
while  moving  Westward  from  Gettysburg,  encountered  the  Con- 
federate division  of  General  Hill  coming  up  on  the  road  from 
Hagerstown,  and  the  struggle  began.  In  the  afternoon  strong 
re-inforcements  were  received,  and  a ' severe  battle  was  fought 
for  the  possession  of  Seminary  Ridge.  In  this  initial  conflict 
the  Confederates  were  victorious,  driving  the  Union  line  from 
its  position,  through  the  village,  and  back  to  the  high  grounds 
to  the  Southward.  Here  at  night-fall  a stand  was  made,  and  a 
new  battle  line  was  formed,  reaching  from  an  eminence  called 
Round  Top,  where  the  left  wing  rested,  around  the  crest  of  the 
ridges  to  Cemetery  Hill,  where  the  center  was  posted,  and 
thence  to  Wolf  Hill  on  Rock  Creek.  To  this  position,  well 


THE  CIVIL  WAE. 


291 


chosen  and  strong,  the  whole  Union  Army,  except  Sedgwick’s 
corps,  was  hurried  forward  during  the  night.  The  Confederate 
forces  were  all  brought  into  position  on  Seminary  Ridge  and 
the  high  grounds  to  the  left  of  Rock  Creek,  forming  a semi- 
circle about  five  miles  long.  The  cavalry  of  both  armies  hung 
upon  the  flanks,  doing  effective  service,  but  hardly  partici- 
pating in  the  main  conflict  of  the  center. 

On  the  morning  of  July  2d  the  corps  of  General  Long- 
street,  on  the  Confederate  right,  moved  forward  impetuously 
and  attacked  the  Union  left  under  Sickles.  The  struggle  in 
this  part  of  the  field  was  for  the  possession  of  Great  and  Little 
Round  Top,  and  after  terrible  fighting,  which  lasted  until  six 
o’clock  in  the  evening,  these  strong  positions  remained  in  the 
hands  of  the  Union  troops.  In  the  center  a similar  conflict, 
lasting  for  the  greater  part  of  the  day,  ensued  for  the  posses- 
sion of  Cemetery  Hill.  Here,  too,  notwithstanding  the  desper- 
ate assaults  of  the  Confederates,  the  integrity  of  the  national 
line  was  preserved  till  nightfall.  On  the  right  the  Confederate 
onset  was  more  successful,  and  the  Union  right  under  General 
Slocum  was  somewhat  shattered.  But  at  ten  o’clock  at  night, 
when  the  fighting  ceased,  it  was  found  that  the  positions  of  the 
two  armies  had  not  been  materially  changed  by  a conflict 
which  had  left  forty  thousand  dead  and  wounded  on  the  field 
of  battle. 

Under  cover  of  the  darkness,  both  generals  made  arrange- 
ments to  renew  the  struggle  on  the  morrow,  but,  when  the 
morning  came,  both  hesitated  to  begin,  for  each  felt  that  this 
day’s  action  must  be  decisive.  General  Meade  had  some  ad- 
vantage in  the  fact  that  Lee,  in  order  to  continue  his  invasion, 
must  carry  the  Union  position  or  retreat.  The  whole  forenoon 
of  the  3d  was  spent  in  preparations.  At  midday  there  was  a 
lull,  then  burst  forth  the  fiercest  artillery  engagement  ever 
known  on  the  American  Continent.  Until  after  two  o’clock  the 
hills  were  shaken  with  the  thunders  of  more  than  200  ponder- 
ous cannon.  The  Confederate  artillerymen  concentrated  their 
fire  on  the  Union  center  at  Cemetery  Hill,  which  became  a 
scene  of  indescribable  uproar  and  death.  Then  came  the  crisis. 


292  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


The  roar  of  the  heavy  guns  ceased.  A Confederate  column, 
nearly  three  miles  long,  headed  by  the  Virginians  under  Gen- 
eral Pickett,  made  a final  and  desperate  charge  on  the  Union 
center;  but  the  assault  was  in  vain,  and  the  brave  Southern 
troops  who  made  it  were  mowed  down  with  terrible  slaughter. 

The  victory  remained  with  the  Union  army,  and  General 
Lee  fell  back  with  his  shattered  legions  to  the  Potomac.  The 
entire  Union  and  Confederate  loss  in  this,  the  greatest  battle 
of  the  war,  was  about  30,000  men  on  each  side.  General  Lee 
withdrew  his  forces  into  Virginia,  and  the  Union  army  resumed 
its  old  position  on  the  Potomac  and  Rappahannock.  Such 
were  the  more  important  military  movements  of  1863. 

The  administration  of  President  Lincoln  was  beset  with 
many  difficulties.  The  last  calls  for  volunteers  had  not  been 
fully  met.  The  peace  party  of  the  North  denounced  the 
measures  of  the  Government  as  unconstitutional.  On  the  3d 
of  March,  the  Conscription  Act  was  passed  by  Congress,  and 
the  President  ordered  a draft  of  300,000  men. 

The  measure  was  bitterly  opposed,  and  in  many  places  the 
draft  officers  were  resisted.  In  New  York  City  a most  incen- 
diary hand-bill  appealing  to  the  people  to  rise,  for  the  vindica- 
tion of  their  liberties  had  been  anonymously  circulated  in  the 
city,  on  the  night  before  the  4th  of  July,  with  evident  intent  to 
incite  an  insurrectionary  movement  on  that  day;  but  the 
tidings  received  by  telegraph  of  Meade’s  success  in  baffling 
Lee  at  Gettysburg,  called  all  the  supporters  of  the  war  into 
the  streets,  and  inclining  its  opponents  to  solitude  and  seclu- 
sion, interfered  with  the  execution  of  the  programme.  But 
now  inflamed  by  the  appeals  of  their  favorite  journals,  the 
commencing  of  drafting  in  several  New  York  districts  was 
marked  by  the  gathering,  especially  in  the  upper  portion  of  the 
city,  where  there  was  a compact  population  of  laborers,  mainly 
of  Irish  birth,  of  excited  crowds,  who  soon  proceeded  to  violence, 
arson  and  bloodshed. 

In  the  Ninth  Congressional  District  comprising  the  most 
Northerly  wards  of  the  city  largely  peopled  by  Irish  railroad 
employes,  and  other  foreigners,  the  drawing  commenced  at  ten 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


293 


o’clock  in  the  forenoon  in  the  house  where  the  enrollment  had 
been  made,  at  the  corner  of  Third  Avenue  and  Forty-sixth 
Street,  in  the  presence  of  some  three  hundred  persons,  mainly 
spectators.  Half  an  hour  thereafter,  when  seventy-five  to  one 
hundred  names  had  been  drawn,  while  all  was  quiet  and  orderly 
within  the  building,  a pistol  was  fired  in  the  street,  where  a 
large  crowd  had  rapidly  assembled.  Instantly  a shower  of 
brickbats  and  other  missiles  was  hurled  at  the  house,  and  the 
crowed  rushed  in,  driving  out  the  officers  and  clerks,  tearing 
up  the  papers,  and  taking  complete  possession.  In  a few 
minutes,  one  of  the  rioters  produced  a can  of  spirits  of  turpen- 
tine, which  he  poured  over  the  floor  and  set  fire  to  it,  and  the 
building  was  soon  in  flames,  the  policemen  and  draft  officers 
who  attempted  resistance  being  driven  off  by  a shower  of  stones. 
Mr.  John  A.  Kennedy,  Superintendent  of  Police,  who  was 
present  in  plain  clothes,  being  recognized  by  the  mob,  was 
taken  in  hand  and  severely  beaten.  A small  force  of  the  Invalid 
Corps  soon  appeared,  but  was  promptly  overpowered  and  driven 
off  by  the  mob,  now  numbering  furious  thousands,  and  a strong 
detachment  of  police,  which  attempted  to  disperse  or  drive  the 
rabble,  was  likewise  worsted  and  forced  to  retreat.  The  fire- 
men who  were  tardy  in  their  appearance,  and  who  were  cheered 
and  applauded  by  the  mob,  made  no  effort  to  save  the  obnoxious 
house  in  which  the  fire  had  been  kindled,  but  finally  arrested 
the  progress  of  the  conflagration;  though  not  till  several  more 
houses  had  been  destroyed,  and  the  bulk  of  the  miscreants  had 
moved  off  to  other  scenes  of  outrage  and  devastation. 

The  organized  militia  of  the  city  were  generally  absent  in 
the  interior  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Government  had  no  military 
force  within  call,  but  a handful  on  Governor’s  Island  and  in 
forts  commanding  the  seaward  approaches ; while  the  police, 
though  well  organized  and  efficient,  was  not  competent  to  deal 
with  a virtual  insurrection  which  had  the  great  body  of  the 
Irish  laborers  of  the  city  at  its  back,  with  nearly  every  one  of 
the  ten  thousand  whisky  shops  for  its  block  houses  and  recruit- 
ing stations.  The  outbreak  had  manifestly  been  premeditated 
and  pre-arranged ; and  the  tidings  of  its  initial  success  being 


294  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


instantly  diffused  throughout  the  city,  incited  an  outpouring 
into  the  streets  of  all  who  opposed  the  draft,  hated  the  war,  or 
detested  Republicans  and  colored  people  as  the  culpable  causes 
of  both.  The  rioters  constantly  increased  their  numbers  by 
calling  at  the  gas  houses,  railroad  offices,  workshops  and  great 
manufactories,  and  there  demanding  that  all  work  should  be 
stopped  and  the  laborers  allowed  to  fall  into  their  ranks,  a 
demand  which,  through  cowardice  or  sympathy,  was  too  gener- 
ally acceded  to.  Of  course,  the  thieves,  burglars  and  other 
predatory  classes,  the  graduates  of  prisons  and  the  scum  and 
sediment  of  Ireland,  who  by  tens  of  thousands  have  their  lairs 
in  all  great  cities,  were  too  glad  to  embrace  the  opportunity 
afforded  them  to  plunder  and  ravage  under  the  garb  of  popular 
resistance  to  Black  Republican  despotism,  and  made  haste  to 
swell  the  ranks  and  direct  the  steps  of  the  drunken,  bellowing, 
furious  mob,  who  now  rushed  through  street  after  street, 
attacking  the  dwellings  of  peaceful  citizens  who  were  stigma- 
tized as  Black  Abolitionists,  or  who  were  exposed  to  odium  by 
some  sort  of  connection  with  the  Government.  By  3 o’clock 
in  the  afternoon,  the  rioters  had  become  many  thousands  in 
number ; and  they  were  probably  more  numerous  throughout 
the  two  following  days. 

The  most  dreadful  feature  of  this  carnival  of  crime  and 
villainous  madness  was  the  uniform  maltreatment  to  which  the 
poor  frightened  colored  people  were  subjected.  The  building 
of  the  New  York  Tribune  was  another  object  of  attack  by  the 
rioters,  and  for  days  it  was  beleaguered  by  a yelling,  frantic 
crowd,  who  constantly  sought  to  incite  each  other  to  an  attack, 
which  they  were  too  careful  of  their  own  safety  to  make.  (Save 
once,  just  at  dark  of  the  first  day  before  it  had  been  armed, 
and  when  they  for  a moment  had  possession  of  the  business 
cffice,  and  had  just  time  to  dismantle  and  set  it  on  fire  before 
they  were  charged  and  driven  out  by  the  police).  This 
was  quite  intelligible,  if  not  so  clearly  justifiable;  and  so  of 
the  attacks  on  enrollment  offices,  arsenals  and  police  stations. 
But,  it  was  remarkable  that  an  inoffensive  colored  boy 
should  be  hunted  at  full  speed  by  a hundred  white  Devils 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


295 


intent  on  his  murder,  while  numbers  of  poor  colored  women 
had  their  humble  habitations  sacked  and  devastated,  as 
they  hurriedly  ran  into  the  street,  barely  escaping  with 
their  lives,  and  nothing  else.  Several  of  the  much  abused 
colored  race  murdered  without  even  a suggestion  of  sus- 
picion of  fault  on  their  part,  and  all  of  the  rest  of  the 
colored  people  put  in  mortal  terror,  was  an  exhibition  of  human 
depravity,  which  the  nineteenth  century  has  rarely  paralleled. 
In  one  case  that  was  noted,  and  there  are  doubtless  others  as 
atrocious,  a little  colored  boy  not  ten  years  of  age,  was  set  upon 
in  the  heart  of  the  city,  and  pelted  with  sticks  and  stones  by 
scores  of  excited  men  until  he  managed  to  make  his  escape. 
In  another  case  a colored  man,  not  at  all  obnoxious,  save  by 
his  color,  was  chased,  caught,  hung,  and  all  his  clothing  burned 
off.  His  dead  body  remained  hanging  for  hours  until  cut 
down  by  the  police. 

The  Colored  Orphan  Asylum  was  one  of  the  noblest  charities 
of  the  city  of  New  York.  It  had  a spacious  and  elegant 
edifice  worth,  with  its  furniture,  some  $200,000,  at  the  corner 
of  Fifth  Avenue  and  Forty-sixth  Street,  not  far  from  the  enrol- 
ling office,  where  the  riots  began.  It  was  a school  as  well  as  an 
asylum,  affording  shelter,  sustenance  and  Christian  nurture 
to  some  two  hundred  colored  orphans,  under  the  patronage 
and  management  of  a society  of  philanthropic  ladies.  At 
five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  a vast  mob  surrounded  it, 
disabled  or  drove  off  the  few  policemen,  who  affected  to  bar 
an  entrance,  and  having  afforded  time  for  a hasty  exit  of 
the  colored  orphan  children,  fired  and  destroyed  the  beautiful 
building  and  all  its  remaining  contents ; having  in  the  meantime 
stolen  a liberal  supply  of  the  carpets,  iron  bedsteads,  and  other 
portable  furniture,  which  women  stood  ready,  at  a little  dist- 
ance, to  carry  off,  so  soon  as  they  were  handed  to  them  by  their 
husbands  or  sons.  Some  of  the  clothing  of  the  colored  children 
which  they  had  left  behind  in  their  flight,  was  also  stolen  by 
the  white  mob.  The  cool,  business-like  manner  wherein  this 
wholesale  robbery  and  arson  were  perpetrated  on  orphan 
children,  astonished  even  the  most  hardened  newspaper 


296  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

reporters.  A liberal  but  not  very  responsible  offer  of  five  bund- 
red  ($500)  dollars  for  tbe  sight  of  a “Black  Republican, 
chalked  in  immense  letters,  appeared  on  the  fence  of  an  ad- 
jacent cattle  market.  It  was  a revengeful  spirit  stimulated  by 
the  recent  and  glorious  triumphs  of  the  Union  cause,  showing 
that  slavery  must  go,  which  was  at  the  bottom  of  all  this  arson, 
devastation,  robbery  and  murder.  For  three  days  the  author- 
ities were  set  at  defiance;  and  over  one  hundred  people  were 
killed,  but  a force  of  regulars  and  volunteers  gathered  at  the 
scene,  and  the  riot  was  suppressed. 

Only  about  fifty  thousand  men  were  obtained  by  the  draft. 
But  volunteering  was  quickened  by  the  measure,  and  the 
employment  of  substitutes  soon  filled  the  ranks.  In  October 
the  President  issued  another  call  for  three  hundred  thousand 
men.  By  these  measures  the  columns  of  the  Union  Army 
were  made  more  powerful  than  ever.  In  the  Armies  of  the 
South,  on  the  other  hand,  there  were  already  symptoms  of 
exhaustion.  On  the  20th  of  June  in  this  year,  West  Virginia 
was  separated  from  the  Old  Dominion  and  admitted  as  the 
thirty-fifth  State  of  the  Union. 

Early  in  February,  1864,  General  Sherman  moved  from 
Vicksburg  to  Meridian.  In  this  vicinity  the  railroad  tracks 
were  torn  up  for  a hundred  and  fifty  miles.  At  Meridian  Gen- 
eral Sherman  expected  a force  of  Union  cavalry,  which  had 
been  sent  out  from  Memphis  under  General  Smith.  The  latter 
advanced  into  Mississippi,  but  was  met  by  the  cavalry  of  For- 
rest and.  driven  back  to  Memphis.  General  Sherman  thereupon 
retraced  his  course  to  Vicksburg.  Forrest  continued  his  raid 
Northward  to  Paducah,  Kentucky,  and  made  an  assault  on  Fort 
Anderson,  but  was  repulsed  with  a severe  loss. 

Forrest,  with  the  larger  portion  of  his  command,  had  mean- 
time fallen  back  into  Tennessee,  when  he  suddenly  appeared 
before  Fort  Pillow,  some  40  miles  above  Memphis,  held  by 
Major  Booth,  with  a garrison  of  557  men,  262  of  whom  were 
colored  soldiers  of  the  sixth  United  States  heavy  artillery.  The 
other  battalion  was  composed  of  white  soldiers  under  Major  Brad- 
ford, thirteenth  Tennessee  cavalry.  Major  Booth  had  six  guns. 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


297 


The  attack  was  made  before  sunrise,  and  the  fighting  was 
sharp  until  9 o’clock  in  the  forenoon,  when  Major  Booth  was 
killed.  Hitherto  the  Union  troops  had  defended  an  outer  line 
of  intrenchments,  but  Major  Bradford  now  drew  the  garrison 
back  into  the  fort,  situated  on  the  high,  steep,  but  partially 
timbered  bluff  of  the  Mississippi,  with  a ravine  on  either  hand, 
also  partially  wooded.  The  gunboat,  New  Era,  Captain  Mar- 
shall, assisted  in  the  defense ; but  to  little  purpose,  because  of 
the  height  of  the  bank,  and  because  the  Confederates  if  shelled 
up  one  ravine,  shifted  their  operations  to  the  other. 

The  fighting  went  on  till  late  in  the  afternoon,  without 
material  advantage  to  the  enemy ; when  the  fire  on  both  sides 
slackened  to  allow  the  guns  to  cool,  while  the  New  Era,  nearly 
out  of  cartridges,  moved  back  into  the  channel  to  clean  her 
guns.  Forrest  improved  the  opportunity  to  send  a summons, 
and  soon  after  a second,  demanding  a surrender  in  twenty 
minutes,  which  Bradford  declined. 

While  these  negotiations  were  in  progress,  the  Confederates 
were  stealing  down  both  ravines  and  gaining  sheltered  positions, 
whence  they  could  rush  upon  the  fort  whenever  the  signal 
should  be  given. 

Bradford’s  answer  having  been  received  their  rush  was 
instantaneous,  and  in  a moment  the  fort  was  in  their  hands ; 
while  the  garrison,  throwing  down  their  arms,  fled  down  the 
steep  bank,  trying  to  hide  behind  trees  or  logs,  or  skulk 
in  bushes,  or  find  comparative  safety  in  the  river.  The 
Confederates  followed,  butchering  white  and  colored  soldiers 
and  non-combatants,  men,  women  and  children,  with  no  more 
discrimination  than  humanity. 

Disabled  men  were  made  to  stand  up  and  then  be  shot; 
others  were  burned  with  the  tents  wherein  they  had  been  nailed 
to  the  floor.  This  carnival  of  murder  continued  till  dark,  and 
was  even  renewed  the  next  morning.  Major  Bradford  was  not 
murdered  till  they  had  taken  him  as  a prisoner  several  miles 
on  their  retreat  South. 

It  was  in  vain  that  Forrest  and  his  superior  officer  under- 
took to  palliate  this  infernal  atrocity  in  defiance  of  their  own 


298  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


record.  Apart  from  the  general  threats  of  the  Confederate 
authorities  that  they  would  refuse  to  treat  colored  soldiers  or 
their  white  officers  as  prisoners  of  Avar,  Forrest,  not  three 
weeks  before,  had  seen  fit  to  summon  the  surrender  of  Padu- 
cah, and  his  order  contained  the  following  language:  “ If  you 
surrender  you  shall  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  but  if  I 
have  to  storm  your  works,  you  may  expect  no  quarter.” 

Both  Booth  and  Bradford  having  been  killed,  the  precise 
terms  in  which  he  summoned  Fort  Pillow,  do  not  appear; 
but  Buford’s  demand  for  the  surrender  of  Columbus,  the  next 
day  after  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre,  ended  with  the  following 
sentence:  “Should  I be  compelled  to  take  the  place  by  force, 
no  quarter  will  be  shown  Negro  troops  whatever.  White 
troops  will  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war.”  General  S.  D. 
Lee,  the  superior  officer  of  Forrest,  endeavors  to  shield  the 
subordinate  assassin  in  an  explanatory  article,  but  all  of  Lee’s 
assertions  cannot  weigh  against  the  solemn  oaths  of  scores  of 
unimpeached  witnesses,  several  of  whom  themselves  were  shot 
and  left  for  dead  long  after  the  fighting  had  utterly  ceased, 
when  they  were  known  to  have  surrendered,  and  seAmral  of 
whom  testify  that  they  saw  colored  prisoners  butchered  the 
next  day.  And  the  evidence  of  whites  and  blacks  proves  that 
the  murderers  a hundred  times  declared  that  they  shot  the 
blacks  because  they  were  “niggers  ” and  the  whites  for  “fight- 
ing with  niggers.”  If  human  testimony  ever  did  or  can  estab- 
lish anything,  then  this  is  proved  a case  of  deliberate,  whole- 
sale massacre  of  prisoners  of  war  after  they  had  surrendered 
— many  of  them  long  after — and  for  the  naked  reason  that 
some  of  them  were  black  and  others  were  fighting  in  black 
company. 

Forrest  retreated  rapidly  from  the  scene  of  the  achieve- 
ment into  Mississippi  and  was  not  effectively  pursued ; there 
being  no  adequate  cavalry  at  hand  for  the  purpose. 

In  the  spring  of  1864,  the  Bed  river  expedition  was  under- 
taken by  General  Banks.  The  object  was  to  capture  Shreve- 
port, the  seat  of  the  Confederate  Government  of  Louisiana. 
On  the  14th  of  March  the  Union  troops  captured  Fort  De 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


299 


Pi  ussy,  on  Pied  river.  The  Confederates  retreated  to  Alexan- 
dria, and  on  the  lGth  that  city  was  taken  by  the  Union  soldiers. 
Three  days  afterward  Natchitoches  was  captured.  The  fleet 
now  proceeded  up  stream  toward  Shreveport,  and  the  land 
forces  whirled  off  to  the  left. 

At  Mansfield,  on  the  8th  of  April,  the  advancing  Unionists 
were  attacked  by  the  Confederates,  and  completely  routed.  At 
Pleasant  Hill,  on  the  next  day,  the  main  body  of  the  Union 
Army  was  badly  defeated.  The  flotilla  now  descended  the 
river  from  the  direction  of  Shreveport.  The  whole  expedition 
returned  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  the  Mississippi.  General 
Steele  had  in  the  meantime  advanced  from  Little  Rock  to  aid 
in  the  reduction  of  Shreveport;  but  learning  of  the  Union 
defeats,  he  withdrew  after  several  severe  engagements. 

On  the  2d  of  March,  1864,  General  Grant  was  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  Armies  of  the  United  States. 
Seven  hundred  thousand  soldiers  were  now  to  move  at  his  com- 
mand. Two  great  campaigns  were  planned  for  the  year.  The 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  under  Meade  and  the  General-in-Chief, 
was  to  advance  upon  Richmond ; General  Sherman,  with  a hun- 
ched thousand  men,  was  to  march  from  Chattanooga  against 
Atlanta. 

On  the  7th  of  May,  General  Sherman  moved  forward.  At 
Dalton  he  succeeded  in  turning  Johnston’s  flank,  and  obliged 
him  to  fall  back  to  Reseca.  After  two  hard  battles,  on  the 
14th  and  15th  of  May,  this  place  was  carried  and  the  Confed- 
erates retreated  to  Dallas.  Here,  on  the  28th,  Johnston  made 
a second  stand,  but  was  again  out-flanked  and  compelled  to 
fall  back  to  Lost  Mountain.  From  this  position  he  was  forced 
on  the  17th  of  June.  The  next  stand  was  made  on  Great  and 
Little  Kenesaw  Mountains.  From  this  line,  on  the  22cl  of 
June,  the  division  of  General  Hood  made  a fierce  attack,  but 
was  repulsed  with  heavy  losses. 

Five  days  afterward,  General  Sherman  attempted  to  carry 
Great  Kenesaw  by  storm,  but  the  assault  ended  in  a dreadful 
repulse.  Sherman  resumed  his  former  tactics,  and  on  the  8a 
of  July,  compelled  his  antagonist  to  retreat  across  the  Chatta- 


300  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


hoochee.  By  the  10th  of  the  month  the  whole  Confederate 
army  had  retired  to  Atlanta. 

This  stronghold  was  at  once  besieged.  Here  were  the 
machine  shops,  foundries,  and  car  works  of  the  Confederacy. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  siege,  the  cautious  and  prudent  John- 
ston was  superseded  by  the  brave,  and  rash  General  Hood. 
On  the  20th,  22d  and  28th  of  July,  the  latter  made  three  as- 
saults on  the  Union  lines,  but  was  driven  back  with  terrible 
losses.  It  was  in  the  second  of  these  battles  that  the  brave 
General  McPherson  was  killed.  For  more  than  a month  the 
siege  of  Atlanta  was  pressed  with  great  vigor.  At  last  Hood 
was  obliged  to  abandon  the  city,  and  on  the  2d  of  September, 
the  Union  army  marched  into  the  stronghold  of  Georgia. 

General  Hood  uoav  turned  Northward  toward  Tennessee, 
swept  up  through  Northern  Alabama,  crossed  the  river  at 
Florence,  and  advanced  on  Nashville.  Meanwhile,  General 
Thomas,  with  the  army  of  the  Cumberland,  had  been  detached 
from  Sherman’s  army  and  sent  Northward  to  confront  Plood. 
General  Schofield,  who  commanded  the  Union  forces  in  Ten- 
nessee, fell  back  before  the  Confederates  and  took  post  at 
Franklin.  Here,  on  the  30th  of  November,  he  was  attacked  by 
Hood’s  legions,  and  held  them  at  bay  until  nightfall,  when  he 
retreated  within  the  defenses  of  Nashville.  At  this  place  all  of 
General  Thomas’  forces  were  concentrated.  Hood  came  on, 
confident  of  victory,  and  prepared  to  begin  the  siege ; but  be- 
fore the  work  was  fairly  begun,  General  Thomas,  on  the  15th 
of  December,  fell  upon  the  Confederate  army,  and  routed  it 
with  a loss  of  more  than  25,000  men.  For  many  days  of 
freezing  weather,  Hood’s  columns  were  pursued  until  at  last 
they  found  refuge  in  Alabama. 

On  ths  14th  of  November,  General  Sherman  burned 
Atlanta,  and  began  his  march  to  the  sea.  His  army  now  num- 
bered 60,000. 

He  cut  his  communications  with  the  North,  abandoned  his 
base  of  supplies,  and  struck  out  for  the  seacoast,  two  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  away.  The  Union  army  passed  through  Macon 
'rd  Milledgeville,  crossed  the  Ogeechee,  captured  Gibson  and 


THE  CIVIL  WAR 


301 


Waynesborough,  and  on  the  10th  of  December  arrived  in  the 
vicinity  of  Savannah.  On  the  13th,  Fort  McAlister  was  car- 
ried by  storm.  On  the  night  of  the  20th,  General  Hardee,  the 
Confederate  leader,  escaped  from  Savannah  and  retreated  to 
Charleston.  On  the  22d,  General  Sherman  made  his  head- 
quarters in  the  city. 

January,  1865,  was  spent  by  the  Union  army  at  Savannah. 
On  the  1st  of  February,  General  Sherman  began  his  march 
against  Columbia,  South  Carolina.  The  Confederates  had  not 
sufficient  troops  to  stay  his  progress.  On  the  17th  of  the 
month,  Columbia  was  surrendered.  On  the  same  night,  Hardee, 
having  destroyed  the  public  property  of  Charleston,  and 
kindled  fires  which  laid  four  squares  in  ashes,  evacuated  the 
city ; and  on  the  following  morning  the  national  forces  entered. 
After  the  burning  of  Columbia,, General  Sherman  marched  into 
North  Carolina,  and  on  the  11th  of  March,  captured  Fayetteville. 

General  Johnston  was  now  recalled  to  the  command  of  the 
Confederate  forces,  and  the  advance  of  the  Union  army  began 
to  be  seriously  opposed.  At  Averasborough,  on  the  Cape 
Fear  Fiver,  General  Hardee  made  a stand,  but  was  repulsed. 
When,  on  the  19th  of  March,  General  Sherman  was  approach- 
ing Bentonsvillo,  he  was  attacked  by  Johnston,  and  for  a while 
the  Union  army  was  in  danger  of  defeat.  But  the  day  was 
saved  by  hard  fighting,  and  on  the  21st,  Sherman  entered 
Goldsborough.  Here  he  was  reinforced  by  Generals  Schofield 
and  Terry.  The  Federal  army  turned  to  the  Northwest,  and 
on  the  13th  of  April,  entered  Faleigh.  This  was  the  end  of 
the  great  march ; and  here,  on  the  26th  of  the  month,  General 
Sherman  received  the  surrender  of  Johnston’s  army. 

We  cannot  even  give  specimen  extracts  of  the  many  strongly 
and  clearly  worded  papers  written  by  General  Sherman  during 
his  military  career,  as  general  orders,  directions  for  the  govern- 
ment of  captured  places  or  property,  or  discussions  of  points 
of  military  or  civil  law.  But  we  must  transcribe  the  noblest 
compliment  which  the  great  soldier  ever  received ; the  testimony 
of  the  colored  clergyman,  Fev.  Garrison  Frazier,  at  Savannah, 
Firing  the  conference  there  for  organizing  the  freedmen.  As 


302  BISTORT  OF  TEE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  tlie  merits  of  General  Sherman  towards  the  Colored  Kace, 
Mr.  Frazier  said:  “"We  looked  upon  General  Sherman  prior 
to  his  arrival  as  a man  in  the  providence  of  God,  specially  set 
apart  to  accomplish  this  work,  and  we  unanimously  feel  inex- 
pressible gratitude  to  him,  looking  upon  him  as  a man  that 
should  be  honored  for  the  faithful  performance  of  his  duty. 
Some  of  us  called  on  him  immediately  upon  his  arrival,  and  it 
is  probable  he  would  not  meet  the  Secretary  with  more  cour- 
tesy than  he  met  us.  His  conduct  and  deportment  towards  us 
characterized  him  as  a friend  and  a gentleman.  We  have  con- 
fidence in  General  Sherman,  and  think  what  concerns  us  could 
not  be  under  better  management.” 

General  Sherman’s  negotiations  with  Johnston,  their  disap- 
proval by  Government,  and  his  quarrel  in  consequence  with 
General  Halleck  and  Secretary  Stanton  were  unfortunate;  but 
it  would  be  utterly  absurd  to  admit  for  a moment  that  his 
motives  for  what  he  did  were  other  than  the  very  best ; and  his 
own  explanation  of  the  affair  shows  that  he  was  following  out  a 
policy  which  would  have  been  in  full  harmony  with  President 
Lincoln’s  own  feelings,  as  communicated  to  General  Sherman 
on  the  subject. 

Meanwhile  important  events  had  occurred  on  the  Gulf. 
Early  in  August,  1864,  Admiral  Farragut  bore  down  on  the 
defenses  of  Mobile.  The  harbor  was  defended  by  a Confed- 
erate fleet  and  the  monster  ironclad  Tennessee.  On  the  5th  of 
August,  Farragut  ran  past  Forts  Morgan  and  Gaines  into  the 
harbor.  In  order  to  direct  the  movements  of  his  vessels,  the 
old  Admiral  mounted  to  the  maintop  of  the  Hartford,  lashed 
himself  to  the  rigging,  and  from  that  high  perch  gave  his  com- 
mands during  the  battle.  One  of  the  Union  ships  struck  a tor- 
pedo and  sank.  The  rest  attacked  and  dispersed  the  Confed- 
erate squadron ; but  just  as  the  day  seemed  won,  the  Tennessee 
came  down  at  full  speed  to  strike  the  Hartford.  Then  followed 
one  of  the  fiercest  conflicts  of  the  war.  The  Union  ironclads 
closed  around  their  antagonist  and  battered  her  with  fifteen 
inch  bolts  of  iron  till  she  surrendered. 

Next  came  the  capture  of  Fort  Fisher,  at  the  entrance  to 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


303 


Cape  Fear  Elver.  In  December,  Admiral  Porter  was  sent 
with  a powerful  Union  squadron  to  besiege  and  take  the 
Fort.  General  Butler,  with  6,500  men,  accompanied  the  expe- 
dition. On  the  24th  of  the  month,  the  troops  were  sent  ashore 
with  orders  to  storm  the  works.  When  General  Weitzel,  who 
led,  came  near  enough  to  reconnoiter,  he  decided  that  an 
assault  could  only  end  in  disaster.  General  Butler  held  the 
same  opinion,  and  the  enterprise  was  abandoned.  Admiral 
Porter  remained  before  Fort  Fisher  with  his  fleet,  and  General 
Butler  returned  to  Fortress  Monroe.  Early  in  January,  the 
siege  was  renewed,  and  on  the  15th  of  the  month  Fort  Fisher 
was  taken  by  storm. 

In  the  previous  October,  Lieutenant  Cushing,  with  a num- 
ber of  volunteers,  embarked  in  a small  steamer  and  entered 
the  Eoanoke.  A tremendous  iron  ram,  called  the  Albemarle, 
was  discovered  lying  at  the  harbor  of  Plymouth.  Cautiously 
approaching,  the  lieutenant  sank  a torpedo  under  the  Confed- 
erate ship,  exploded  it,  and  left  the  ram  a ruin.  The  adven- 
ture cost  the  lives  or  capture  of  all  of  Cushing’s  party,  except 
himself  and  one  other,  who  made  good  their  escape. 

During  the  progress  of  the  war,  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  was  greatly  injured  by  the  Confederate  cruisers. 
The  first  ship  sent  out  was  the  Savannah,  which  was  captured 
on  the  same  day  that  she  escaped  from  Charleston.  In  June, 
of  1861,  the  Sumter,  commanded  by  Captain  Semmes,  ran  the 
blockade  at  New  Orleans,  and  did  fearful  work  with  the  Union 
merchantmen.  But  in  February  of  1862,  Semmes  was  chased 
into  the  harbor  of  Gibraltar,  where  he  was  obliged  to  sell  his 
vessel.  The  Nashville  ran  out  from  Charleston,  and  returned 
with  a cargo  worth  $3,000,000.  In  March  of  1863,  she  was 
sunk  by  a Union  iron-clad  in  the  Savannah  Eiver. 

The  ports  of  the  Southern  States  were  now  closely  block- 
aded. In  this  emergency,  the  Confederates  turned  to  the  ship- 
yards of  Great  Britain,  and  began  to  build  cruisers.  In  the 
harbor  of  Liverpool  the  Florida  was  fitted  out ; and  going  to 
sea  in  the  summer  of  1862,  she  succeeded  in  running  into 
Mobile  Bay.  She  afterwards  destroyed  fifteen  merchantmen, 


304  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  was  then  captured  and  snnk  in  Hampton  Roads.  Tlie 
Georgia,  the  Olustee,  the  Shenandoah,  and  the  Cliickamauga, 
all  built  at  the  ship-yards  of  Glasgow,  Scotland,  escaped  to  sea 
and  made  great  havoc  with  the  merchant  ships  of  the  United 
States. 

Most  destructive  of  all  was  the  Alabama,  built  at  Liver- 
pool. Her  commander  was  Captain  Raphael  Semmes.  A 
majority  of  the  crew  were  British  subjects ; and  her  armament 
was  entirely  British.  In  her  whole  career  which  involved  the 
destruction  of  sixty-six  vessels  and  a loss  of  ten  million  dollars 
to  the  United  States,  she  never  entered  a Confederate  port. 
In  the  summer  of  1864,  Semmes  was  overtaken  in  the  harbor 
of  Cherbourg,  France,  by  Captain  Winslow,  Commander  of  the 
steamer  Kearsarge.  On  the  19th  of  June,  Semmes  went  out 
to  give  his  antagonist  battle.  After  a desperate  fight  of  an 
hour’s  duration,  the  Alabama  was  sunk.  Semmes  was  picked 
up  by  the  British  vessel  Deerhound,  and  carried  in  safety  to 
Southampton. 

On  the  night  of  the  3d  of  May,  1864,  the  National  camp 
at  Culpepper  was  broken  up  and  the  march  on  Richmond 
began.  On  the  first  day  of  the  advance,  Grant  crossed  the 
Rapidan  and  entered  the  Wilderness,  a country  of  oak  woods 
and  thickets. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  which  had  now  commenced  its 
march  toward  Richmond,  was  more  powerful  in  numbers  than 
at  any  previous  period  of  the  war.  It  was  thoroughly  equipped 
and  provided  with  every  appliance  of  modern  warfare.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Confederate  army  of  Northern  Virginia 
had  gained  little  in  numbers  during  the  winter  just  passed, 
and  had  never  been  so  scantily  supplied  with  food  and  clothing. 
The  equipment  as  to  arms  was  well  enough  for  men  who  knew 
how  to  use  them,  but  commissary  and  quartermaster’s  supplies 
were  lamentably  deficient.  A new  pair  of  shoes  or  an  over- 
coat was  a luxury,  and  full  rations  would  have  astonished  the 
stomachs  of  Lee’s  ragged  veterans.  But  they  took  their 
privations  cheerfully,  and  complaints  were  seldom  heard.  An 
instance  is  recalled  of  one  hardy  fellow,  whose  trousers  were 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


305 


literally  worn  so  they  would  no  longer  adhere  to  his  legs  even 
by  dint  of  the  most  persistent  patching.  Unable  to  obtain 
another  pair,  he  wore  instead  a thin  pair  of  cotton  drawers. 
By  taking  good  care  of  these  he  managed  to  get  through  the 
winter.  Before  the  campaign  opened  in  the  spring,  the  quarter- 
master received  a lot  of  clothing  and  he  was  the  first  man  in 
his  regiment  to  be  supplied. 

Expressions  of  surprise  arose  in  many  minds,  that  such 
ragged,  barefooted,  half-starved  men  would  fight  at  all.  But 
the  very  fact  that  they  remained  with  their  colors  through  such 
privations  and  hardships  was  sufficient  to  prove  that  they  would 
be  dangerous  foes  to  encounter  upon  the  field  of  battle.  The 
morale  of  the  army  at  this  time  was  excellent,  and  it  moved 
forward  confidently  to  the  grim  death  grapple  in  the  Wilder- 
ness of  Spotsylvania  with  its  old  enemy,  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac. 

General  Lee’s  headquarters  were  at  Orange  Court  House; 
of  his  three  corps,  Longstreet’s  was  at  Gordonsville,  Ewell’s 
was  on  the  Bapidan,  above  Mine  Bun,  and  Hill’s  on  his  left, 
higher  up  the  stream.  When  the  Union  Army  was  known  to 
be  in  motion,  General  Lee  prepared  to  move  upon  its  flank 
with  his  whole  force,  as  soon  as  it  should  clear  the  river  and 
begin  its  march  Southward.  The  route  selected  by  General 
Grant  led  entirely  around  the  right  of  Lee’s  position  on  the 
river  above.  His  passage  of  the  Bapidan  was  unopposed,  and 
he  struck  boldly  out  on  the  direct  road  to  Bichmond.  Two 
roads  lead  from  Orange  Court  House  down  the  Bapidan 
towards  Fredericksburg.  They  follow  the  general  direction  of 
the  river,  and  are  almost  parallel  to  each  other— the  “Old 
Turnpike”  nearest  the  river,  and  the  “Plank  Boad”  a short 
distance  south  of  it.  The  route  of  the  Federal  Army  lay 
directly  across  these  two  roads,  along  the  western  borders  of 
the  famous  Wilderness. 

About  noon  on  the  4th  of  May,  Ewell’s  corps  was  put  in 
motion  on  the  Orange  Turnpike,  while  A.  P.  Hill,  with  two 
divisions,  moved  parallel  with  him  on  the  Orange  Plank  Boad. 
The  two  divisions  of  Longstreet’s  corps,  encamped  near  Gor- 


306  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


donsville,  were  ordered  to  move  rapidly  across  the  country  and 
follow  Hill  on  the  Plank  Road.  Ewell’s  corps  was  the  first  to 
find  itself  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy.  As  it  advanced  along 
the  Turnpike,  on  the  morning  of  the  5th,  the  Union  column 
was  seen  crossing  it  from  the  direction  of  Germania  Ford. 
Ewell  promptly  formed  in  line  of  battle  across  the  Turnpike, 
and  communicated  his  position  to  General  Lee,  who  was  on 
the  Plank  Road  with  Hill’s  column.  He  was  instructed  to 
regulate  his  movements  by  the  head  of  Hill’s  column,  whose 
progress  he  could  tell  by  the  firing  in  its  front,  and  not  to 
bring  on  a general  engagement  until  Longstreet’s  command 
should  come  up.  The  position  of  Ewell’s  troops,  so  near  the 
flank  of  the  Union  line  of  march,  was  anything  but  favorable 
to  a preservation  of  the  peace,  and  a collision  soon  occurred 
which  opened  the  campaign  in  earnest. 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


307 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

BATTLES  IN  THE  WILDERNESS. 

“ Hark  ! the  death  denouncing  trumpet  sounds 
The  fatal  charge,  and  shouts  proclaim  the  onset 
Destruction  rushes  dreadful  to  the  field 
And  bathes  itself  in  blood : havoc  let  loose 
Now  undistinguished,  rages  all  around  : 

While  Ruin,  seated  on  her  dreary  throne, 

Sees  the  plain  strewed  with  subjects  truly  hers, 

Breathless  and  cold.” 

ENERAL  WARREN,  whose  corps  was  passing  when  Ew- 
ell  came  up,  halted  and  turning  to  the  right  made  a vigor- 
ous attack  upon  Edward  Johnson’s  division,  posted  across  the 
Turnpike.  Jones’  brigade,  which  held  the  road,  was  driven 
back  in  confusion.  Stewart’s  brigade  was  pushed  forward  to 
take  its  place.  Rodes’  division  was  thrown  on  Johnson’s 
right,  South  of  the  road,  and  the  line  thus  re-established, 
moved  forward,  reversed  the  tide  of  battle,  and  rolled  back  the 
Union  attack.  The  fighting  was  severe  and  bloody  while  it 
lasted.  The  lines  were  in  such  proximity  at  one  point  in  the 
woods  that,  when  the  Union  Army  gave  way,  the  One  Hundred 
and  Forty-sixth  New  York  regiment  threw  down  its  arms  and 
surrendered  in  a body. 

Ewell’s  entire  corps  was  now  up,  Johnson’s  division  hold- 
ing the  Turnpike,  Rodes’  division  on  the  right  of  it,  and 
Early’s  in  reserve.  So  far  Ewell  had  only  been  engaged  with 
Warren’s  corps,  but  Sedgwick’s  soon  came  up  from  the  river 
and  joined  Warren  on  his  right.  Early’s  division  was  sent  to 
meet  it.  The  battle  extended  in  that  direction,  with  steady  and 
determined  attacks  upon  Early’s  front,  until  nightfall.  The 
Confederates  still  clung  to  their  hold  on  the  Union  flank 
against  every  effort  to  dislodge  them. 

When  Warren’s  corps  encountered  the  head  of  Ewell’s  col- 
umn on  the  5th  of  May,  General  Meade  is  reported  to 
have  said:  “ They  have  left  a division  to  fool  us  here,  while 


308  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


they  concentrate  and  prepare  a position  on  the  North  Anna.”  If 
the  stubborn  resistance  to  Warren’s  attack  did  not  at  once  con- 
vince him  of  his  mistake,  the  firing  which  announced  the 
approach  of  Hill’s  corps  along  the  Plank  Road  very  soon  after- 
wards, must  have  opened  his  eyes  to  the  bold  strategy  of  the 
Confederate  commander.  General  Lee  had  deliberately  chosen 
this  as  his  battle  ground.  He  knew  this  tangled  wilderness 
well,  and  appreciated  fully  the  advantages  such  a field  afforded 
for  concealing  his  great  infirmity  of  force,  and  for  neutralizing 
the  superior  strength  of  his  antagonist. 

General  Grant’s  bold  movement  across  the  lower  fords  into 
the  Wilderness,  in  the  execution  of  his  plan  to  swing  past  the 
Confederate  Army  and  place  himself  between  it  and  Richmond, 
offered  the  expected  opportunity  of  striking  a blow  upon  his 
flank  while  his  troops  were  stretched  out  on  the  line  of  march. 
The  wish  for  such  an  opportunity  was  doubtless  in  a measure, 
“father  to  the  thought”  expressed  by  General  Lee  three  days 
before  at  the  signal  station  on  Clark’s  mountain. 

Soon  after  Ewell  became  engaged  on  the  old  Turnpike.  A. 
P.  Hill’s  advance  struck  the  Union  outposts  on  the  Plank  Road 
at  Parker’s  store,  on  the  outskirts  of  the  Wilderness.  These 
were  driven  in  and  followed  up  to  their  line  of  battle,  which  was 
so  posted  as  to  cover  the  junction  of  the  Plank  Road  with  the 
Stevensburg  and  Brock  roads,  on  which  the  Federal  Army  was 
moving  toward  Spotsylvania.  The  fight  began  between  Get- 
ty’s division  of  the  sixth  corps  and  Heth’s  division,  which  was 
leading  A.  P.  Hill’s  column.  Hancock’s  corps,  which  was 
already  on  the  march  for  Spotsylvania  by  way  of  Chancellors- 
ville,  was  at  once  recalled,  and  at  4 o’clock  in  the  afternoon  was 
ordered  to  drive  Hill  “out  of  the  wilderness.”  Wilcox’s  divis- 
ion was  thrown  in  to  Heth’s  support,  and  Poague’s  battalion  of 
artillery  took  position  in  a little  clearing  on  the  North  side  of 
the  Plank  Road,  in  rear  of  the  Confederate  infantry.  But  there 
was  little  use  for  artillery  on  such  a field.  After  the  battle  was 
fairly  joined  in  the  thickets  in  front,  its  fire  might  do  as  much 
damage  to  friend  as  to  foe ; so  it  was  silent.  It  was  a desperate 
struggle  between  the  infantry  of  the  two  armies,  on  a field 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


309 


whose  physical  aspects  were  as  grim  and  forbidding  as  the 
struggle  itself.  It  was  a battle  of  brigades  and  regiments, 
rather  than  of  corps  and  divisions.  Officers  could  not  see  the 
whole  length  of  their  commands,  and  could  only  tell  whether 
the  troops  on  their  right  and  left  were  driving  or  being  driven 
by  the  sound  of  the  firing.  It  was  a fight  at  close  quarters  too, 
for  as  night  came  on,  in  those  tangled  thickets  of  stunted  pine, 
sweet  gum,  scrub  oak  and  cedar,  the  approach  of  the  opposing 
lines  could  only  be  discerned  by  the  noise  of  their  passage 
through  the  under  brush  or  the  flashing  of  their  guns.  The 
usually  silent  Wilderness  had  suddenly  become  alive.  The  angry 
flashing  of  the  musketry  and  its  heavy  roar,  mingled  with  the 
yells  of  the  combatants  as  they  swayed  to  and  fro  in  the 
gloomy  thickets.  Death  was  busy,  and  he  reaped  more  laurels 
than  either  Lee  or  Grant.  Among  the  killed  was  General 
Hays  of  Hancock’s  corps. 

When  the  battle  closed  at  8 o’clock,  General  Lee  sent  an 
order  to  Longstreet  to  make  a night  march,  so  as  to  arrive  upon 
the  field  at  daylight  the  nest  morning.  The  latter  moved  at 
one  o’clock  A.  M.  of  the  6th,  but  it  was  day  light  when  he 
reached  the  Plank  Hoad  at  Parker’s  store,  three  miles  in  rear  of 
Hill’s  battle  field.  During  the  night  the  movements  of  troops 
and  preparations  for  battle  could  be  heard  on  the  Union  line  in 
front  of  Heth’s  and  Wilcox’s  divisions,  who  had  so  far  sus- 
tained themselves  against  every  attack  by  sis  divisions  under 
General  Hancock.  But  they  were  thoroughly  worn  out.  Their 
lines  were  ragged  and  irregular  with  wide  intervals,  and  in 
some  places  fronting  in  different  directions.  Expecting  to  be 
relieved  during  the  night,  no  effort  was  made  to  rearrange  and 
strengthen  them  to  meet  the  storm  that  was  brewing. 

As  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to  see  what  little  could  be 
seen  in  that  dark  forest,  Hancock’s  troops  swept  forward  to  the 
attack.  The  blow  fell  with  greatest  force  upon  Wilcox’s  troops 
South  of  the  Orange  Plank  Hoad.  They  made  what  front  they 
could  and  renewed  the  fight,  until  the  attacking  column  over- 
lapping the  right  wing,  it  gave  way,  and  the  whole  line 

“rolled  up”  from  the  right  and  retired  in  disorder  along  the 
21 


310  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Plank  Hoad  as  far  as  tlie  position  of  Poague’s  artillery,  which 
now  opened  upon  the  attacking  force.  The  Union  troops 
pressed  their  advantage  and  were  soon  abreast  of  the  artillery 
on  the  opposite  side,  their  bullets  flying  across  the  road  among 
the  guns  where  General  Lee  himself  stood.  For  a while  mat- 
ters looked  very  serious  for  the  Confederates.  General  Lee, 
after  sending  a messenger  to  hasten  the  march  of  Longstreet’s 
troops  and  another  to  prepare  the  trains  for  a movement  to  the 
rear,  was  assisting  in  rallying  the  disordered  troops  and  direct- 
ing the  fire  of  the  artillery,  when  the  head  of  Longstreet’s 
corps  appeared  in  double  column,  swinging  down  the  Orange 
Plank  Load  at  a trot.  In  perfect  order,  ranks  well  closed,  and 
no  stragglers,  those  splendid  troops  came  on,  regardless  of  the 
confusion  on  every  side,  pushing  their  steady  way  “onward 
like  a river  in  the  sea”  of  confused  and  troubled  human  waves 
around  them.  Kershaw’s  division  took  the  right  of  the  road, 
and  coming  into  line  under  a heavy  fire,  moved  obliquely  to 
the  right  (south),  to  meet  the  Union  left,  which  had  “swung 
round  ” in  that  direction.  The  Unionists  were  checked  in  their 
sweeping  advance  and  thrown  back  upon  their  front  line  of 
breastworks,  where  they  made  a stubborn  stand.  But  Kershaw, 
urged  on  by  Longstreet,  charged  with  his  whole  command, 
swept  his  front  and  captured  the  works. 

Nearly  at  the  same  moment,  Field’ s division  took  the  left 
of  the  road,  with  Gregg’s  brigade  in  front,  Benning’s  behind 
it,  Laws’  next,  and  Jenkins’  following.  As  the  Texans  in  the 
front  line  swept  past  the  batteries  where  General  Lee  was 
standing,  they  gave  a rousing  cheer  for  “ Marse  Robert,”  who 
spurred  his  horse  forward  and  followed  them  in  the  charge. 
When  the  men  became  aware  that  he  was  going  in  “with 
them,”  they  called  loudly  to  him  to  go  back.  “We  won’t  go 
on  unless  you  go  back,”  was  the  general  cry.  One  of  the  men 
dropped  to  the  rear,  and  taking  the  bridle  turned  his  horse 
around,  while  General  Gregg  came  up  and  urged  him  to  do  as 
the  men  wished.  At  that  moment  a member  of  his  staff  (Col- 
onel Yenable)  directed  his  attention  to  General  Longstreet, 
whom  he  had  been  looking  for,  and  who  was  sitting  on  his 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


311 


torse  near  the  Orange  Plank  Road.  With  evident  disappoint- 
ment, he  turned  off  and  joined  General  Longstreet. 

The  ground  over  which  Field’s  troops  were  advancing  was 
open  for  a short  distance,  and  fringed  on  its  farther  edge  with 
scattered  pines,  beyond  which  the  dense  wilderness  growth 
began.  The  Federal  troops  had  entered  the  pines  and  were 
advancing  with  apparently  resistless  force,  when  Gregg’s  eight 
hundred  Texans,  regardless  of  numbers,  flanks  or  supports, 
dashed  directly  upon  them.  There  was  a terrific  crash,  ming- 
led with  wild  yells,  which  settled  down  into  a steady  war  of 
musketry.  In  less  than  ten  minutes,  one-half  of  that  devoted 
eight  hundred  were  lying  upon  the  field  dead  or  wounded;  but 
they  had  delivered  a staggering  blow  and  broken  the  force  of 
the  Pinion  advance.  Benning’s  and  Laws’  brigades  came 
promptly  to  their  support,  and  the  whole  swept  forward  to- 
gether. The  tide  was  flowing  the  other  way  now.  It  ebbed 
and  flowed  many  times  that  day,  strewing  the  flower-clad 
ground  of  the  Wilderness  with  the  human  slain.  Laws’  bri- 
gade captured  a line  of  log  breastworks  in  its  front,  but  had 
held  them  only  a few  moments  when  their  former  owners  came 
back  to  claim  them.  They  were  rudely  received  and  driven 
back  to  a second  line  several  hundred  yards  beyond,  which  was 
also  taken.  This  advanced  position  was  attacked  in  front,  and 
on  the  right  from  across  the  Orange  Plank  Hoad,  and  Laws’ 
Alabamians  “advanced  backwards”  without  standing  on  the 
order  of  their  going,  until  they  reached  the  first  line  of  logs, 
now  in  their  rear.  As  their  friends  in  blue  still  insisted  on 
claiming  their  property,  and  were  advancing  to  take  it,  they 
were  met  by  a counter-charge  and  again  driven  beyond  the 
second  line.  This  was  held  against  a determined  attack,  in 
which  the  Pinion  General  Wadsworth  was  shot  from  his  horse 
as  he  rode  up  close  to  the  right  of  the  line  on  the  Plank  Hoad. 
The  position  becoming  again  untenable,  by  reason  of  the 
movements  of  Union  troops  on  their  right,  they  retired  a second 
time  to  the  works  they  had  first  captured. 

And  so,  for  more  than  two  hours,  the  storm  of  battle  swept 
to  and  fro,  in  some  places  passing  several  times  over  the  same 


312  HISTORY  OF  TEE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ground,  and  settling  down  at  length  almost  where  it  had  begun 
the  day  before. 

About  ten  o’clock  it  was  ascertained  that  the  Union  left 
flank  rested  only  a short  distance  South  of  the  Orange  Plank 
Ptoacl,  which  offered  a favorable  opportunity  for  a turning 
movement  in  that  quarter.  General  Longstreet  at  once  moved 
Mahone’s,  Wofford’s,  Anderson’s  and  Davis’  brigades,  the 
whole  under  General  Mahone,  around  this  end  of  the  Union 
line.  Forming  at  right  angles  to  it,  they  attacked  in  flank  and 
rear,  while  a general  advance  was  made  in  front.  So  far,  the 
fight  had  been  one  of  anvil  and  hammer,  ringing  blows  had 
been  given  and  received,  and  both  sides  were  bleeding  and 
bruised  from  their  effects.  But  this  first  display  of  the  tactics 
of  battle,  at  once  changed  the  face  of  the  field.  The  Union 
left  wing  was  rolled  up  in  confusion  towards  the  Plank  Road, 
and  then  back  upon  the  Brick  Road,  which  was  its  chief  outlet 
towards  Spotsylvania. 

This  partial  victory  had  been  a comparatively  easy  one. 
The  signs  of  demoralization  and  even  panic  among  the  troops 
of  Hancock’s  left  wing,  who  had  been  hurled  back  by  Mahone’s 
flank  attack,  were  too  plain  to  be  mistaken  by  the  Confederates, 
who  believed  that  Chancellorsville  was  about  to  be  repeated. 
General  Longstreet  rode  forward  and  prepared  to  press  his  ad- 
vantage. Jenkins’  fresh  brigade  was  moved  forward  on  the 
Plank  Road  to  renew  the  attack,  supported  by  Kershaw’s 
division,  while  the  flanking  column  should  come  into  position 
on  its  right.  The  latter  were  now  in  line  South  of  the  road 
and  almost  parallel  to  it.  Longstreet  and  Kershaw  rode  with 
General  Jenkins  at  the  head  of  his  brigade  as  it  pressed  for- 
ward, when  suddenly  the  quiet  which  had  reigned  for  some 
moments  was  broken  by  a few  scattering  shots  on  the  North  of 
the  road,  which  were  answered  by  a volley  from  Mahone’s  line 
on  the  South  side.  The  firing  in  their  front,  and  the  appear- 
ance of  troops  on  the  road,  whom  they  failed  to  recognize  as 
friends  through  the  intervening  timber,  had  drawn  a single 
volley,  which  lost  to  them  all  the  points  of  the  splendid  work 
they  had  just  done.  General  Jenkins  was  killed  and  Long- 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


313 


street  seriously  wounded  by  their  own  men.  The  troops  who 
were  following  them  faced  quickly  towards  the  firing,  and  were 
about  to  return  it,  but  when  General  Kershaw  called  out, 
“They  are  friends!”  every  musket  was  lowered,  and  the  men 
dropped  upon  the  ground  to  avoid  the  fire. 

The  head  of  the  attack  had  fallen,  and  for  a time  the 
movements  of  the  Confederates  were  paralyzed.  The  hand  of 
fate  seemed  to  be  in  it.  The  same  thing  had  happened  to 
Stonewall  Jackson,  in  this  same  Wilderness,  just  one  year  be- 
fore. General  Lee  came  forward  and  directed  in  person  the 
disposition  of  the  troops  for  a renewal  of  the  attack,  but  the 
change  of  commanders  rendered  necessary  by  the  fall  of  Long- 
street,  and  the  resumption  of  the  thread  of  operations  that  had 
fallen  from  his  hands  occasioned  a delay  of  several  hours,  and 
then  the  tide  which  “ taken  at  the  flood  leads  on  to  fortune  ” 
had  ebbed,  and  the  Confederates  only  received  hard  knocks 
instead  of  a brilliant  victory.  When  at  4 o’clock  an  attack 
was  made  upon  the  Union  line  along  the  Bro  ck  road,  it  was 
found  strongly  fortified  and  stubbornly  defended.  The  log 
breastworks  had  taken  fire  during  the  battle,  and  at  one  point 
separated  the  combatants  by  a wall  of  fire  and  smoke  which 
neither  could  pass.  Part  of  Field’s  division  captured  the 
works  in  their  front,  but  were  forced  to  relinquish  them  for 
want  of  support.  Meanwhile  Burnside’s  corps,  which  had  re- 
inforced Hancock  during  the  day,  made  a vigorous  attack  on 
the  North  of  the  Orange  Plank  Road,  Laws’  and  Perry’s  bri- 
gades were  being  forced  back,  when,  Heth’s  division  coming  to 
their  assistance,  they  assumed  the  offensive,  driving  Burnside’s 
troops  beyond  the  extensive  line  of  breastworks  constructed 
previous  to  their  advance. 

The  battles  fought  by  Ewell  on  the  old  Turnpike,  and  by  A. 
P.  Hill  on  the  Plank  Road,  on  the  5th  of  May,  were  entirely 
distinct,  no  connected  line  existing  between  them.  Connec- 
tion was  established  with  Ewell’s  right  by  Wilcox’s  division, 
after  it  had  been  relieved  by  Longstreet’s  troops,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  6th.  While  the  battle  was  in  progress  on  the  Orange 
Plank  Road,  on  the  6th,  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to 


314  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

turn  Ewell’s  right  by  Wilcox’s  division,  after  it  had  been 
relieved  by  Longstreet’s  troops  on  the  morning  of  the  6th. 
While  the  battle  was  in  progress  on  the  Orange  Plank  Road,  on 
the  6th,  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to  turn  Ewell’s  left 
next  the  river,  and  heavy  assaults  were  made  upon  the  line 
of  Ewell’s  division.  So  persistent  were  these  attacks  on  the 
front  of  Pegram’s  brigade,  that  other  troops  were  brought  up 
in  the  rear  to  its  support,  but  when  the  offer  was  made  to  re- 
lieve it,  the  men  rejected  the  offer,  and  said  they  wanted  no 
assistance. 

Late  in  the  day  General  Ewell  ordered  a movement  against 
the  Union  right  wing,  similar  to  that  by  which  Longstreet  had 
doubled  up  Hancock’s  left  in  the  morning.  Two  brigades  under 
General  J.  B.  Gordon,  moved  out  of  their  works  at  sunset,  and 
lapping  the  right  of  Sedgwick’s  corps  made  a sudden  and 
determined  attack  upon  it.  Taken  by  surprise  the  Unionists 
were  driven  from  a large  portion  of  their  works  with  the  loss  of 
six  hundred  prisoners,  among  them  Generals  Seymour  and 
Shaler.  Night  closed  the  contest,  but  the  results  were  indecis- 
ive. About  15,000  men  were  lost  on  each  side. 

Grant  next  made  a flank  movement  in  the  direction  of  Spot- 
sylvania Court  House.  Here  followed  from  the  9th  till  the 
12th,  one  of  the  bloodiest  struggles  of  the  war™ 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


315 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


BATTLE  OF  SPOTSYLVANIA. 


“War  is  honorable, 

In  those  who  do  their  native  rights  maintain, 

In  those  whose  swords  an  iron  barrier  are 
Between  the  lawless  spoiler  and  the  weak. 

But  in  those  who  draw  the  offensive  blade 
For  added  power  or  gain,  sordid  and  despicable 
As  meanest  office  of  the  worldly  churl.” 


0 engagement'  of  importance  took  place  on  the  9tk,  which 


’ was  spent  in  intrenching  the  lines  and  preparing  places 
of  refnge  from  the  impending  storm.  But  the  10th  was  a field 
day.  Early  in  the  morning  it  was  found  that  Hancock’s  corps 
had  crossed  the  Po — above  the  point  where  the  Confederate  left 
rested,  had  reached  the  Shady  Grove  road,  and  was  threaten- 
ing the  Confederate  rear,  as  well  as  the  trains  which  were  in 
that  direction  on  the  Old  Court  House  road,  leading  to  Louisa 
Court  House.  General  Early  was  ordered  from  the  right  with 
Mah one’s  and  Heth’s  divisions,  and  moving  rapidly  to  the 
threatened  quarters,  attacked  Hancock’s  rear  division  as  it  was 
about  to  recross  the  Po — driving  it  with  severe  loss,  through 
the  burning  woods  in  its  rear,  back  across  the  river. 

Meanwhile  General  Grant  was  not  idle  elsewhere.  He  had 
commenced  his  efforts  to  break  through  the  lines  confronting 
him.  The  first  assault  was  made  upon  Eield’s  division  of  Long- 
street’s  corps  and  met  with  a complete  and  bloody  repulse. 
Again  at  3 o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  blue  Union  columns 
pressed  forward  to  the  attack,  and  were  sent  back  torn  and 
bleeding,  leaving  the  ground  covered  with  their  dead  and 
wounded.  But  the  onslaught  had  a terrible  effect  on  the  Con- 
federates, their  loss  being  terrific.  Anticipating  a renewal  of 
the  assaults,  many  of  the  Confederates  went  out  in  front  of 
their  breastworks,  and  gathering  up  the  muskets  and  car- 
tridge boxes  of  the  dead  and  wounded,  brought  them  in  and 


316  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


distributed  them  along  tlie  line.  If  they  did  not  have  repeat- 
ing rifles,  they  had  a very  good  substitute,  several  loaded  ones 
to  each  naan.  They  had  no  reserves,  and  knew  that  if  they 
could  not  sufficiently  reduce  the  number  of  their  assailants  to 
equalize  matters  somewhat  before  they  reached  the  works, 
they  might  become  untenable  against  Grant’s  heavy  and  deter- 
mined attacks. 

A lull  of  several  hours  succeeded  the  failure  of  the  second 
attack,  but  it  was  only  a breathing  spell  preparatory  to  the 
culminating  effort  of  the  day.  Near  sunset  our  skirmishers 
were  driven  in  and  the  heavy  dark  lines  of  attack  came  into 
view  one  after  another,  first  in  quick  time  then  in  a trot,  and 
then  with  a rush  towards  the  works.  The  front  lines  dissolved 
before  the  pitiless  storm  that  met  them,  but  those  in  rear 
bravely  pressed  forward,  and  over  their  dead  and  dying  com- 
rades, reached  that  portion  of  the  works  held  by  the  Texas  bri- 
gade. These  gallant  fellows,  now  reduced  to  a mere  handful 
owing  to  their  fearful  losses  in  the  Wilderness,  stood  manfully 
to  their  work.  Their  line  was  beat  backward  by  the  pressure, 
but  they  continued  to  fight  in  rear  of  the  works  with  bayonets, 
clubbed  muskets  and  swords.  Fortunately  for  them  Anderson’s 
brigade  had  cleared  its  own  front,  and  a portion  of  it  turned 
upon  the  flank  of  their  assailants,  who  were  driven  out,  leaving 
many  dead  and  wounded  inside  the  works. 

While  this  attack  was  in  progress  on  Field’s  line,  another, 
quite  as  determined,  was  made  further  to  the  right  in  front  of 
Rodes’  division  of  Ewell’s  corps.  Doles’  brigade  was  broken 
and  swept  out  of  its  works  with  the  loss  of  three  hundred 
prisoners.  But  as  the  attacking  force  poured  through  the  gap 
thus  made,  Daniel’s  brigade  on  one  side  and  Stewart’s  on  the 
other  drew  back  from  their  lines  and  fell  upon  its  flanks,  while 
Johnston’s  brigades  were  hurried  up  from  the  left  an  thrown 
across  its  front.  Assailed  on  three  sides  at  once,  the  Union 
troops  were  forced  back  to  the  works  and  over  them,  where- 
upon they  broke  in  disorderly  retreat  to  their  own  lines. 

The  next  day  was  rainy  and  disagreeable,  and  no  serious 
engagement  took  place.  There  were  movements  however, 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


317 


along  the  Union  lines,  which  indicated  a withdrawal  from  the 
front  of  Longstreet’s  corps.  Late  in  the  afternoon,  under  the 
impression  that  General  Grant  had  actually  begun  another 
flanking  movement,  General  Lee  ordered  that  all  the  artillery 
on  the  left  and  center  which  was  difficult  of  access,  should  be 
withdrawn  from  the  lines,  and  that  everything  should  be  in 
readiness  to  move  during  the  night  if  necessary.  Under  this 
order,  General  Long,  Ewell’s  chief  of  artillery,  removed  all  but 
two  batteries  from  the  line  of  General  Ed.  Johnson,  for  the 
reason  given,  that  they  were  difficult  of  access.  Johnson’s 
division  held  an  elevated  point,  somewhat  advanced  from  the 
general  line,  and  known  as  the  “Bloody  Angle”,  the  breast- 
works there  making  a considerable  angle,  with  its  points  towards 
the  enemy.  This  point  had  been  held  because  it  was  a good 
position  for  artillery,  and  if  occupied  by  the  enemy  would 
command  portions  of  our  line. 

Such  projections  on  a defensive  line  are  always  dangerous 
if  held  by  infantry  alone,  as  an  attack  upon  the  point  of  the 
angle  can  only  be  met  by  a diverging  fire,  or  if  attacked  on 
either  face,  the  troops  holding  the  other  face  unless  protected 
by  works  in  rear,  as  were  some  of  the  Confederates,  are  more 
exposed  than  those  on  the  side  attacked.  But  with  sufficient 
artillery,  so  posted  as  to  sweep  the  sides  of  the  angle,  such  a 
position  may  be  very  strong.  To  provide  against  contin- 
gencies, a second  line  had  been  laid  off  and  partly  constructed 
a short  distance  in  rear,  so  as  to  cut  off  this  angle. 

After  the  artillery  had  been  withdrawn  on  the  night  of  the 
11th,  General  Johnson  discovered  that  the  enemy  was  concen- 
trating in  his  front,  and,  convinced  that  he  would  be  attacked 
in  the  morning,  requested  the  immediate  return  of  the  artillery 
that  had  been  taken  away.  The  men  in  the  trenches  were  kept 
on  the  alert  all  night  and  were  ready  for  the  attack,  when  at 
dawn  on  the  morning  of  the  12th,  a dense  column  emerged 
from  the  pines  half  a mile  in  front  of  the  Angle,  and  rushed  to 
the  attack.  “ They  came  on,”  to  use  General  Johnson’s  words, 
“ in  great  disorder,  with  a narrow  front,  but  extending  back  as 
far  as  I could  see.” 


318  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Page’s  battalion  of  artillery,  which  had  only  been  ordered 
back  to  the  trenches  at  four  o’clock  in  the  morning,  were  just 
arriving  and  were  not  in  position  to  fire  upon  the  attacking 
column,  which  offered  so  fair  a mark  for  artillery.  The  guns 
came  only  in  time  to  be  captured.  The  infantry  in  the  Angle 
fought  as  long  as  fighting  was  of  any  use,  but  deprived  of  the 
assistance  of  the  artillery,  which  constituted  the  chief  strength 
of  the  position,  they  could  do  little  to  check  the  onward  rush 
of  the  Union  column,  which  soon  overran  the  Angle,  capturing 
General  Johnson  himself,  twenty  pieces  of  artillery  and  two 
thousand  eight  hundred  men,  almost  his  entire  division. 

The  whole  thing  happened  so  quickly  that  the  extent  of  the 
disaster  could  not  be  realized  at  once.  Hancock’s  troops,  who 
made  the  assault,  had  recovered  their  formation,  and,  extending 
their  lines  across  the  works  on  both  sides  of  the  Angle,  had 
resumed  their  advance  when  Lane’s  brigade  of  Hill’s  corps, 
which  was  immediately  on  the  right  of  the  captured  works, 
rapidly  drew  back  to  the  unfinished  line  in  the  rear,  and 
poured  a fierce  fire  upon  their  left  wing,  which  checked  its 
advance  and  threw  it  back  with  severe  loss.  General  Gordon, 
whose  division  was  in  reserve  and  under  orders  to  support  any 
part  of  the  line  about  the  Angle,  hastened  to  throw  it  in  front 
of  the  advancing  Union  column.  As  the  division  was  about  to 
charge,  General  Lee  rode  up  and  joined  General  Gordon,  evi- 
dently intending  to  go  forward  with  him.  Gordon  remon- 
strated, and  the  men,  seeing  his  intention,  cried  out,  “General 
Lee  to  the  rear,”  which  was  taken  up  all  along  the  line.  One 
of  the  men  respectfully,  but  firmly,  took  hold  of  the  bridle  and 
led  his  horse  to  the  rear,  and  the  charge  went  on. 

The  two  moving  lines  met  in  the  rear  of  the  captured 
works,  and,  after  a sharp  struggle  in  the  woods,  the  Union 
troops  were  forced  back  to  the  base  of  the  Angle.  But  Gor- 
don’s division  did  not  cover  their  whole  front.  On  the  left  of 
the  Angle,  where  Rodes’  division  had  connected  with  John- 
son’s, the  attack  was  still  pressed  with  great  determination. 
General  Rodes  drew  out  Ramseur’s  brigade  from  the  left  of 
his  line,  a portion  of  Kershaw’s  division  taking  its  place,,  and 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


319 


sent  it  to  relieve  the  pressure  on  his  right,  and  restore  the  line 
between  himself  and  Gordon. 

Eamseur  swept  the  trenches  the  whole  length  of  his  bri- 
gade, but  did  not  fill  the  gap,  and  his  right  was  exposed  to  a 
terrible  fire  from  the  works  still  held  by  Grant’s  brave  troops. 
Three  brigades  from  Hill’s  corps  were  ordered  up.  Perrin’s, 
which  was  the  first  to  arrive,  rushed  forward  through  a fearful 
fire  and  recovered  a part  of  the  line  on  Gordon’s  left.  General 
Perrin  fell  dead  from  his  horse  just  as  he  reached  the  works. 
General  Daniel  had  been  killed,  and  Eamseur,  though  painfully 
wounded,  remained  in  the  trenches  with  his  men.  Eodes’  right 
being  still  hard  pressed,  Harris’  and  McGowan’s  brigades  were 
ordered  forward  and  rushed  through  the  blinding  storm  into 
the  works  on  Eamseur’ s right.  General  Grant’s  troops  still 
held  the  greater  part  of  the  Angle,  and  though  the  Confederates 
were  unable  to  drive  them  out,  they  could  get  no  farther.  Han- 
cock’s corps,  which  had  made  the  attack,  had  been  reinforced  by 
Upton’s  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  and  one-half  of  Warren’s 
corps,  as  the  battle  progressed.  Artillery  had  been  brought 
up  on  both  sides,  the  Confederates  using  every  piece  that  could 
be  made  available  upon  the  Angle. 

Before  10  o’clock  General  Lee  had  put  in  every  man  that 
could  be  spared  for  the  restoration  of  his  broken  center.  It 
then  became  a matter  of  endurance  with  the  men  themselves. 

All  day  long  and  until  far  into  the  night  the  battle  raged  with 
unceasing  fury,  in  the  space  covered  by  the  “ Bloody  Angle  ” * 

and  the  adjacent  works.  The  hostile  battle  flags  waved  over 
different  portions  of  the  same  works  while  the  men  fought  like 
fiends  for  their  possession.  It  was  “war  to  the  knife  and  knife 
to  the  hilt.”  The  very  jaws  of  hell  seemed  to  have  opened, 
and  death  was  rioting  in  its  sulphurous  fumes.  The  smoke, 
which  was  dense  at  first,  was  intensified  by  each  discharge  of 
artillery  to  such  an  extent  that  the  aim  of  the  Union  troops 
became  very  uncertain,  but  nevertheless  they  kept  up  the  fire 
in  the  supposed  direction  of  the  enemy. 

Meanwhile  the  Confederates  were  crawling  forward  under 
cover  of  the  smoke,  until  reaching  a certain  point,  and  raising 


320  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

their  usual  yell,  they  charged  gallantly  up  to  the  very  muzzles 
of  our  pieces  and  re-occupied  the  Angle. 

Upon  reaching  the  breastworks,  the  Confederates  for  a few 
moments  had  the  advantage  of  us,  and  made  good  use  of  their 
rifles.  Union  soldiers  went  down  by  the  score;  all  the  artillery 
horses  were  shot  down,  and  the  gallant  Upton  was  the  only 
mounted  officer  in  sight.  Hat  in  hand,  he  bravely  cheered  his 
men,  and  begged  them  to  “hold  this  point.”  All  of  his  staff 
had  either  been  killed,  wounded  or  dismounted. 

At  this,  moment,  and  while  the  open  ground  in  rear  of  the 
Confederate  works  was  choked  with  troops,  a section  of  a bat- 
tery of  the  Fifth  United  States  artillery,  under  Lieutenant 
Metcalf,  was  brought  into  action  and  increased  the  carnage  by 
opening  at  short  range  with  double  charges  of  canister.  This 
staggered  the  apparently  exultant  Confederates. 

These  guns  in  the  maze  of  the  moment  were  run  up  by 
hand  close  to  the  famous  Angle,  fired  again  and  again,  and  were 
only  abandoned  when  all  the  drivers  and  cannoneers  had  been 
shot  down.  The  battle  was  now  raging  at  white  heat. 

Rain  was  also  falling,  and  sulphurous  clouds  of  smoke 
hung  over  the  scene.  Like  leeches,  Grant’s  men  stuck  to  their 
work,  determined  to  keep  the  Confederates  from  rising  up. 

Captain  Fish,  of  Upton’s  staff,  who  had,  until  this  time, 
performed  valuable  service  in  conveying  ammunition  to  the 
gunners,  fell  pierced  by  a bullet.  This  brave  officer  seemed 
to  court  death  as  he  rode  back  and  forth  between  the  caissons 
and  cannoneers  with  stands  of  canister  under  his  gum  coat. 

“Give  it  to  them  boys!  I will  bring  you  the  canister,” 
said  he ; and  as  he  turned  to  cheer  the  gunners,  he  fell  from 
his  horse  mortally  wounded.  In  a few  moments,  the  two  brass 
pieces  of  the  Fifth  artillery,  cut  and  hacked  by  the  bullets  of 
both  antagonists,  lay  unworked,  with  their  muzzles  projecting 
over  the  enemy’s  works,  and  their  wheels  half  sunk  in  the  mud. 
Between  the  lines,  and  near  at  hand,  lay  the  horses  of  these 
guns,  completely  riddled  with  bullets.  The  dead  and  wounded 
were  torn  to  pieces  by  the  canister,  as  it  swept  the  ground 
where  they  had  fallen.  The  mud,  by  this  time,  was  half  way 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


321 


to  the  knees  of  the  Union  troops,  and  by  their  constant  move- 
ment, the  fallen  were  almost  buried  at  their  feet. 

The  Unionists  now  backed  off  from  the  breastwork  a few 
yards,  abandoning,  for  a while,  the  two  twelve-pounders,  but 
still  keeping  up  a fusillade. 

They  soon  closed  up  their  shattered  ranks,  and  the  brigade 
settled  down  again  to  its  task.  Their  fire  was  now  directed  at 
the  top  of  the  breastworks,  and  woe  be  to  the  head  or  hand 
that  appeared  above  it. 

In  the  meantime,  the  New  Jersey  brigade,  Colonel  Pen- 
rose, went  into  action  on  the  right,  and  the  Third  Brigade,  Gen- 
eral Eustiss,  was  hard  at  work.  The  Y ermont  brigade,  under 
Colonel  Grant,  that  had  been  sent  to  Barlow’s  assistance,  was 
now  at  the  Angle,  and  General  "Wheaton’s  brigade  was  deep  in 
the  struggle.  The  Second  and  Third  Divisions  of  the  Sixth 
Corps  were  also  ready  to  take  part.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
General  Grant  had  no  lack  of  men  for  the  defense  or  capture 
of  this  position,  whichever  it  may  be  termed. 

The  great  difficulty,  was  the  prescribed  limits  of  the  Angle, 
around  which  Grant’s  men  were  fighting,  which  precluded  the 
possibility  of  getting  more  than  a limited  number  into  action 
at  once.  At  one  time  the  Union  ranks  were  crowded  in  some 
parts  four  deep  by  re-enforcements.  Major  Truefeit  com- 
manding the  One  Hundred  and  Nineteenth  Pennsylvania,  was 
killed,  and  Captain  Warner,  who  succeeded  him,  was 
shot  dead.  Later  in  the  day,  Major  Ellis,  of  the  Forty- 
Ninth  New  York,  who  had  excited  our  admiration,  was 
shot  through  the  arm  and  body  with  a ramrod,  during 
one  of  several  attempts  to  get  the  men  to  cross  the 
works  and  drive  off  the  enemy.  The  Union  army  met  with 
frightful  losses.  What  remained  of  many  different  regiments 
that  had  come  to  support  each  other,  concentrated  at  this  point, 
and  they  planted  their  tattered  colors  upon  a slight  rise  of 
ground  close  to  the  Angle,  where  they  staid  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  day. 

To  keep  up  the  supply  of  ammunition,  pack  mules  were 
brought  into  use,  each  animal  carrying  3,000  rounds.  The 


322  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


boxes  were  dropped  close  behind  the  troops  engaged,  when 
they  were  quickly  opened  by  the  officers  or  file  closers,  who 
served  the  ammunition  to  the  men. 

Four  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition  were  fired  by  one  man, 
and  by  many  others  as  many  or  more.  In  this  manner  a contin- 
uous and  rapid  fire  was  maintained,  to  which  the  enemy 
replied  with  vigor  for  a while. 

Finding  that  Grant’s  men  were  not  to  be  driven  back,  the 
Confederates  began  to  use  more  discretion,  exposing  themselves 
but  little,  using  the  loop-holes  in  their  works  to  fire  through, 
and  at  times  placing  the  muzzles  of  their  rifles  on  the  top  logs, 
seizing  the  tiigger  and  small  of  the  stock,  and  elevating  the 
breech  with  one  hand  sufficiently  to  reach  the  Union  soldiers. 
During  the  day  a Union  battery  took  position  behind  Grant’s 
men,  sending  shell  after  shell  close  over  their  heads,  to  explode 
inside  the  Confederate  works.  In  like  manner,  Coehorn  mor- 
tars, still  eight  hundred  yards  further  back,  sent  their  shells 
with  admirable  precision  over  the  Union  troops  into  the  Con- 
federate lines.  Sometimes  the  Confederate  fire  would  slacken, 
and  the  moments  would  become  so  monotonous  that  some- 
thing had  to  be  done  to  stir  things  up.  Then  some  resolute 
Union  soldier  would  seize  a fence  rail  or  a piece  of  abatis;  and 
creeping  close  to  the  breastworks,  thrust  it  over  among  the 
Confederates,  and  then  drop  on  the  ground  to  avoid  the  volley 
that  was  sure  to  follow.  A daring  Union  lieutenant  in  a com- 
pany on  the  left,  leaped  upon  the  breastworks,  took  a rifle  that 
was  handed  to  him  and  discharged  it  among  the  Confederates. 
In  like  manner  he  discharged  another,  and  was  in  the  act  of 
firing  a third  shot,  when  his  cap  flew  up  in  the  air  and  his 
body  pitched  headlong  amongst  the  Confederates. 

On  several  occasions  squads  of  disheartened  Confederates 
raised  pieces  of  shelter  tents  above  the  works  as  a flag  of 
truce;  upon  condition  that  the  Union  troops  slack  fire  and 
calling  them  to  come  in,  they  would  immediately  jump  the 
breastwork  and  surrender.  One  party  of  twenty  or  thirty 
thus  signified  their  willingness  to  submit,  but  owing  to  the 
fact  that  their  brave  comrades  occasionally  took  advantage  of 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


323 


the  cessation  to  get  a volley  into  the  Union  lines,  it  was  some 
time  before  Grant’s  troops  gave  them  a chance.  With  leveled 
pieces  the  Union  soldiers  told  them  to  come  in.  Springing 
npon  the  breastworks  in  a body  the  Confederates  stood  for  an 
instant  panic  stricken  at  the  terrible  array  before  them ; that 
slight  delay  was  the  signal  for  their  destruction.  While 
Grant’s  men  with  guns  leveled  and  fingers  pressing  the  trigger, 
shouted  to  them  to  jump,  their  own  troops  massed  in  the  rear, 
poured  a volley  into  them,  killing  or  wounding  all  but  a few, 
who  dropped  with  the  rest  and  crawled  in  under  Grant’s  guns, 
while  his  troops  instantly  began  firing. 

The  battle,  which  during  the  morning  raged  with  more  or 
less  violence  on  the  right  and  left  of  this  position,  gradually 
slackened  and  attention  was  concentrated  upon  the  Angle.  So 
continuous  and  heavy  was  Grant’s  fire  that  the  head  logs  of  the 
breastworks  were  cut  and  torn  until  they  resembled  hickory 
brooms.  Several  oak  trees,  which  grew  just  in  the  rear  of  the 
works  were  completely  gnawed  off  by  the  Union  converging 
fire,  and  about  three  o’clock  fell  among  the  Confederates  with 
a loud  crash.  The  stump  of  one  of  these  trees  is  preserved  in 
Washington.  In  his  official  report  Brigadier  General  Mc- 
Gowan, who  commanded  Wilcox’s  Confederate  division,  says: 
“ To  give  some  idea  of  the  intensity  of  Grant’s  fire,  an  oak 
tree  twenty- two  inches  in  diameter,  which  stood  just  in  the  rear 
of  the  right  of  the  brigade,  was  cut  down  by  the  constant 
scaling  of  rifle  balls,  and  fell  about  3 o’clock  Thursday  night, 
injuring  by  its  fall  several  soldiers  in  the  First  South  Carolina 
regiment.” 

Towards  dark  preparations  were  made  to  relieve  the  Union 
troops.  By  this  time  they  were  nearly  exhausted  and  had  fired 
three  to  four  hundred  rounds  of  ammunition  per  man.  Their  lips 
were  encrusted  with  powder  from  biting  cartridges.  Their 
rifles  at  times  would  become  choked  with  burnt  powder,  and 
would  receive  the  cartridge  but  half  way.  This  fact,  however, 
did  not  interfere  with  their  discharge.  Their  shoulders  were 
coated  with  mud,  that  had  adhered  to  the  butts  of  their  rifles. 

The  troops  of  the  second  corps,  who  were  to  relieve  them, 


324  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


now  moved  up,  took  tlieir  position  and  opened  fire  as  the 
relieved  men  fell  back  a short  distance  to  re-arrange  their 
shattered  ranks  and  get  something  to  eat,  which  they  were 
sadly  in  need  of.  When  darkness  came  on  they  dropped  from 
exhaustion.  About  midnight,  after  twenty  hours  of  constant 
fighting,  Lee  withdrew  from  the  contest,  leaving  the  Angle  in 
the  possession  of  the  Union  forces.  Thus  closed  the  battle  of 
the  second  day  of  Spotsylvania. 

On  the  13th,  early  in  the  day,  Union  volunteers  were  called 
for  to  bury  the  dead.  Those  high  in  rank  volunteered  to  assist, 
and  with  the  detail  moved  to  the  works  near  the  Angle,  in  front 
of  which  they  buried  a number  of  bodies  near  where  they  fell. 
They  were  exposed  to  the  fire  of  Confederate  sharpshooters,  and 
it  was  still  raining.  They  cut  the  name,  company,  and  regi- 
ment of  each  of  the  dead  on  the  lids  of  ammunition  boxes, 
which  they  picked  up  near  by.  The  inscriptions  were  not  fully 
executed  for  they  were  cut  with  a pocket  knife.  This  work 
ended,  they  went  close  up  where  they  had  fought  on  Thursday, 
and  reviewed  the  spot  appropriately  called  the  “Slaughter  Pen,” 
or  “Bloody  Angle.” 

A momentary  gleam  of  sunshine  through  the  gloom  of  the 
sky  seemed  to  add  a new  horror  to  the  scene.  Hundreds  of  Con- 
federates, dead  or  dying,  lay  piled  over  one  another  in  those 
pits.  The  fallen  lay  three  or  four  feet  deep  in  some  places, 
and  with  but  few  exceptions,  they  were  shot  in  and  about  the 
head.  Arms,  accouterments,  ammunition,  cannon,  shot  and 
shell,  and  broken  foliage  were  strewn  abont.  With  much  labor 
a detail  of  Union  soldiers  buried  the  Confederate  dead  by  sim- 
ply turning  the  captured  breastworks  upon  them.  Thus  had 
these  unfortunate  victims  unwittingly  dug  their  own  graves. 
The  Confederate,  General  McGowan,  officially  said:  “The 
trenches  on  the  right  in  the  Bloody  Angle  ran  with  blood,  and 
had  to  be  cleared  of  the  dead  bodies  more  than  once.”  The 
trenches  were  really  filled  with  muddy  water.  It  was  the  most 
horrible  battle  scene  ever  witnessed,  only  equalled,  perhaps,  in 
the  dead  and  dying  that  appeared,  after  Napoleon’s  famous 
charge  at  Waterloo. 


BATTLE  OF  SPOTSYLVANIA 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


325 


The  Confederate  defenses  at  this  point  were  elaborately- 
constructed  -with  heavy  timber,  banked  with  earth  to  the  height 
of  about  four  feet.  Above  this  was  placed  what  is  known  as  a 
head  log,  raised  just  high  enough  to  enable  a rifle  to  be 
inserted  between  it  and  the  lower  work.  Pointed  pine  and  pin 
oak  formed  an  abatis,  in  front  of  which  was  a deep  ditch. 
Shelves  ran  along  the  inside  ledges  of  these  works,  a series 
of  square  pits,  and  along  their  flank  traverses,  which  extended 
to  the  rear.  Upon  these  shelves  large  quantities  of  buck,  and 
ball,  and  Minnie  cartridges  were  piled  ready  for  use,  and  the 
guns  of  the  dead  were  still  pointing  through  the  apertures,  just 
as  the  men  had  fallen  from  them.  The  loss  on  each  side  in  the 
bloody  battle  of  Spotsylvania  Court  House  was  about  20,000  men, 
making  a total  of  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  of  40,000  men. 

Grant  again  moved  to  the  left,  crossed  the  Pamunky, 
and  came  to  Cold  Harbor,  twelve  miles  Northeast  of  PiichmoncL 
Here,  on  the  1st  of  June,  he  attacked  the  Confederates,  but  was 
repulsed  with  heavy  losses.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  the 
assault  was  renewed,  and  in  half  an  hour  nearly  10,000  Union 
soldiers  fell  dead  or  wounded  before  the  Confederate  entrench- 
ments. The  repulse  of  the  Pederals  was  complete,  but  they 
held  their  lines  as  firmly  as  ever. 

General  Grant  now  changed  his  base  to  James  River. 
General  Butler  had  already  taken  City  Point  and  Bermuda 
Hundred.  Here,  on  the  loth  of  June,  he  was  joined  by  Gen- 
eral Grant’s  whole  army,  and  the  combined  forces  moved  for- 
ward and  began  the  siege  of  Petersburg. 

Meantime,  important  movements  were  taking  place  on  the 
Shenandoah.  TVhen  Grant  removed  from  the  Rapidan,  Gen- 
eral Sigel  marched  up  the  valley  to  New  Market,  where  he 
was  met  and  defeated  by  the  Confederate  cavalry  under  General 
Breckinridge.  The  latter  then  returned  to  Richmond,  where- 
upon the  Federals  faced  about,  overtook  the  Confederates  at 
Piedmont,  and  gained  a signal  victory.  Prom  this  place,  Gen- 
erals Hunter  t nd  Averhill  advanced  against  Lynchburg.  By 
this  movement  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah  was  again  ex- 
posed to  invasion. 


326  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Lee  immediately  dispatched  General  Early  to  cross  the 
Blue  Bidge,  invade  Maryland,  and  threaten  Washington  City. 
With  20,000  men  Early  began  his  march,  and  on  the  5th  of 
July,  crossed  the  Potomac.  On  the  9th,  he  defeated  the  divi- 
sion of  General  Wallace,  on  the  Monocacy.  But  the  battle 
saved  Washington  and  Baltimore  from  capture. 

General  Wright  followed  Early  as  far  as  Winchester,  but 
the  latter  wheeled  upon  him,  and  the  Union  troops  were  driven 
across  the  Potomac.  Early  next  invaded  Pennsylvania,  and 
burned  Chambersburg.  General  Grant  now  appointed  General 
Philip  H.  Sheridan  to  command  the  army  of  the  Upper  Poto- 
mac. The  troops  placed  at  his  disposal  numbered  nearly 
40,000.  On  the  19tli  of  September,  Sheridan  marched  upon 
Early  at  Winchester,  and  routed  him  in  a hard  fought  battle. 
On  the  22d  of  August,  he  gained  another  complete  victory  at 
Fisher’s  Hill.  Sheridan  next  turned  about  to  ravage  the 
valley.  The  ruinous  work  was  fearfully  well  done.  Nothing 
worth  fighting  for  was  left  between  the  Blue  Bidge  and  the 
Alleghanies.  Maddened  by  his  defeats,  Early  rallied  his 
forces  and  again  entered  the  valley.  Sheridan  had  posted  his 
army  on  Cedar  Creek,  and  feeling  secure,  had  gone  to  Wash- 
ington. On  the  19th  of  October,  Early  surprised  the  Union 
camp,  captured  the  artillery,  and  sent  the  routed  troops  flying 
in  the  direction  of  Winchester.  The  Confederates  pursued  as 
far  as  Middletown,  and  there  paused  to  eat  and  rest.  On  the 
previous  night,  Sheridan  had  returned  to  Winchester,  and  was 
now  coming  to  join  his  army.  He  rode  twenty  miles  at  full 
speed,  rallied  the  fugitives,  and  gained  one  of  the  most  signal 
victories  of  the  war,  and  completely  ruined  Early’s  army. 

We  give  the  story  of  Sheridan’s  ride,  as  related  by  Thomas 
Buchanan  Bead,  which  portrays  vividly  the  wonderful  energy 
of  the  man. 

As  Boscoe  Conkling  said  of  General  Grant,  so  we  can  say 
of  Sheridan:  “He  was  not  great  in  things  promised  or  things 
written,  but  great  in  the  arduous  duties  of  things  done.” 


SHERIDAN'S  RIDE. 


TEE  CIVIL  WAR. 


32 


SHERIDAN’S  RIDE. 

Up  from  the  South  at  break  of  day, 

Bringing  to  Winchester  fresh  dismay, 

The  affrightened  air  with  a shudder  bore 
Like  a herald  in  haste,  to  the  Chieftain’s  door. 

The  terrible  grumble,  and  rumble,  and  roar, 

Telling  the  battle  was  on  once  more,  . 

And  Sheridan  twenty  miles  away. 

And  wilder  still  those  billows  of  war 
Thundered  aloug  the  horizon’s  bar; 

And  louder  yet,  into  Winchester  rolled, 

The  roar  of  that  red  sea  uncontrolled, 

Making  the  blood  of  the  listener  cold, 

As  he  thought  of  the  stake  in  that  fiery  fray, 

And  Sheridan  twenty  miles  away. 

But  there  is  a road  from  Winchester  Town, — 

A good,  broad  highway  leading  down ; 

And  there,  through  the  flush  of  the  morning  light, 

A steed,  as  black  as  the  steeds  of  Night, 

Was  seen  to  pass,  as  with  eagle  flight. 

As  if  he  knew  the  terrible  need, 

He  stretched  away  with  his  utmost  speed; 

Hills  rose  and  fell;  but  his  heart  was  gay, 

With  Sheridan  fifteen  miles  away. 

Still  sprung  from  those  swift  hoofs,  thundering  South, 

The  dust,  like  smoke  from  the  cannon’s  mouth : 

Or  the  trail  of  a comet,  sweeping  faster  and  faster, 
Forboding  to  traitors  the  doom  of  disaster. 

The  heart  of  the  steed,  and  the  heart  of  the  master 
Were  beating  like  prisoners  assaulting  their  walls, 
Impatient  to  be  where  the  battle-field  calls; 

Every  nerve  of  the  charger  was  strained  to  full  play, 

With  Sheridan  only  ten  miles  away. 

Under  his  spurning  feet,  the  road 
Like  an  arrowy  Alpine  river  flowed, 

And  the  landscape  sped  away  behind 
Like  an  ocean  flying  before  the  wind; 

And  the  steed,  like  a bark  fed  with  furnace  Ire, 

Swept  on,  with  his  wild  eye  full  of  fire. 

Butlo  ! he  is  nearing  his  heart’s  desire; 

He  is  snuffing  the  smoke  of  the  roaring  fray, 

With  Sheridan  only  five  miles  away. 

The  first  that  the  General  saw  were  the  groups 
Of  stragglers,  and  then  the  retreating  troops : 

What  was  done, — what  to  do, — a glance  told  him  both. 
And  striking  his  spurs,  with  a terrible  oath, 

He  dashed  down  the  line,  ’mid  a storm  of  huzzas. 

And  the  wave  of  retreat  checked  its  course  there,  because 
The  sigh':  of  the  master  compelled  it  to  pause. 

With  foam  and  with  dust  the  black  charger  was  gray, 

By  the  flash  of  his  eye,  and  his  red  nostril’s  play, 

He  seemed  to  the  whole  gxeal  army  to  say, 

“ I have  brought  you  Sheridan  all  the  way, 

From  Winchester  down  to  save  the  day.’’ 


328  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IK  AMERICA. 

Hurrah,  hurrah  for  Sheridan  ! 

Hurrah,  hurrah  for  horse  and  in?,n ! 

And  when  their  statues  are  placed  on  high, 

Under  the  dome  of  the  Union  sky, — - 
The  American  soldiers’  Temple  of  Fame, 

There  with  rhe  glorious -General’s  name 
Be  it  said  in  letters  both  bold  and  bright : 

“ Here  is  the  steed  that  saved  the  day 
By  carrying  Sheridan  Into  the  fight, 

From  Winchester, — twenty  miles  away!” 

During-  all  of  that  Fall  and  Winter  Grant  pressed  the  siege 
of  Petersburg.  On  the  30th  of  July  a mine  was  exploded 
under  one  of  the  forts ; but  the  assaulting  column  was  repulsed 
with  heavy  loss.  On  the  18th  of  August  a division  of  the 
Union  Army  seized  the  Weldon  Railroad  and  held  it  against 
several  assaults.  On  the  28th  of  September  Cattery  Harrison 
was  stormed  by  the  Federals,  and  on  the  next  day  General 
Paine’s  brigade  carried  the  redoubt  on  Spring  Hill.  On  the 
27th  of  October,  there  was  a battle  on  the  Boydton  road;  and 
then  the  army  -went  into  Winter  quarters.  On  the  27th  of 
February  Sheridan  gained  a victory  over  Early  at  Waynes- 
borough,  and  then  joined  the  Commander-in-Chief,  On  the 
1st  of  April  a severe  battle  was  fought  at  Five  Forks,  in  which 
the  Confederates  were  defeated  with  a loss  of  six  thousand 
prisoners.  On  the  next  day  Grant  ordered  a general  assault 
on  the  lines  of  Petersburg  and  the  works  were  carried.  On 
that  night  Lee’s  Army  and  the  Confederate  Government  fled 
from  Richmond ; and  on  the  following  morning  the  city  was 
entered  by  the  Federal  troops.  The  warehouses  were  fired  by 
the  retreating  Confederates,  and  the  better  part  of  the  city  u as 
reduced  to  ruins. 

General  Lee  retreated  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  the  South- 
west. Once  at  Deatonsville.  the  Confederates  turned  and 
fought,  but  were  defeated  with  great  losses.  For  five  days  the 
pursuit  was  kept  up,  and  then  Lee  was  brought  to  bay  at 
Appomattox  Court  House.  There  on  the  9th  of  April.  1865, 
the  work  was  done.  Seeing  that  further  resistance  was  useless, 
General  Lee  surrendered  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  and 
the  Confederacy  was  hone^ssly  overthrown.  General  Grant 
signalized  the  end  of  the  strife  by  granting  to  his  antagonist 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


323 


the  most  liberal  terms.  How  the  Army  of  General  Johnston 
was  surrendered  a few  days  later  has  already  been  narrated. 
After  four  dreadful  years  of  bloodshed  and  sorrow,  the  Civil 
"War  was  at  an  end. 

The  Northern  Army  lost  in  round  numbers  five  hundred 
thousand  men,  and  the  Southern  Army  three  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand;  and  the  national  debt  had  reached  nearly  three 
thousand  millions  of  dollars. 


o 


o 


330  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XX 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


‘ I 'will  bring  back  tlis  colors,  or  report  to  God  the  reason  why,”  were  the 
last  words  of  PJanciancois,  before  a cannon  ball  took  off  bis  head. 


S long  as  men  love  liberty,  the  War  of  the  Revolution 


^ against  the  thraldom  of  the  British  Government,  and  the 
oppressive  rule  of  King  George,  and  the  establishment  of  this, 
the  grandest  of  all  nations,  will  ever  be  regarded  as  the  climax 
of  courage  and  daring  by  those  who  participated  in  it,  that 
has  a record  on  the  pages  of  history. 

The  first  fatal  collision  and  first  gun  fired  that  hastened  the 
conflict  was  that  of  Crispas  Attucks,  a colored  man,  who  was  a 
leader  of  the  patriot  band,  and  one  of  the  four  killed  outright 
by  the  British  fire.  This  was  March  5, 1770.  at  what  is  known 
as  the  “ Boston  Massacre.”  Ac  the  battle  of  Banker  Hill,  Peter 
Salem,  also  a colored  man,  who  so  gallantly  manned  and  defend- 
ed the  slight  breastworks,  shot  dead  Majoi  Pitcairn,  of  the 
British  Marines,  who,  in  the  final  struggle,  had  scaled  the 
redoubt,  shouting,  “The  day  is  our  own!”  and  was  command- 
ing the  patriots  to  surrender,  thereby  probably  gaining  the  bat- 
tle. Nor  will  history  forget  to  record  that,  as  in  the  army  at 
Cambridge,  so  also  in  this  gallant  band,  the  free  Negroeo  of  the 
Colony  had  their  representatives.  For  the  right  of  free  Negroes 
to  bear  arms  in  the  public  defense  was  at  that  day  as  little  dis- 
puted in  New  England  as  their  other  rights.  They  took  their 
place  not  in  a separate  corps,  but  in  the  ranks  with  the  white 
man;  and  their  names  may  be  read  on  the  pension -rolls  of  the 
country,  side  by  side  with  those  of  others  soldier  of  the  Revolu- 


tion. 


Negroes  largely  swelled  the  motley  host  of  raw  but  gallant 
patriots  suddenly  collected  around  Boston  by  the  tidings  of 
Lexington,  Concord,  and  Bunker  Hill,  and  were  freely  admitted 


COLORED  MEET  AS  SOLDIERS. 


331 


in  regiments  mainly  white;  though  Major  Samuel  Lawrence  of 
Groton,  Massachusetts,  is  reported  as  having,  at  an  early  day, 
commanded  a company  of  Negroes  in  the  Continental  line.  The 
inconsistency  of  employing  slaves  as  such  was  co  galling  to 
their  ideas  of  justice  that  they  restricted  themselves  in  this 
respect.  But  this  rescript  did  not  forbid  the  enlistment  of 
Negroes,  only  those  still  held  in  bondage.  Many  were  there- 
upon emancipated  in  order  that  they  might  lawfully  serve  in 
the  patriot  forces,  and  the  tendency  to  recruit  Negroes  was  very 
strong  with  the  patriot  recruiting-officers. 

In  the  Continental  Congress,  Mr.  Edward  Rutledge,  of 
South  Carolina,  moved  that  all  Negroes  be  dismissed  from  the 
patriot  armies,  and  was  supported  therein  by  several  Southern 
delegates ; but  the  opposition  was  so  formidable  and  so  deter- 
mined that  the  motion  did  not  prevail.  Negroes,  instead  of 
being  expelled  from  the  service,  continued  to  be  received,  often 
as  substitutes  for  ex-masters  or  their  sons;  and,  in  Virginia 
especially,  it  gradually  became  a custom  among  the  superior 
race  to  respond  to  an  imperative  summons  to  the  field,  by  giv- 
ing an  athletic  slave  his  freedom  on  condition  of  his  taking  the 
place  in  the  ranks  assigned  to  his  master. 

It  is  stated  that  after  the  close  of  the  war  quite  a number 
who  had  thus  earned  their  freedom  were  constrained  to  sue  for 
it;  and  that  the  Courts  of  the  Old  Dominion — which  had  not 
yet  discovered  that  a slave  has  no  will  and  so  can  make  no  legal 
binding  contract — uniformity  sustained  the  action,  and  gave 
judgment  to  compel  the  master  to  act  as  if  he  had  been  honest. 
The  Legislature  felt  constrained  in  1783,  to  provide  by  law 
that  every  slave  who  had  enlisted  upon  the  strength  of  such  a 
promise  should  be  set  free  accordingly ; to  which  end  the  Attor- 
ney-General was  required  to  commence  an  action  in  favor  of 
every  such  patriot  soldier  thereafter  unjustly  restrained  of  his 
liberty,  who  should  be  entitled,  upon  due  proof  of  his  aver- 
ment, not  only  to  his  freedom,  but  to  damages  for  past  injury 
in  withholding  and  denying  it. 

South  Carolina  authorized  the  enlistment  of  slaves,  who 
were  to  receive  a daily  pay  of  seven  shillings  and  six  pence. 


332  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Lord  Dunmore,  Eoyal  Governor  of  Virginia,  had  ere  this 
issued  a proclamation  of  Martial  law,  wherein  he  called  all 
persons  capable  of  bearing  arms  to  report  to  His  Majesty’s 
standard,  as  soon  as  may  be,  for  the  more  speedy  reducing  of 
this  Colony  to  a proper  sense  of  their  duty  to  His  Majesty’s 
Crown  and  dignity.  Freedom  was  promised  to  the  slaves  who 
joined  his  cause  and  some  of  the  Negroes  listened  to  the  voice 
of  the  Eoyal  charmer!  He  at  one  time  had  large  expect- 
ations of  raising  Black  troops  for  King  George ; but  he  finally 
explained  to  his  government  “ that  a malignant  fever  has  car- 
ried off  an  incredible  number  of  our  people,  especially  the 
Blacks.  Had  it  not  been  for  this  horrid  disorder,  I am  satisfied 
that  I should  have  had  two  thousand  Blacks;  with  whom  I 
should  have  had  no  doubt  of  penetrating  into  the  heart  of  this 
Colony.” 

Still  Negroes  were  enlisted  on  both  sides;  in  the  North  more 
on  the  side  of  Independence;  while  in  the  South  a large 
number  fled  from  plantation  slavery  to  strike  for  King  George, 
against  their  masters. 

An  official  return  of  the  Negroes  serving  in  the  army  under 
Washington’s  command,  soon  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth, 
makes  their  number  reach  755,  and  this  was  prior  to  any 
systematic  effort  to  enlist  them. 

Ehode  Island,  in  1778,  authorized  a general  enlistment  of 
slaves  for  the  patriot  Army — every  one  to  be  free  from  the 
moment  of  enlisting  and  to  receive  pay,  bounty  etc.,  precisely 
like  other  soldiers.  A colored  regiment  was  raised  under  this 
policy,  which  fought  bravely  at  the  battle  of  Ehode  Island,  and 
elsewhere ; as  many  of  those  composing  it  had  done  prior  to  its 
organization.  Massachusetts,  New  York  and  other  States 
followed  the  example  of  Ehode  Island,  in  offering  liberty  to 
slaves  who  would  enlist  in  the  patriot  armies ; and  the  policy 
of  a general  freeing  and  arming  of  able  and  willing  slaves, 
was  urged  by  Hon.  Henry  Laurens  of  South  Carolina,  by  his 
son,  Colonel  John  Laurens,  by  Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton, 
General  Lincoln,  James  Madison,  General  Green  and  other 
ardent  patriots.  It  is  highly  probable  that  had  the  Eevolu- 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


333 


tionary  War  lasted  a few  years  longer,  it  would  then  have 
abolished  slavery  throughout  the  Union.  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
the  King’s  Commander  in  the  North,  issued  a proclamation, 
premising  that  the  ememy  had  adopted  a practice  of  enrolling 
Negroes  among  their  troops ; and  thereupon  offering  to  pay  for 
all  Negroes  taken  in  arms,  and  guaranteeing  to  every  one  who 
should  desert  the  “ Rebel  ” standard  full  security  to  follow 
within  these  lines  any  occupation  which  he  shall  think  proper. 
Lord  Cornwallis,  during  his  Southern  campaign,  proclaimed 
freedom  to  all  slaves  who  would  join  him;  and  his  subordinates 
— Tarleton  especially — took  away  all  who  could  be  induced  to 
to  accompany  them.  Jefferson,  in  a letter  to  Dr.  Gordon, 
estimates  that  this  policy  cost  Virginia  no  less  than  thirty 
thousand  slaves  in  one  year,  most  of  them  dying  soon  of  small- 
pox and  camp  fever.  Thirty  were  carried  off  by  Tarleton  from 
Jefferson’s  own  homestead;  and  Jefferson  characteristically 
says:  ‘ 4 Had  this  been  to  give  them  freedom,  he  'would  have 
done  right.” 

The  war  of  1812  with  Great  Britain  was  much  shorter  than 
that  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  not  like  that,  a struggle  for 
life  or  death.  Yet,  short  as  it  was,  Negro  soldiers — who,  at 
the  outset,  would  doubtless  have  been  rejected — were  in  de- 
mand before  its  close.  New  York  authorized  the  raising  of 
two  regiments  of  “freemen  of  color” — to  receive  the  same 
pay  and  allowances  as  whites — and  provided  that  “ any  able 
bodied  slave”  might  enlist  therein  “with  the  written  assent 
of  his  master  or  mistress,”  who  was  to  receive  his  pay  afore- 
said, while  the  Negro  received  his  freedom,  being  manumitted 
at  the  time  of  his  honorable  discharge.  General  Jackson’s  em 
ployment  of  Negroes  in  his  famous  defense  of  New  Orleans — - 
his  public  and  vigorous  reprobation  of  the  “mistaken  policy” 
which  had  hitherto  excluded  them  from  the  service,  and  his 
emphatic  attestation  of  their  bravery  and  good  conduct  while 
serving  under  his  eye — are  too  well  known  to  require  citation 
or  comment. 

General  Hunter,  while  in  command  at  Hilton  Head,  was  the 
first  to  direct  the  organization  of  colored  men  as  soldiers,  soon 


334  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


after  issuing  liis  order  of  general  Emancipation  throughout 
his  department.  We  make  the  following  extract  from  a letter 
written  by  General  Hunter  to  Mr.Wickliffe,  relative  to  the  en- 
listment of  colored  troops  ; “ The  experiment  of  arming  the 

Negroes,  so  far  as  I have  made  it,  has  been  a complete  and 
even  marvelous  success.  They  are  sober,  docile,  attentive  and 
enthusiastic;  displaying  great  natural  capacities  for  acquiring 
the  duties  of  the  soldier.  They  are  eager  beyond  all  things 
to  take  the  field  and  be  led  into  action,  and  it  is  the  unanimous 
opinion  of  the  officers  who  have  had  charge  of  them,  that  in 
the  peculiarities  of  this  climate  and  country,  they  will  prove 
invaluable  auxiliaries — -fully  equal  to  the  similar  regiments  so 
long  and  successfully  used  by  the  British  authorities  in  the 
West  India  Islands. 

“ In  conclusion,  I would  say  it  is  my  hope — there  appearing 
no  possibility  of  other  re-enforcements,  owing  to  the  exigencies 
in  the  Peninsula,  to  have  organized  by  the  end  of  next  Fall? 
and  to  be  able  to  present  to  the  Government,  from  48,000  to 
50,000  of  these  hardy  and  devoted  soldiers.” 

Meantime,  Brigadier-General  Phelps,  commanding  under 
General  Butler  at  Carrollton,  Louisiana,  found  his  camp  con -v 
tinually  beset  by  fugitives  from  slavery  on  the  adjacent  plan- 
tations, but  especially  from  that  of  Mr.  B.  La  Blanche,  a 
wealthy  and  eminent  sugar  planter  just  above  New  Orleans — - 
who,  it  appears,  being  vexed  by  military  interference  with  the 
police  of  his  plantation,  had  driven  off  all  his  Negroes,  telling 
them  to  go' to  their  friends,  the  Yankees. 

General  Phelps  in  his  report  to  General  Butler  as  to  the 
necessity  of  adopting  a decided  Anti-Slavery  policy,  says  : 
“ The  enfranchisement  of  the  people  of  Europe  has  been,  and 
is  still  going  on,  through  the  instrumentality  of  military  ser- 
vice; and  by  this  means  the  slaves  of  the  South  might  be 
raised  in  the  scale  of  civilization  and  prepared  for  freedom. 
Fifty  regiments  might  be  raised  among  them  at  once,  which 
could  be  employed  in  this  climate  to  preserve  order,  and  thus 
prevent  the  necessity  of  retrenching  our  liberties,  as  we  should 
do  by  a large  army  exclusively  of  whites.  For  it  is  evident 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


335 


that  a considerable  army  of  whites  would  give  stringency  to 
our  Government;  while  an  army  partly  of  Negroes  would 
naturally  operate  in  favor  of  freedom  and  against  these  influ- 
ences which  at  present  most  endanger  our  liberties.  At  the 
end  of  five  years,  they  could  be  sent  to  Africa,  and  their  places 
filled  with  new  enlistments.” 

On  the  reception  at  Richmond  of  tidings  of  General  Hun- 
ter’s and  General  Phelps’  proceedings  with  reference  to  the 
enlistment  of  Negro  soldiers  for  the  Pinion  Armies,  Jefferson 
Davis  issued  an  order  directing  that  said  Generals  be  no  longer 
regarded  as  public  enemies  of  the  Confederacy,  but  as  outlaws ; 
and  that,  in  the  event  of  the  capture  of  either  of  them,  or  of 
any  other  commissioned  officer  employed  in  organizing,  drill- 
ing or  instructing  slaves,  he  should  not  be  treated  as  a prisoner 
of  war,  but  held  in  close  confinement  for  execution  as  a felon, 
at  such  time  and  place  as  he  (Davis)  should  order.  It  is  not 
recorded  that  any  one  was  ever  actually  hung  under  this  order. 

So  long  as  the  ranks  of  the  Union  Armies  were  satisfacto- 
rily filled  by  volunteering  alone,  and  whites  stood  ready  to 
answer  promptly  every  requisition  for  more  men,  Negroes  or 
mulattoes  were  not  accepted  as  soldiers ; though  they  were,  as 
they  had  ever  been,  freely  enlisted  and  extensively  employed 
in  the  Navy  with  the  same  pay  and  allowances  as  whites.  At 
no  time  during  the  war  was  a colored  person,  if  known  as  such, 
accepted — as  many  had  been  throughout  our  own  Revolution- 
ary war — for  service  in  a regiment  or  other  organization  pre- 
ponderantly white.  But  no  sooner  had  McClellan’s  campaign 
against  Richmond  culminated  in  disaster,  and  a requisition 
been  made  upon  the  loyal  States  for  600,000  more  recruits 
to  our  Armies,  rendering  conscription  in  some  localities 
unavoidable,  than  the  barriers  of  caste  began  to  give  way,  and 
Negro  soldiers  were  accepted. 

By  a section  of  the  Act  of  1862,  persons  of  “ African 
descent”  were  to  be  paid  ten  dollars  per  month,  three  dollars 
of  it  in  clothing;  while  the  pay  of  the  white  soldiers  was 
thirteen  dollars  per  month,  beside  clothing.  Governor  Andrew, 
of  Massachusetts,  on  his  solicitation,  was  authorized  by  Secre- 


336  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


tary  Stanton  to  raise  of  three  years’  men  “volunteer  companies 
of  artillery  for  duty  in  the  forts  of  Massachusetts  and  else- 
where, and  such  companies  of  infantry  for  the  volunteer  mil- 
itary service  as  he  may  find  convenient,  and  may  include 
persons  of  African  descent,  organized  into  separate  corps.” 
Under  this  order  Governor  Andrew  proceeded  to  raise  Wo  full 
regiments  of  Blacks,  known  as  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth 
Massachusetts,  which  in  due  time  were  mustered  without  objec- 
tion into  the  service  of  the  Union,  and  there  won  honorable 
distinction.  "When,  at  length,  the  paymaster  made  his  usually 
welcome  appearance  at  their  camp  and  offered  them  ten  dollars 
per  month,  they  refused  to  accept  that  or  anything  less  than 
the  regular  pay  of  the  soldiers  of  the  United  States,  and  a 
tender  of  the  State  to  make  good  the  difference  between  what 
they  were  offered  and  what  they  demanded,  they  declined; 
going  wholly  without  pay  for  more  than  a year  in  order  to 
establish  their  right  to  be  regarded,  not  especially  as  Negroes, 
but  as  men. 

Those  who,  being  hopelessly  disabled  by  wounds  or  by  dis- 
ease, received  honorable  discharges  from  the  service,  did  accept 
what  was  offered  them  by  the  Federal  paymaster,  and  the  resi- 
due of  their  full  pay  from  Major  Sturgis,  agent  of  the  State. 
At  last,  after  repeated  and  most  urgent  representations  to  the 
War  Department  by  Governor  Andrew,  and  upon  the  opinion 
of  Attorney  General  Bates,  that  they  were  legally  entitled 
to  it,  they  received  from  the  United  States  the  full  pay  they 
had  persistently  claimed,  and  Reverend  Samuel  Harrison,  the 
colored  Chaplain  of  the  Fifty-fourth,  being  refused  by  the  United 
States  paymaster  the  regular  pay  of  a Chaplain  because  of  his 
color,  or  because  of  that  of  his  regiment,  appealed  to  Governor 
Andrew ; on  whose  representation  and  advocacy,  backed  like- 
wise by  Judge  Bates’  opinion  as  Attorney  General,  he  was 
ultimately  paid  in  full.  And  finally  it  was  by  Congress  enact- 
ed, “That  all  persons  of  color  who  were  free  on  the  19th  day 
of  April,  1861,  and  who  have  been  enlisted  and  mustered  into 
the  military  service  of  the  United  States,  shall  from  the  time 
of  their  enlistment,  be  entitled  to  receive  the  pay,  bounty,  and 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


337 


clothing  allowed  to  such  persons  by  the  laws  existing  at  the 
time  of  their  enlistment.” 

When  the  Fifty-fourth  Massachusetts  were  ready,  in  May 
1863,  to  proceed  to  the  seat  of  war  in  South  Carolina,  applica- 
tion was  made  in  their  behalf  to  the  Chief  of  Police  of  New 
York  for  advice  as  to  the  propriety  of  taking  that  city  in  their 
route,  and  marching  down  Broadway.  He  responded  that  they 
could  not  be  protected  from  insult  and  probably  assault  if  they 
did  so.  They  thereupon  proceeded  wholly  by  water  to  their 
destination.  Within  seven  or  eight  months  thereafter,  two  New 
York  regiments  of  colored  soldiers,  raised  by  volunteer  efforts 
mainly  by  the  Loyal  League,  though  discountenanced  by  Gov- 
ernor Seymour,  marched  proudly  down  Broadway  and  embarked 
for  the  seat  of  War,  amid  the  cheers  of  enthusiastic  thousands 
and  without  eliciting  one  discordant  hiss. 

The  use  of  Negroes,  both  free  and  slave,  for  belligerent 
purposes,  on  the  side  of  the  Rebellion,  dates  from  a period 
anterior  to  the  outbreak  of  actual  hostilities.  So  early  as  Jan- 
uary 1,  1861,  a dispatch  from  Mr.  Riordan,  at  Charleston,  to 
Hon.  Percy  Walker,  at  Mobile,  exultingly  proclaimed  that, 
“Large  gangs  of  Negroes  from  plantations  are  at  work  on  the 
redoubts,  which  are  substantially  made  of  sand  bags  and  coated 
with  sheet  iron.” 

A Washington  dispatch  to  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  about 
this  time,  set  forth  that — “A  gentleman  from  Charleston  says 
that  everything  there  betokens  active  preparations  for  fight. 
The  thousand  negroes  busy  in  building  batteries,  so  far  from 
inclining  to  insurrection,  were  grinning  from  ear  to  ear  at  the 
prospect  of  shooting  the  Yankees.” 

The  Charleston  Mercury  of  January  3d,  said:  “We  learn 
that  150  able  bodied  free  colored  men,  of  Charleston,  yesterday 
offered  their  services  gratuitously  to  the  Governor,  to  hasten 
forward  the  important  work  of  throwing  up  redoubts  wherever 
needed  along  our  coast.” 

The  Legislature  of  Tennessee,  that  negotiated  that  State 
out  of  the  Union,  by  secret  treaty  with  the  Confederate  execu- 
tive, passed  an  act  authorizing  the  Governor,  Mr.  Harris,  “to 


338  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


receive  into  tlie  military  service  of  the  State  all  male  free  per- 
sons of  color,  between  the  ages  of  15  and  20.” 

These  colored  soldiers  were  to  receive  eight  dollars  per  month, 
with  clothing  and  rations.  The  Sheriff  of  each  County  was 
required,  under  the  penalties  of  misdemeanor,  to  collect  and 
report  the  names  of  all  such  persons ; and  it  was  further  enac- 
ted, “That,  in  the  event  that  a sufficient  number  of  free  persons 
of  color  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  State,  shall  not  tender  their 
services,  the  Governor  is  empowered  through  the  Sheriffs  of 
the  different  Counties  to  press  such  persons  until  the  requisite 
number  is  obtained.” 

The  Memphis  Avalanche  joyously  proclaimed  that,  “A  pro- 
cession of  several  hundred  stout  Negro  men,  members  of  the 
‘ domestic  institution,’  marched  through  our  streets  yesterday 
in  military  order,  under  command  of  Confederate  officers. 
They  were  all  armed  and  equipped  with  shovels,  axes,  blankets, 
etc,  A merrier  set  were  never  seen.  They  were  brimful  of 
patriotism,  shouting  for  Jeff.  Davis  and  singing  war  songs.” 
And  four  days  later  it  again  said  : “ Upward  of  one  thousand 

Negroes,  armed  with  spades  and  pickaxes,  have  passed  through 
the  city  within  the  past  few  days.  Their  destination  is 
unknown ; but  it  is  supposed  that  they  are  on  their  way  to  the 
other  side  of  Jordan.”  The  drafting  of  colored  men,  and 
especially  of  slaves,  by  thousands  to  work  on  Confederate 
fortifications,  was,  in  general,  rather  ostentatiously  paraded 
through  the  earlier  stages  of  the  war.  A paper  published  at 
Lynchburg,  Yirginia,  had  as  early  as  April,  chronicled  the 
volunteered  enrollment  of  seventy  of  the  free  Negroes  of 
that  place  to  fight  in  defense  of  their  State ; closing 
with,  “ Three  cheers  for  the  patriotic  free  Negroes  of  Lynch- 
burg.” 

The  next  recorded  organization  of  Negroes,  especially  as 
Confederate  soldiers,  was  at  Mobile,  towards  Autumn,  and  two 
or  three  months  later,  the  following  telegram  was  flashed  over 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  rejoicing  Confederacy: 

“ New  Orleans,  November  23,  1861. — Over  28,000  troops 
were  reviewed  to-day  by  Governor  Moore,  General  Lovell  and 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


339 


General  Buggies.  The  line  was  over  seven  miles  long.  One 
regiment  comprised  1,400  free  colored  men.” 

The  Confederate  Legislature  of  Virginia  was  engaged,  so 
early  as  February  4,  1862,  on  a bill  to  enroll  all  the  free 
Negroes  in  the  State  for  service  in  the  Confederate  forces; 
which  was  favored  by  all  who  discussed  it,  when  it  passed  to 
its  engrossment  and  probably  became  a law.  All  these  and 
many  kindred  movements  in  the  same  direction,  preceded  Mr. 
Lincoln’s  first,  or  premonitory,  Proclamation  of  Freedom,  and 
long  preceded  any  organization  of  Negro  troops  to  fight  for 
the  Union.  The  credit  of  having  first  conquered  their  preju- 
dices against  the  employment  of  colored  men,  as  soldiers,  is 
fairly  due  to  the  Confederates.  Had  the  colored  people  with 
equal  facility  overcome  their  repugnance  to  fighting  for  their 
own  enslavement,  the  colored  soldiers  in  the  Confederate 
armies  might  soon  have  been  very  little  inferior  to  the  white 
either  in  numbers  or  efficiency. 

Tet  Mr.  Lincoln’s  initial  proclamation,  aforesaid,  had 
hardly  been  diffused  throughout  the  Confederacy,  when  meas- 
ures of  deadly  retaliation  and  vengeance  were  loudly  pressed 
on  every  hand.  That  a government  struggling  against  a Be- 
bellion  founded  on  slavery,  should  threaten  to  fight  the  conse- 
quence, through  the  cause,  was  esteemed  an  immeasurable 
stretch  of  presumption.  The  following  dispatch  aptly  embodies 
the  prevailing  sentiment: 

Charleston,  South  Carolina,  October  13,  1862. 
Hon.  Wm.  P.  Miles,  Bichmond,  Virginia: 

“Has  the  bill  for  the  execution  of  Abolition  prisoners,  after 
January  next,  been  passed?  Do  it;  and  England  will  be  stir- 
red into  action.  It  is  high  time  to  proclaim  the  black  flag  after 
that  period.  Let  the  execution  be  with  the  garrote.” 

Signed,  G.  T.  Beauregard. 

The  Confederate  Congress  took  up  the  subject  soon  after- 
ward, and,  after  protracted  consideration,  ultimately  disposed 
of  it  by  passing  a series  of  resolutions,  closing  as  follows: 
“ Section  7.  All  Negroes  and  mulattoes,  who  shall  be  engaged 
in  war,  or  be  taken  in  arms  against  the  Confederate  States,  or 


340  HIS  TOR  Y OF  THE  COL  ORED  RA  CE  IN  AMERICA. 


shall  give  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  the  Confederate 
States,  shall,  when  captured  in  the  Confederate  States,  be  de- 
livered to  the  authorities  of  the  State  or  States  in  which  they 
shall  be  captured,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  present  or 
future  laws  of  such  State  or  States.”  • 

The  connection  between  the  premises  here  alleged,  and  the 
action  based  thereon,  is  by  no  means  obvious.  For  more  than 
two  years,  Negroes  had  been  extensively  employed  in  belliger- 
ent operations  by  the  Confederacy.  They  had  been  embodied 
and  drilled  as  Confederate  soldiers,  and  had  paraded  with 
white  troops,  at  a time  when  this  would  not  have  been  tolerated 
in  the  armies  of  the  Union.  Yet,  in  the  face  of  these  notorious 
facts,  it  was  provided  in  Section  4,  “ That  every  white  person, 
being  a commissioned  officer,  or  acting  as  such,  who,  during 
the  present  war,  shall  command  Negroes  or  mulatioes  (whether 
slaves  or  not),  in  arms  against  the  Confederate  States,  shall, 
if  captured,  be  put  io  death , or  otherwise  punished,  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  court.” 

Some  of  the  leading  and  most  thorough  Confederate  jour- 
nals, on  reflection,  admitted  that  this  was  unjustifiable;  that 
the  Confederacy  could  not  prescribe  the  color  of  citizens  of  the 
Free  States,  never  in  bondage  at  the  South,  whom  our  Govern- 
ment might  justifiably  employ  as  soldiers.  But  the  resolve, 
nevertheless,  stood  for  years,  if  not  to  the  last,  unrepealed  and 
unmodified,  and  was  the  primary  fundamental  impediment 
whereby  the  exchange  of  prisoners  between  the  belligerents  was 
first  interrupted;  so  that  tens  of  thousands  died  of  exposure 
and  starvation,  who  might  else  have  been  living  to  this  day. 

Secretary  Stanton,  having  learned  that  three  of  our  colored 
soldiers,  captured  with  the  gunboat  Isaac  Smith,  in  Stone 
Fiver,  had  been  placed  in.  close  confinement,  ordered  three  of 
our  prisoners  (South  Carolinians),  to  be  treated  likewise,  and 
the  fact  to  be  communicated  to  the  Confederate  leaders.  The 
Richmond  Examiner,  commenting  on  this  relation,  said: 

“It  is  not  merely  the  presention  of  a regular  Government 
affecting  to  deal  with  ‘ Rebels,’  but  it  is  a deadly  stab  which 
they  are  driving  at  our  institutions  themselves,  because  they 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


341 


know  that  if  we  were  insane  enough  to  yield  this  point,  to 
treat  Black  men  as  the  equals  of  white,  and  insurgent  slaves  as 
equivalent  to  our  brave  soldiers,  the  very  foundation  of  slavery 
would  be  fatally  wounded.” 

After  one  of  the  conflicts  before  Charleston,  and  in  the  ex- 
change of  prisoners  which  followed,  only  whites  made  their 
appearance,  and  this  was  probably  the  impulse  to  the  follow- 
ing General  Order,  signed  by  President  Lincoln  : “It  is  the 
duty  of  every  Government  to  give  protection  to  its  citizens  of 
whatever  class,  color  or  condition,  and  especially  to  those  who 
are  duly  organized  as  soldiers  in  the  public  service.  The  laws 
of  nations,  and  the  usages  and  customs  of  war,  as  carried  on 
by  civilized  powers,  permit  no  distinction  as  to  color  in  the 
treatment  of  prisoners  of  war  as  public  enemies.  To  sell  or 
enslave  any  captured  person,  on  account  of  his  color,  and  for 
no  offense  against  the  laws  of  war,  is  a relapse  into  barbarism, 
and  a crime  against  the  civilization  of  the  age. 

“The  Government  of  the  United  States  will  give  the  same 
protection  to  all  its  soldiers;  and  if  the  enemy  shall  sell  or 
enslave  any  one  because  of  his  color,  the  offense  shall  be  pun- 
ished by  retaliation  upon  the  enemy’s  prisoners  in  our  posses- 
sion. 

“ It  is,  therefore,  ordered  that,  for  every  soldier  of  the 
United  States  killed  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  war,  a Rebel 
soldier  shall  be  executed;  and  for  every  one  enslaved  by  the 
enemy  or  sold  into  slavery,  a Rebel  soldier  shall  be  placed  at 
hard  labor  on  public  works,  and  continued  at  such  labor  until 
the  other  shall  be  released,  and  receive  the  treatment  due  to 
prisoners  of  war.” 

The  regularly  authorized,  avowed  employment  of  colored  men 
in  the  Union  armies — not  as  menials,  but  as  soldiers,  may  be 
said  to  have  begun  with  the  year  1863 — that  is,  with  the  issue 
of  the  President’s  absolute  Proclamation  of  Freedom.  From 
an  early  hour  of  the  struggle,  the  public  mind  slowly  and 
steadily  gravitated  toward  the  conclusion  that  the  Rebellion  was 
vulnerable  only  or  mainly  through  Slavery,  but  that  conclusion 
was  scarcely  reached  by  a majority  before  the  occurrence  of 


342  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  New  York  riots  in  1868.  The  President,  though  widely- 
reproached  with  tardiness  and  reluctance  in  taking  up  the  gage 
plainly  thrown  down  by  the  Slave  Power,  was  probably  ahead 
of  a majority  of  the  people  of  the  loyal  States  in  definitely 
accepting  the  issue  of  Emancipation  or  Disunion. 

Having  taken  a long  step  in  the  right  direction,  he  never 
retracted  nor  seemed  to  regret  it,  though  he  sometimes  observed 
that  the  beneficial  results  of  the  Emancipation  policy  were 
neither  so  signal  nor  so  promptly  realized  as  its  sanguine  pro- 
moters had  anticipated.  Nevertheless,  on  the  day  appointed, 
he  issued  his  absolute  Proclamation  of  Freedom,  as  follows: 

“Whereas,  on  the  22d  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1862,  a proclamation  was  issued  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  containing  among  other  things,  the  following, 
to-wit : 

“ ‘ That  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1863,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  State  or  designated 
part  of  a State,  the  people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion 
against  the'  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and 
forever  free;  and  the  Executive  Government  of  the  United 
States,  including  the  military  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will 
recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will 
do  no  act  or  acts  to  repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in 
any  efforts  they  may  make  for  their  actual  freedom. 

“‘That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January 
aforesaid,  by  proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of 
States,  if  any,  in  which  the  people  thereof  respectively  shall 
then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States ; and  the  fact 
that  any  State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall  on  that  day  be  in 
good  faith  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
by  members  chosen  thereto  at  elections  wherein  a majority  of 
the  qualified  voters  of  such  State  shall  have  participated,  shall, 
in  the  absence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed 
conclusive  evidence  that  such  State,  and  the  people  thereof,  are 
not  then  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States.’ 

“ Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  Com- 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


343 


mander-in-Cliief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States, 
in  time  of  actual  armed  rebellion  against  the  authority  and 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  as  a fit  and  necessary  war 
measure  for  suppressing  said  Rebellion,  do,  on  this  first  day 
of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty  three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose  so  to  do? 
publicly  proclaim  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred  days 
from  the  date  first  above  mentioned,  order  and  designate  as  the 
States  and  parts  of  States  wherein  the  people  thereof  respect- 
ively on  this  day  are  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  the 
following  to  wit: 

Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana  (except  the  parishes  of  St- 
Bernard,  Plaquemine,  Jefferson,  St.  John,  St.  Charles,  St. 
James,  Ascension,  Assumption,  Terre  Bonne,  Lafourche,  St. 
Mary,  St.  Martin,  and  Orleans,  including  the  city  of  New 
Orleans,)  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia,  South 
Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia  (except  the  forty  eight 
counties  designated  West  Virginia,  and  also  the  counties  of 
Berkeley,  Accomac,  Northampton,  Elizabeth  City,  York? 
Princess  Anne,  and  Norfolk,  including  the  cities  of  Norfolk 
and  Portsmouth, ) and  which  excepted  parts  are,  for  the  present, 
left  precisely  as  if  this  proclamation  were  not  issued. 

“ And,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  afore- 
said, I do  order  and  declare  that  all  persons  field  as  slaves 
within  said  designated  States  and  parts  of  States  are  and 
henceforward  shall  be  free,  and  that  the  Executive  Government 
of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval  author- 
ities thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  said 
persons. 

“ And  I hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be 
free  to  abstain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self 
defense;  and  I recommend  to  them  that  in  all  cases  when 
allowed,  they  labor  faithfully  for  reasonable  wages. 

“ And  I further  declare  and  make  known  that  such  persons, 
of  suitable  condition,  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service 
of  the  United  States  to  garrison  forts,  positions,  stations,  and 
other  places,  and  to  man  vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service. 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


“ And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of 
justice,  warranted  by  the  Constitution  upon  military  necessity, 
I invoke  the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind,  and  the  gracious 
favor  of  Almighty  God. 

“In  testimony  whereof,  I have  hereunto  set  my  name,  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

“ Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  1st  day  of  January, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1863,  and  of  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  the  87tli. 

By  the  President 

ABBAHAM  LINCOLN,  [l.  s.J 

By  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 

Mr.  Stanton’s  first  order  to  raise  in  the  loyal  States  three 
years’  men,  with  express  permission  to  include  persons  of 
“African  descent”  was  that  issued  to  Governor  Andrew, 
J anuary  26th,  of  this  year ; which  was  promptly  and  heartily 
responded  to.  In  March,  General  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Adjutant 
General  of  our  Army,  was  dispatched  from  Washington  to  the 
Mississipi  Yalley,  there  to  initiate  and  supervise  the  recruiting 
and  officering  of  colored  regiments  ■ — a duty  which  he  dis- 
charged with  eminent  zeal  and  efficiency ; writing  and  laboring 
at  Memphis,  Helena,  and  other  points  where  Negroes  were 
congregated,  addressing  them  in  exposition  of  the  Emancipation 
policy,  and  urging  them  to  endorse  it  by  rallying  to  the  flag  of 
their  country.  To  our  officers  and  soldiers,  in  a speech  at 
Lake  Providence,  Louisiana,  he  forcibly  said  : 

“ You  know  full  well — for  you  have  been  over  this  country 
— that  the  Rebels  have  sent  into  the  field  all  their  available 
fighting  men,  every  man  capable  of  bearing  arms;  and  you 
know  that  they  have  kept  at  home  all  their  slaves  for  the  rais- 
ing of  subsistence  for  their  armies  in  the  field.  In  this  way 
they  can  bring  to  bear  against  us  all  the  strength  of  their 
so-called  Confederate  States;  while  we  at  the  North  can  only 
send  a portion  of  our  fighting  force,  being  compelled  to  leave 
behind  another  portion  to  cultivate  our  fields  and  supply  the 
wants  of  an  immense  army.  The  Administration  has  deter- 
mined to  take  from  the  Rebels  this  source  of  supply — to  take 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


345 


their  Negroes  and  compel  them  to  send  back  a portion  of  their 
whites  to  cultivate  their  deserted  plantations — and  very  poor 
persons  they  would  be  to  fill  the  place  of  the  dark  lined 
laborer.  They  must  do  this  or  their  armies  will  starve. 

“All  of  you  will  some  day  be  on  picket  duty;  and  I charge 
you  all,  if  any  of  this  unfortunate  race  come  within  your  lines, 
that  you  do  not  turn  them  away,  but  receive  them  kindly  and 
cordially.  They  are  to  be  encouraged  to  come  to  us;  they  are 
to  be  received  with  open  arms ; they  are  to  be  fed  and  clothed ; 
they  are  to  be  armed.” 

There  was  still  much  prejudice  against  Negro  soldiers 
among  our  rank  and  file,  as  well  as  among  their  superiors; 
those  from  New  England  possibly  and  partially  excepted;  but 
the  Adjutant-General  was  armed  with  a potent  specific  for  its 
cure.  The  twenty  regiments  of  Negroes,  which  he  was  intent 
on  raising,  he  had  authority  to  officer  on  the  spot  from  the 
white  veterans  at  hand ; and  this  fact,  at  least,  until  the  com- 
missions should  be  awarded,  operated  as  a powerful  antidote  to 
anti-Negro  prejudice.  There  were  few,  if  any,  instances  of  a 
white  sergeant  or  corporal  whose  dignity,  or  whose  nose, 
revolted  at  the  proximity  of  colored  men  as  private  soldiers,  if 
he  might  secure  a Lieutenancy  by  deeming  them  not  unsavory, 
or  not  quite  intolerably  so ; while  there  is  no  case  on  record 
where  a soldier  deemed  fit  for  a Captaincy  in  a colored  regi- 
ment rejected  it  and  clung  to  the  ranks,  in  deference  to  his 
invincible  antipathy  to  “Niggers.” 

Yet  in  spite  of  ugly  epithets  the  work  went  on.  Presently, 
a distinct  Bureau  was  established,  in  the  Adjutant-General’s 
office  at  Washington,  “ for  the  record  of  all  matters  relating  to 
the  organization  of  colored  troops ; and  a Board,  whereof  Gen- 
eral Casey  was  President,  organized  for  the  strict  examination 
of  all  candidates  for  commissions  in  colored  regiments ; by  whose 
labors  and  investigations  a higher  state  of  average  character 
and  efficiency  was  secured  in  the  officering  of  these  than  had 
been  attained  in  the  (too  often  hasty  and  hap-hazard)  organi- 
zation of  our  white  regiments.  In  August,  the  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral again  visited  the  Great  Yalley  on  this  business;  and  he 


346  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


now  issued  from  Vicksburg,  an  order  which  was  practically  a 
conscription  of  all  able  bodied  male  Negroes  who  should  seek 
protection  within  the  Union  lines,  and  should  not  be  other  - 
wise  employed,  into  the  National  service. 

Next  appeared  an  order  from  the  War  Department,  estab- 
lishing recruiting  stations  for  Negro  soldiers  in  Maryland,  Mis- 
souri, and  Tennessee,  and  directing  the  enlistment  of  volunteers 
of  “all  able  bodied  free  Negroes,”  also  the  “ slaves  of  disloyal 
persons  [absolutely,]  and  slaves  of  loyal  persons,  with  the  con- 
sent of  their  owners,”  who  were  to  be  paid  $300  for  each 
slave  enlisted,  upon  making  proof  of  ownership  and  filing  a 
deed  of  manumission.  Thus  the  good  work  went  on;  until  in 
December,  ’63,  the  Bureau  aforesaid  reported  that  over  50,000 
had  been  enlisted  and  were  then  in  actual  service ; and  this 
number  had  been  trebled  before  the  close  of  the  following 
year.  And  though  some  of  our  Generals  regarded  them  with 
disfavor,  while  others  were  loud  in  their  praise,  it  is  no  longer 
fairly  disputable  that  they  played  a very  important  and  use- 
ful part  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Rebellion.  Though  they 
were  hardly  allowed  to  participate  in  any  cf  the  great  bat- 
tles whereby  the  issue  was  determined,  they  bore  an  honor- 
able part  in  many  minor  actions  and  sieges,  especially  those 
of  1864-5.  In  docility,  in  unquestioning  obedience  to  supe- 
riors, in  local  knowledge,  in  capacity  to  endure  fatigue,  in 
ability  to  brave  exposure  and  resist  climatic  or  miasmatic 
perils,  they  were  equal  if  not  superior  to  the  average  of  our 
white  troops ; in  intelligence  and  tenacity,  they  were  inferior ; 
and  no  wise  General  would  have  counted  a corps  of  them  equal, 
man  for  man,  in  a great  protracted  battle  to  a like  number 
of  whites.  Yet  there  were  colored  regiments  above  the  average 
of  whites  in  merit;  and  their  fighting  at  Fort  Wayne,  Port 
Hudson,  Helena,  Mobile,  and  some  other  points,  was  noticed 
by  their  commanders  with  well  deserved  commendation.  To 
exalt  them  to  the  disparagement  of  our  white  soldiers  would 
be  as  unwise  as  unjust;  but  those  whites  who  fought  most 
bravely  by  their  side  will  be  the  last  to  detract  from  the 
gratitude  wherewith  the  Republic  fitly  honors  all  her  sons 


COLORED  MEN  ENGAGED  IN  BATTLE,  PETERSBURG 


I 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


347 


who  freely  offered  their  lives  for  the  salvation  of  their 
country. 

We  will  now  close  the  subject  by  giving  a description 
of  the  largest  Military  school  in  the  United  States: 

West  Point  is  the  site  of  the  United  States  Military  Acad- 
emy, and  a fortress  erected  during  the  W ar  of  Independence, 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson  River,  52  miles  north  of  New 
York.  The  Military  Academy  is  on  a plain  160  to  180  feet 
above  the  river,  surrounded  by  the  bold  scenery  of  one  of  the 
finest  river  passes  in  the  world.  The  forts  and  a river  chain 
were  taken  by  the  British,  in  1777,  but  abandoned  after  Bur- 
goyne’s  surrender,  and  stronger  forts  were  built,  which  General 
Arnold  bargained  to  betray — a plot  foiled  by  the  arrest  of 
Major  Andre. 

The  Academy  was  established  in  1802  for  40  cadet  artiller- 
ists and  10  engineers.  The  number  was  increased  in  1808,  to 
156,  and  in  1812,  to  250.  It  is  governed  by  a board  of  five 
visitors,  and  a staff  of  forty-one  professors  and  teachers. 

On  the  occurrence  of  a vacancy,  any  young  man  of  good 
moral  character,  between  seventeen  and  twenty-two  years,  and 
a citizen  of  the  State  or  Congressional  District  from  which  he 
is  selected,  is  eligible  for  appointment  to  West  Point.  The 
number  of  students  who  can  be  at  the  Academy  at  the  same 
time  is  limited  to  344.  This  includes  one  from  each  Congres- 
sional District  of  a State,  one  from  each  Territory,  nominated 
by  the  delegate  representing  the  Territory  in  Congress,  one 
from  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  ten  appointments  by  the 
President,  indifferently,  from  all  parts  of  the  country. 

The  method  of  appointment  is  as  follows:  The  member 
of  Congress,  representing  a District,  as  soon  as  a vacancy 
occurs,  nominates  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  for  appointment,  a 
young  man  of  his  district,  who  fills  the  legal  requirements  for 
entrance  to  West  Point.  This  selection  rests  entirely  with  the 
Congressman,  and  his  nomination,  unless  there  is  legal  or  other 
cause,  under  the  regulations  of  the  Academy  to  prevent,  amounts 
to  an  appointment  to  a cadetship  for  the  nomiuee,  conditioned 
on  his  passing  the  physical  and  mental  examination.  Upon 


348  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


his  arrival  at  the  Academy,  he  is  subjected  to  a searching 
physical  examination,  by  a board  of  three  army  medical 
officers. 

It  is  required,  in  this  examination,  that  the  candidate 
shall  be  free  from  disability,  of  any  kind,  resulting  from  acci- 
dents ; shall  be  sound  in  hearing,  sight  and  speech ; and  gen- 
erally of  fairly  robust  and  healthy  constitution.  If  he  passes 
this  examination,  the  candidate  is  subjected  to  an  academical 
examination  for  admission.  This  includes  arithmetic,  of  which 
a familiar  knowledge  is  required,  grammar,  writing,  orthogra- 
phy and  history.  Of  the  last  two,  much  stress  is  laid  on  that 
part  of  the  subject  which  relates  to  our  own  country.  These 
examinations  are  all  conducted  in  writing;  each  candidate 
being  given  the  same  examination  paper,  and  being  permitted 
to  occupy  from  three  to  five  hours,  according  to  the  extent  and 
nature  of  the  subject.  The  examination  is  terminated  by  an 
examination  in  reading. 

Those  who  are  found  by  the  examination  to  be  not  duly 
qualified  to  enter  the  Academy,  are  notified  of  their  failure,  and 
directed  to  proceed  to  their  homes.  The  others  take  the  oath 
of  office  as  cadets,  and  later,  when  the  academic  year  com- 
mences, are  formed  in  sections  of  not  to  exceed  ten  cadets  in 
each  section,  in  which  they  attend  recitations  during  the 
academic  year,  which,  commencing  on  the  1st  of  September, 
continues  till  the  1st  of  June  next  following,  with  an  intermis- 
sion of  half  a month  in  J anuary  for  the  semi-annual  examination. 
In  June,  the  annual  examination  is  held.  At  these  examina- 
tions, cadets  found  deficient  in  their  studies,  are  so  declared 
after  a critical  examination,  by  the  Academic  Board,  and  are 
discharged  or  turned  back  to  join  the  next  succeeding  class. 
Deficiency  may  result  from  want  of  ability  in  a special  branch 
of  study,  from  lack  of  application,  or  from  sickness. 

After  the  June  examination,  the  first  class — the  one  that 
has  been  in  the  Academy  four  years,  is  graduated,  and  its 
members  are  granted  leave  of  absence  for  three  months,  during 
which  time  they  receive  their  appointments  in  the  army,  de- 
pending on  their  standing  as  determined  by  their  marks  in 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


349 


their  studies,  and  by  their  examinations  during  the  four  years 
of  their  stay  at  the  Academy.  After  this,  as  officers  of  the 
army,  they  have  their  own  way  to  make,  and  we,  so  far  as  the 
purposes  of  this  work  is  concerned,  must  bid  them  farewell. 
After  the  June  examination,  the  new  second  class,  or  the  one 
that  has  been  in  the  Academy  two  years,  is  granted  leave  of 
absence  which  generally  extends  from  June  15  to  August  28. 
This  last,  the  day  for  the  return  of  the  class,  is  imperative. 
Those  who  have  seen  the  hearty,  vigorous  and  joyous  young 
furlougli-man  enjoying  his  leave,  need  not  be  told  that  he 
makes  the  most  of  the  only  vacation  given  him  during  his  four 
years’  stay  at  West  Point.  Now  let  us  see  as  to  the  three 
classes  left  at  the  Academy.  These  are  the  new  first  class 
which  entered  as  candidates  a year  ago,  and  the  fourth  class, 
just  entered  and  passed  the  preliminary  examination  as  hereto- 
fore described.  Immediately  after  the  examination  is  over, 
and  the  graduating  and  furlough  classes  have  gone  from  West 
Point  the  other  three  classes  are  moved  from  barracks  into 
camp. 

The  encampment  continues  from,  say  June  18  until  Au- 
gust 29,  the  day  after  the  return  of  the  furlough  class,  and 
corresponds  to  the  usual  vacation  at  colleges.  Here  all  studies 
and  books,  except  such  as  the  cadet  chooses  to  draw  from  the 
library  to  read  for  recreation  and  improvement,  are  interdicted. 
Military  duties  and  drill  are  alone  attended  to  as  duties,  and 
the  cadet  is  permitted  to  visit  friends  who  may  be  at  the  post 
and  to  have  parties,  or  hops,  as  they  are  called.  This  experi- 
ence in  social  life  is  a great  civilizer  to  the  average  young 
gentlemen,  deprived  of  home  influence,  and  makes  a lasting 
impression  for  good.  The  studies  pursued  at  West  Point  a're 
not  as  some  might  imagine,  wholly  military.  The  first  year 
the  cadet  is  taught  mathematics,  including  algebra,  geometry, 
trigonometry,  surveying  and  analytical  geometry,  and  in  mod- 
ern languages  French  and  English,  besides  receiving  lectures 
in  universal  history.  The  next  year  is  devoted  to  the  more 
advanced  course  of  mathematics  to  include  calculus ; completes 
the  course  in  French  and  includes  a preliminary  course  in 


350  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


drawing.  The  third  year  the  student  is  instructed  in  a course 
of  natural  and  experimental  philosophy,  including  astronomy; 
also  in  chemistry,  mineralogy  and  geology,  and  completes  the 
course  of  drawing.  The  fourth,  or  last  year  at  Academy, 
is  devoted  to  a course  of  civil  and  military  engineering,  and 
the  science  of  war,  the  Spanish  language,  international,  con- 
stitutional and  military  law  and  the  outlines  of  the  world’s  his- 
tory. Each  year  tactics  are  taught,  and  the  uses  and  methods  of 
handling  large  guns  and  small  arms,  and  practical  instruction  is 
given  in  military  engineering  and  signaling.  With  this,  the 
course  of  study  is  completed,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  assert 
that  the  instruction  given,  is  as  thorough,  if  not  mor9  thorough, 
than  to  the  average  graduate  at  the  best  colleges. 

The  only  intermission  from  the  student’s  duties  are  on 
Saturday  afternoon,  which  is  at  his  disposal,  except  that  he 
cannot  go  beyond  the  Government  lands  of  the  military  reser- 
vation, and  must  attend  the  evening  parade.  Sunday  is  devoted 
to  rest  except  that  a military  inspection  under  arms,  and  of  the 
quarters  or  cadet’s  room  in  the  morning,  always  takes  place. 
Cadets  are  required  to  attend  Divine  service  once  during 
Sunday,  at  either  a [Roman  Catholic  or  Protestant  Chapel ; both 
these  services  take  place  on  Sunday  morning  at  the  post. 
For  the  rest  the  cadet  is  well  fed  and  well  clothed.  Habits  of 
industry  are  inculcated,  in  fact,  are  enforced,  for  without  con- 
stant application  no  young  man,  be  he  ever  so  brilliant,  can 
succeed  in  his  studies.  And  this  brings  us  to  ono  additional 
matter  to  be  explained  in  detail.  That  is,  the  classes  for  recit- 
ation, or,  as  known  at  West  Point  the  sections.  On  entrance 
to  the  Academy  each  class  is  divided  into  sections  of  not  more 
than  ten  cadets  in  each.  These  are  arranged  alphabetically  at 
first,  but  as  the  intelligence  and  aptitude  of  the  members  of  the 
class  are  developed,  are  rearranged  according  to  merit,  in 
studies.  This  arrangement  is  maintained  during  the  stay  of 
the  class  at  the  Academy  by  transfers  from  one  section  to 
another,  as  a student  develops  more  or  less  aptitude  in  his 
progress  in  the  course.  For  each  cadet  who  is  transferred  from 
a higher  to  a lower  section,  there  is  one  whose  transfer  takes 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


351 


place  from  a lower  to  a higher,  and  thus  the  equality  of  the 
sections  is  maintained.  As  soon  as  a cadet  recites  he  is  marked 
in  a book  kept  for  the  purpose  on  the  merit  of  his  recitation 
on  a scale  of  tenths  from  three,  which  is  a maximum  mark, 
and  indicates  a perfect  knowledge,  to  zero,  which  indicates  a 
complete  failure.  A mark  of  two,  indicates  an  indifferent 
recitation,  and  with  such  an  average  for  the  year  the  student 
must  pass  a good  examination,  or  be  declared  deficient.  The 
incentive  to  study  is  the  daily  mark  received  on  the  recitation, 
which  determines  the  standing  of  the  individual  in  his  class 
and  the  consciousness  of  duty  well  done.  A cadet  is  never 
absent  or  excused  from  a recitation,  except  for  sickness,  save  in 
the  first  class  year,  when  military  duty  employs  one  cadet  each 
day.  Let  us  now  turn  to  the  military  organization  of  the  corps 
of  cadets  and  the  arrangements  for  the  maintenance  of  dis- 
cipline. All  the  cadets  of  the  Academy  are  arranged  in  four 
companies.  These  companies  and  the  battalion  into  which  they 
are  formed  are  officered  by  cadets  selected  as  officers  for  their 
military  bearing  and  excellent  conduct.  From  the  oldest,  or 
first  class,  the  captains  and  lieutenants  are  appointed;  from  the 
second  class,  the  sergeants ; and  from  the  third  class  the  cor- 
porals. These  cadet  officers  maintain  the  discipline  and 
interior  management  of  the  corps,  and  enforce  the  regulations. 
The  battalion  is  officered  in  addition  by  a cadet,  adjutants  and 
quarter,  master  and  by  a sergeant  major,  and  quartermaster 
sergeant.  These  conduct  all  the  military  duties  in  the  nature 
of  guard  mounting  and  parades.  On  duty  with  the  battalion, 
are  army  officers  whose  service  is  of  a supervisory  character,  and 
who  are  charged  with  the  instruction  of  the  cadets  in  military 
matters.  They  are  five  in  number  and  consist  of  a commandant 
or  instructor  in  artillery,  infantry  and  cavalry  tactics  and  four 
assistant  instructors  of  tactics.  Each  one  of  the  assistants  is 
specially  charged  with  the  care  of  a company.  This  includes 
the  whole  system  of  the  military  organization.  Cadets  preserve 
order  and  quiet  in  the  barracks  as  they  do  in  rank,  under  an 
organization  which  makes  certain  cadet  officers  responsible- 
As  will  be  at  once  seen  an  organization  such  as  this,  must 


352  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


depend  for  its  perfection  on  tlie  character  of  the  students,  and 
above  all,  on  their  honesty  and  veracity.  These  are,  and  must 
be  unimpeachable.  The  word  of  a cadet  is  never  questioned 
by  the  authorities,  and,  as  a consequence  a cadet  of  any  ex- 
perience at  the  Academy  has  never  been  known  to  tell  a false- 
hood, or  to  try  to  deceive.  No  action  is  ever  taken  by  the 
authorities  which  reflects  in  any  way  upon  the  honor  of  a 
cadet  unless  it  is  well  assured  that  his  honor  is  involved,  when 
by  the  action  of  a court  martial  or  the  more  summary  procedure 
by  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  guilty  one’s  connection  with  the 
Academy  is  severed. 

As  to  the  duties  of  the  Academy,  if  they  are  severe,  so  are 
the  benefits  to  the  successful  cadet  great.  From  the  time  he 
enters  as  a cadet  to  the  day  of  his  graduation,  all  the  necessary 
expenses  of  the  cadet  are  borne  by  the  Government.  And 
when  he  has  completed  his  course  and  received  his  diploma, 
unlike  the  college  graduate,  his  career  in  a profession  has 
already  begun.  He  is  at  once  commissioned  as  an  officer,  and 
the  subsequent  steps  of  promotion  in  an  honorable  calling 
depend  not  on  the  chances  accruing  from  hard  work,  but  on 
good  conduct,  and  a fair  attention  to  duty.  If  a graduate 
should  choose,  for  any  reason,  to  pursue  another  than  the  pro- 
fession of  arms,  the  Government  offers  no  impediment  to  his 
wishes;  but  his  resignation  from  the  army  in  time  of  peace  is 
accepted  without  question,  and  he  is  set  free  to  adopt  any 
profession,  for  success  in  all  of  which  his  education  has 
undoubtedly  amply  qualified  him.  The  hours  of  confinement 
and  at  study  appear  long,  but  the  enforced  exercise  at  the  rid- 
ing hall,  or  at  drill,  or  in  the  gymnasium,  keep  the  cadet  in  a 
perfect  state  of  robust  health,  and  build  up  the  constitution, 
which,  but  for  the  regular  hours  and  excellent  and  systematic 
course,  might  give  way.  A case  of  broken  constitution  result- 
ing from  the  duties  at  West  Point  is  unknown,  while  dozens  of 
cases  of  impaired  health  built  up  to  a vigorous  state  by  the 
methods  at  the  Academy  are  matters  of  record.  The  same 
course  of  instruction  is  given  to  all  students.  Nothing  is  elec- 
tive. The  graduates  are  commissioned  in  the  army,  according 


COLORED  MEN  AS  SOLDIERS. 


353 


to  their  class  standing.  Those  who  graduate  near  the  head  of 
the  class  may  choose  any  corps  or  arm  of  the  service,  com- 
mencing with  the  engineer  corps.  As  the  vacancies  in  the 
army  are  filled,  those  who  graduate  lower  down  in  a class  have 
a less  extensive  field  for  choice,  until  at  the  foot  the  graduate 
is  compelled,  perhaps,  to  take  his  choice  in  a regiment  in  the 
line. 


0 


354  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXL 

BIOGRAPHIES  OF  NOTED  ANTI-SLAVERY  MEN. 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

‘"With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the  right.” 

A HISTORY  of  tlie  Colored  Race  in  America  would  hard! 
■L  be  complete  without  a sketch  of  the  life  of  this  grea 
champion  of  human  rights,  and  friend  of  the  Colored  Race 
Abraham  Lincoln,  the  author  of  that  memorable  document,  th, 
Emancipation  Proclamation ; and  there  is  and  always  will  be  at 
inseparable  tie  binding  the  heart  of  this  people  to  his  nam 
and  memory.  No  man  did  more  for  the  colored  people,  of 
loved  them  better  than  did  ke. 

Our  times  have  been  marked  from  all  other  times,  as  th; 
scene  of  an  immense  conflict  which  has  not  only  shaken  to  it 
foundations  our  own  country,  but  has  been  felt  like  the  throei 
of  an  earthquake  through  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Our  own  days  have  witnessed  the  closing  of  the  greaf 
battle,  but  the  preparations  for  that  battle  have  been  the  slovf 
work  of  years. 

The  “ Men  of  Our  Time  ” are  the  men,  who  indirectly,  by 
their  moral  influence  helped  to  bring  on  this  great  final  crisis, 
and  also  those  who,  when  it  was  brought  on,  and  the  battle  was 
set  in  array,  guided  it  wisely,  and  helped  to  bring  it  to  its 
triumphant  close. 

Foremost  on  the  roll  of  “Men  of  Our  Time,”  it  is  but 
right  and  fitting  that  we  place  the  honored  and  venerated  name 
of  the  man  who  was  called  by  God’s  Providence  to  be  the  leader 
of  the  Nation  in  our  late  great  struggle,  and  to  seal  with  his 
blood  the  proclamation  of  universal  liberty  in  this  country. 

The  revolution  through  which  the  American  Nation  has 
been  passing,  was  not  a mere  local  convulsion.  It  was  a war 


\ 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


355 


for  a principle  which  concerns  all  mankind.  It  was  a war  for 
the  rights  of  the  working  class  of  society,  as  against  the  usur- 
pation of  privileged  aristocracies.  You  can  make  nothing  else 
of  it.  That  is  the  reason  why,  like  a shaft  of  light  in  the 
Judgment  day,  it  has  gone  through  all  Nations,  dividing  the 
multitudes  to  the  right  and  to  the  left.  For  us  and  our  cause 
all  the  common  working  classes  of  Europe — all  that  toil  and 
sweat  and  are  oppressed.  Against  us  all  privileged  classes — 
nobles,  princes,  bankers  and  great  manufacturers ; all  who  live 
at  ease.  A silent  instinct,  piercing  to  the  dividing  of  soul  and 
spirit,  joints  and  marrow,  has  gone  through  the  earth  and  sent 
every  soul  with  instinctive  certainty  where  it  belongs.  The 
poor  laborers  of  Birmingham  and  Manchester,  the  poor  silk 
weavers  of  Lyons,  to  whom  our  conflict  was  present  starvation 
and  lingering  death,  have  stood  bravely  for  us.  No  sophistries 
could  blind  or  deceive  them ; they  knew  that  our  cause  was 
their  cause,  and  they  suffered  their  part  heroically,  as  if  fight- 
ing by  our  side,  because  they  knew  that  our  victory  was  to  be 
their  victory.  On  the  other  side,  all  aristocrats  and  holders  of 
exclusive  privileges,  have  felt  the  instinct  of  opposition,  and 
the  sympathy  with  a struggling  aristocracy,  for  they,  too,  felt 
that  our  victory  would  be  their  doom. 

This  great  contest  has  visibly  been  held  in  the  hands  of 
Almighty  God,  and  is  a fulfillment  of  the  solemn  prophesies 
with  which  the  Bible  is  sown  thick  as  stars,  that  He  would 
spare  the  soul  of  the  needy  and  judge  the  cause  of  the  poor. 
It  was  He  who  chose  the  instrument  for  this  work,  and  He 
chose  him,  with  a visible  reference  to  the  rights  and  interests 
of  the  great  majority  of  mankind  for  which  He  stood. 

Lincoln  was  born  to  the  inheritance  of  hard  work,  as  truly 
as  the  poorest  laborer’s  son  that  digs  in  our  fields.  He  was 
born  in  Kentucky  in  1809.  At  seven  years  of  age  he  was  set  to 
work,  axe  in  hand,  to  clear  up  a farm  in  a Western  forest. 
Until  he  was  seventeen,  his  life  was  that  of  a simple  farm  la- 
borer, and  the  school  instruction  of  his  whole  life  would  pro- 
bably not  amount  to  over  six  months.  At  nineteen,  he  made  a 
trip  to  New  Orleans  on  a flat-boat,  and  on  his  return  he  split 


356  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


tlie  timber  for  a log-cabin  and  built  it,  and  enclosed  ten  acres 
of  land  with  a rail  fence  of  his  own  handiwork.  The  next 
year  he  hired  himself  for  twelve  dollars  a month  to  build  a 
flat-boat,  and  take  her  to  New  Orleans,  and  any  one  who  knows 
what  the  life  of  a Mississippi  boatman  was  in  those  days,  must 
know  that  it  involved  every  kind  of  labor.  In  1832,  in  the 
Blackhawk  Indian  War  the  hardy  boatman  volunteered  to  fight 
for  his  country,  and  was  unanimously  elected  a captain,  and 
served  with  honor,  for  a season,  in  frontier  military  life.  After 
this,  while  serving  a s a Postmaster,  he  began  his  law  studies, 
and  pursued  them  by  the  light  of  the  evening  fire.  He  soon 
acquired  a name  in  the  country  about,  as  a man  of  resources, 
shrewdness  and  wisdom.  He  was  in  great  request,  and  was 
looked  to  for  counsel  in  exigencies,  and  one  to  whom  they  were 
ready  to  depute  almost  any  enterprise  which  needed  skill  and 
energy,  or  patience  and  justice. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  now  about  twenty-three.  His  life  thus  far 
may,  perhaps,  be  considered  as  his  education.  His  course  of 
reading  was  a very  thorough  illustration  of  the  ancient  rule,  to 
“ read  not  many  but  much.”  He  read  seven  books  over  and 
over;  of  three  of  them — the  Bible,  Shakespeare,  and  iEsop’s 
Babies — he  could  repeat  large  portions  by  heart.  The  other 
four  were  the  Pilgrim’s  Progress,  and  the  life  of  Henry  Clay, 
the  life  of  Washington,  and  the  life  of  Franklin. 

It  is  a curious  fact,  that  neither  then  or  afterwards,  did  he 
ever  read  a novel.  His  education  was  almost  entirely  a news- 
paper one ; he  was  one  of  the  most  thorough  newspaper  readers 
in  America.  All  his  life  he  maintained  that  course  of  steady 
labor  after  practical  knowledge  and  practical  wisdom.  When- 
ever he  could  read  a good  book,  he  did,  and  his  practice  was, 
for  a long  time,  after  he  had  finished  reading  it,  to  write  out  an  an- 
alysis of  it.  One  of  his  companions  described  him  in  after- 
years, as  “the  likeliest  boy  in  the  world.  He  would  work  all 
day  as  hard  as  any  of  us,  and  study  by  fire-light  in  the  log 
house  half  the  night,  and  in  this  way  he  made  himself  a 
thorough,  practical  surveyor.”  Another  man  described  him  as 
he  saw  him,  while  working  for  a living,  in  1830,  “lying  on  a 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


357 


trundle-bed,  with  one  leg  stretched  out  rocking  the  cradle  con- 
taining the  child  o£  his  hostess,  while  he  himself  was  absorbed 
in  the  study  of  English  grammar.” 

The  world  has  many  losses  that  mankind  are  not  conscious 
of.  The  burning  of  the  Alexandrian  Library  was  an  irrep- 
arable loss,  but  a greater  loss  is  the  silence  of  great  and  pecu- 
liar minds.  Had  there  been  any  record  of  what  Lincoln  thought 
and  said  while  he  thus  hewed  his  way  through  the  pedantic 
mazes  of  book  learning,  we  might  have  some  of  the  newest,  the 
strangest,  the  most  original  contributions  to  the  philosophy  of 
grammar  and  human  language  in  general  that  ever  have  been 
given,  blit  after  his  own  quaint,  silent  fashion,  he  kept  up  his 
inquiries  into  the  world  of  book  learning  with  remarkable 
perseverance,  and  was  thoroughly  at  home  in  all  the  liberal 
studies  and  scientific  questions  of  the  day.  He  was  in  the 
strictest  sense  a self-educated  man;  for  what  book  learning 
he  obtained  would  never  have  made  him  a lawyer,  not  to 
say  President.  The  education  which  gave  him  his  suc- 
cess in  life,  was  his  self  training  in  the  ability  to  under- 
stand and  to  state  facts  and  principles  about  men  and 
things. 

In  1836,  our  backwoodsman,  flat-boat  hand,  captain,  sur- 
veyor, obtained  a license  to  practice  law,  and  as  might  be 
expected,  rose  rapidly.  One  anecdote  will  show  the  esteem  in 
which  he  was  held  in  his  neighborhood.  A client  came  to  him 
in  a case  relating  to  a certain  land  claim,  and  Lincoln  said  to 
him,  “Your  first  step  must  be  to  take  thirty  thousand  dollars, 
and  go  and  make  a legal  tender;  it  of  course  will  be  refused,  but 
it  is  a necessary  step.”  “ But,”  said  the  man,  “I  haven’t  the 
thirty  thousand  dollars  to  make  it  with.”  “ 0,  that’s  it;  just 
step  over  to  the  bank  with  me,  and  I'll  get  it.”  So  into  the 
bank  they  went,  and  Lincoln  said  to  the  cashier,  “We  just  want 
to  take  thirty  thousand  dollars  to  make  a legal  tender  with;  I’ll 
bring  it  back  in  an  hour  or  two.”  The  cashier  handed  across 
the  money  to  “Honest  Abe,”  and  without  the  scratch  of  a pen 
in  acknowledgement  he  strode  his  way  with  the  money,  all  in 
the  most  sacred  simplicity,  made  the  tender,  and  brought  it 


358  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


back  with  as  muck  nonchalance  as  if  he  had  been  borrowing  a 

• O 

silver  spoon  of  his  grandmother. 

His  honesty,  shrewdness,  energy  and  keen  practical  insight 
into  men  and  things,  soon  made  him  the  most  influential  man 
in  his  State — both  as  lawyer  and  politician.  Of  this  influence, 
and  most  especially  of  its  depending  upon  his  wonderfully 
direct,  plain,  common  sense,  and  the  absolute  honesty  and  utter 
justness  of  his  mind,  there  are  many  anecdotes.  In  politics 
and  in  law  alike,  both  the  strength  of  his  conscientiousness 
and  the  kind  of  yearning  after  a rounded  wholeness  of  view, 
which  was  an  intellectual  instinct  with  him,  forced  him  habitu- 
ally to  consider  all  sides  of  any  question.  For  fifteen  years 
before  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  he  subscribed  regularly 
to  the  Richmond  Enquirer  and  Charleston  Mercury.  He  grew 
slowly  as  public  opinion  grew,  and  as  an  Anti-Slavery  man  was 
a gradual  convert.  Thus  it  resulted  that  while  Rhett  and 
Wise  with  slavery  in  full  feather,  wrote  every  day  the  invio- 
lateness of  secession  and  the  divinity  of  bondage,  Lincoln, 
in  his  little  law  office,  read  every  vaunting,  cruel  word,  paid  to 
read  it,  and  educated  himself  in  indignation. 

In  like  manner  he  wTas  fair  and  impartial  in  legal  investi- 
gations ; his  fellow  lawyers  used  to  say  that  he  was  in  profes- 
sional matters  “ perversely  honest.”  He  never  engaged  on  the 
wrong  side  knowingly.  If  a man  desired  to  retain  him  whose 
cause  was  bad,  he  declined  and  told  the  applicant  not  to  go  to 
law.  A lady  once  came  to  him  to  have  him  prosecute  a claim 
to  some  land,  and  gave  him  the  papers  in  the  case  for  examin- 
ation, together  with  a retainer  in  the  shape  of  a check  for  two 
hundred  dollars.  Next  day  she  came  to  see  what  her  prospects 
were,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  told  her  that  he  had  examined  the 
documents  very  carefully,  that  she  “ had  not  a peg  to  hang  her 
claim  on,”  and  that  he  could  not  conscientiously  advise  her  to 
bring  an  action.  Having  heard  this  judgment  the  lady  thanked 
him,  took  the  papers  and  was  about  to  depart,  “ wait  a moment” 
said  Lincoln,  “ here  is  the  check  you  gave  me.”  “But,” 
said  she,  “ Mr.  Lincoln,  I think  you  have  earned  that .” 

“No,  no;”  he  answered,  insisting  on  her  receiving  it, 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


359 


“that  would  not  be  right,  I can’t  take  pay  for  doing  my 
duty.” 

He  was  quite  as  prompt  and  just  in  accepting  unprofitable 
duty  as  in  declining  its  profitable  opposite.  During  all  the 
part  of  his  legal  practice  in  Springfield,  it  was  considered  an 
unpopular  and  politically  dangerous  business  for  a lawyer  to 
defend  any  fugitive  slave  on  trial  for  surrender  to  the  South, 
and  even  the  brave  Colonel  Baker  in  those  days,  also  practicing 
there,  on  one  occasion  directly  refused  to  defend  such  a case, 
saying  that  as  a political  man  he  could  not  afford  it.  But  the 
luckless  applicant  having  consulted  with  an  abolitionist  friend, 
went  nest  to  Lincoln,  and  got  him.  “He's  not  afraid  of  an  un- 
popular case,”  said  the  friend.  “ When  I go  for  a lawyer  to 
defend  an  arrested  fugitive  slave,  other  lawyers  will  refuse 
me;  but  if  Mr.  Lincoln  is  at  home,  he  will  always  take  up  my 
case.” 

In  1841,  Mr.  Lincoln  argued  before  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Illinois  the  case  of  Nance,  a Negro  girl,  who  had  been  sold 
within  the  State.  A note  had  been  given  in  payment  for  her, 
and  the  suit  was  brought  to  recover  upon  this  note.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, defending,  proved  that  Nance  was  free,  and  that  thus 
nothing  had  been  sold;  so  that  the  note  was  void.  The  Court 
below  had  sustained  the  note,  but  the  Supreme  Court,  in 
accordance  with  Mr.  Lincoln’s  argument,  reversed  this  judg- 
ment. The  decision  made  Nance  free,  and  put  a stop  to  the 
sales  of  human  beings  in  Illinois. 

Another  remarkable  case  in  which  he  was  engaged,  was  the 
defense  of  young  Armstrong  from  a charge  of  murder.  This 
Armstrong  was  the  son  of  a man  who  had  befriended  and 
employed  Mr.  Lincoln  in  youth,  and  the  present  charge  was 
that  he  had  killed  a certain  person,  who  had  unquestionably 
died  from  injuries  received  in  a camp-meeting  riot  where 
young  Armstrong  was  present.  The  father  was  dead  and  the 
mother  aged  and  poor.  A chain  of  apparently  perfectly  con- 
clusive circumstantial  evidence  had  been  forged,  which  had 
convinced  the  community  of  Armstrong’s  guilt.  Indeed,  had 
he  not  been  safely  secured  in  a strong  jail  he  would  have  been 


360  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


lynched.  Neither  the  youth  nor  his  old  mother  had  any 
money.  The  people  and  the  newspapers  were  furious  against 
the  prisoner;  and  his  fate  appeared  absolutely  certain  even  to 
himself,  when  Mr.  Lincoln,  hearing  of  the  matter  in  some  way, 
volunteered  for  the  defense,  and  was  gladly  accepted.  When 
the  trial  came  on  the  evidence  for  the  prosecution  was  given, 
and  constituted  what  appeared  to  the  audience  a perfectly  con- 
clusive proof  of  guilt.  Lincoln  cross-examined  very  lightly, 
only  collecting  up  and  ascertaining  a few  places  and  dates ; and 
his  own  witnesses  were  only  to  show  comparatively  good  pre- 
vious character  of  the  prisoner. 

The  prosecution,  sure  of  his  prey,  made  only  a short  and 
formal  argument.  Mr.  Lincoln  followed  for  the  defense.  He 
began  slowly,  carefully,  calmly;  he  took  hold  of  the  heart  of 
the  evidence  for  the  State — that  of  the  chief  witness.  He 
pointed  out  first  one  discrepancy,  and  then  another,  and  then 
another.  He  came  at  last  to  the  part  of  the  evidence  where 
this  principal  witness  had  sworn  positively  that  he  had  been 
enabled  by  the  light  of  the  moon  to  see  the  prisoner  give  the 
fatal  blow  with  a slug  shot;  and  taking  up  the  almanac  he 
showed  that  at  the  hour  sworn  to,  on  the  night  sworn  to,  the 
moon  had  not  risen;  that  the  whole  of  this  evidence  was  a 
perjury. 

The  audience,  gradually  stirred  and  changed  in  the  temper 
of  their  minds  by  the  previous  series  of  skilfully  displayed 
inconsistencies,  rising  from  hate  into  sympathy,  flamed  sud- 
denly up  at  this  startling  revelation  and  the  verdict  of  “ not 
guilty  ” was  almost  visible  on  the  faces  of  the  jury.  But  this 
was  not  all.  Turning  upon  the  infamous  man  who  had  sought 
to  swear  away  another’s  life,  Mr.  Lincoln,  now  fully  kindled 
into  his  peculiarly  slow,  but  intensely  fiery  wrath,  held  him  up 
to  the  view  of  the  Court  and  jury  and  audience  in  such  a horrid 
picture  of  guilt  and  shame,  that  the  miserable  fellow,  stunned 
and  confused,  actually  fled  from  the  face  of  the  incensed  lawyer 
out  of  the  Court  room.  And  in  conclusion,  Mr.  Lincoln  appealed 
to  the  jury  to  lay  aside  any  temporary  prejudices,  and  to  do 
simple  justice.  And  he  referred  to  the  motive  of  his  own  presence 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


361 


there — to  his  gratitude  for  the  kindness  of  the  prisoner’s  father 
in  past  years,  in  a manner  so  affecting  as  to  bring  tears  to  many 
eyes.  In  less  than  half  an  hour  the  jury  returned  a verdict  of 
not  guilty,  and  the  young  man  was  set  at  liberty,  his  life 
saved,  and  his  character  restored. 

When  he  went  for  the  second  time  into  public  life,  on  the 
passage  of  the  Nebraska  Bill,  in  1854,  he  was  becoming  emi- 
nent in  the  difficult  and  lucrative  department  of  patent  law.  But 
his  fellow  lawyers  used  to  call  his  fees  “ridiculously  small.” 
Indeed  he  never  took  but  one  large  fee,  and  that  his  friends 
insisted  on  his  taking.  This  was  $5,000  from  the  Illinois  Bail- 
road  Company,  one  of  the  richest  corporations  in  the  country, 
and  for  very  valuable  services  in  a very  important  case.  Once 
before  this  he  had  received,  what  he  thought  a large  fee,  and 
he  made  good  use  of  it.  The  sum  was  $500, — and  a friend  who 
called  to  see  him  next  morning,  found  him  counting  it  over  and 
over,  and  piling  it  up  on  the  table  to  look  at.  “ Look  here,” 
he  said,  “ see  Avhat  a heap  of  money  I’ve  got  from  the  case! 
Did  you  ever  see  anything  like  it  ? Why,  I never  had  so  much 
money  in  all  my  life  before,  put  it  all  together!  ” Then  he  add- 
ed, that  if  he  could  only  get  another  $250  to  put  with  it,  he 
would  buy  a quarter  section  of  land  and  settle  it  on  his  old 
stepmother.  This  was  an  odd  use  to  make  of  a man’s  first 
important  gains  in  money,  and  his  friend,  who  at  once  loaned 
him  the  required  additional  amount,  tried  to  make  him  give 
the  land  for  the  old  lady’s  life  only.  But  Lincoln  insisted  on 
his  own  plan,  saying,  “ I shall  do  no  such  thing.  It  is  a poor 
return  at  the  best,  for  all  the  good  woman’s  devotion  and  fidel- 
ity to  me,  and  there  isn’t  going  to  be  any  half-way  work  about 
it.” 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  decidedly  and  deservedly  a powerful  as 
well  as  a successful  lawyer.  He  must  have  been  of  great  pro- 
fessional powers  to  maintain  himself,  and  rise  to  the  leadership 
of  the  bar,  with  the  competitors  he  had.  Among  these  were 
Mr.  Douglas,  Secretary  Browning,  Senator  Trumbull,  Gov- 
ernor Yates,  Judge  Davis,  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court, 
Colonel  Baker,  General  Hardin,  Governor  Bissell,  General 


362  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Shields,  Senator  Washburn,  N.  B.  Judd,  General  Logan  and 
others.  He  became  recognized  by  his  fellow  citizens  as  the 
first  lawyer  in  Illinois,”  and  one  of  the  Judges  on  the  bench 
described  him  as  “ the  finest  lawyer  he  ever  knew,”  and  another 
as  “one  of  the  ablest  he  ever  had  known.” 

Mr.  Lincoln’s  popularity  among  his  neighbors,  his  assidu- 
ous study  of  the  newspapers,  his  intense  and  untiring  medita- 
tions and  reasonings  on  the  political  questions  of  the  day, 
brought  him  into  the  political  field  very  early,  and  well  pre- 
pared. It  was  in  1832  when  he  was  twenty -three  years  old,  that 
his  first  speech  took  place.  The  story  and  speech  altogether 
are  so  short  that  they  can  be  inserted  here  in  full.  On  the  day 
of  election,  then,  Mr.  Lincoln’s  opponent  spoke  first,  and  deliv- 
ered a long  harangue  of  the  regular  political  sort.  Lincoln, 
who  followed  him,  completed  his  oration  in  just  seventy-nine 
words — less  than  one  minute’s  talking.  This  is  what  he  said: 
“ Gentlemen,  fellow  citizens, — I presume  you  know  who  I am; 
I am  humble  Abraham  Lincoln.  I have  been  solicited  by  many 
friends  to  become  a candidate  for  the  Legislature.  My  politics 
can  be  briefly  stated.  I am  in  favor  of  a National  bank,  I am 
in  favor  of  the  internal  improvement  system,  and  a high  pro- 
tective tariff.  These  are  my  sentiments  and  political  principles. 
If  elected  I will  be  thankful,  if  not,  it  will  be  all  the  same.” 

He  was  beaten,  however,  in  spite  of  his  terseness.  But  in 
his  own  district  he  received  all  but  seven  out  of  two  hundred 
and  eighty-four  votes,  and  he  was  never  beaten  again  in  any 
election  by  the  people. 

His  actual  political  career  began  in  1834,  when  he  was 
chosen  member  of  the  State  Legislature,  and  being  too  poor 
to  afford  a horse,  walked  over  one  hundred  miles  to  Yandalia 
to  take  his  seat.  He  remained  a member  for  four  successive 
terms,  of  two  years  each.  Mr.  Douglas  became  a member  two 
years  after  him,  in  1836;  the  two  men  quickly  became  party 
leaders  of  their  respective  sides  of  the  house,  and  thus  their 
political  courses  and  their  political  rivalries  began  almost  to- 
gether. 

On  the  question  of  slavery  the  one  significant  occasion  for 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


363 


utterance  which  arose  was  promptly  improved,  and  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  show  both  the  settled  feelings  and  convictions  of 
Lincoln’s  mind  on  the  subject,  and  his  characteristic  practice 
of  restricting  his  utterances  strictly  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
case.  His  dislike  of  slavery  was  not  only  the  consequence  of 
his  inborn  sense  of  justice,  and  kindly  feelings,  but  was  his 
direct  inheritance  from  his  parents,  who  left  Kentucky  and  set- 
tled in  Indiana  expressly  to  bring  up  their  family  on  free  in- 
stead of  slave  soil.  In  March,  1839,  some  strong  pro-slavery 
resolutions  were  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Illinois.  This, 
the  few  anti-slavery  members  could  not  prevent.  But  Mr- 
Lincoln  and  Mr.  Daniel  Stone  took  the  most  decided  stand  in 
their  power  on  the  other  side,  by  putting  on  record  on  the 
house  journals  a formal  protest  against  the  resolution.  In  this 
protest  they  declared  views  that  would  to-day  be  considered 
very  conservative,  about  legal  or  political  interference  with 
slavery ; but  they  also  declared  in  the  most  unqualified  manner, 
and  in  so  many  words  their  belief,  “ that  the  institution  of 
slavery  is  founded  on  both  injustice  and  bad  policy.” 

In  the  Presidential  canvass  of  1844  he  made  many  strong  and 
effective  speeches  for  Henry  Clay  in  Illinois  and  Indiana,  and 
thereby  increased  his  reputation  as  a politician  and  speaker. 

In  1846,  he  was  elected  to  Congress  as  a Whig,  and,  dur- 
ing this  Congressional  term,  he  met  the  grinding  of  the  great 
questions  of  the  day— the  millstones  of  slavery  and  freedom 
revolving  against  each  other.  He  was  an  advocate  for  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  the  prohibi- 
tion of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  in  various  Avays  recorded 
his  denial  of  the  right  of  owning  men  or  of  its  acknowledge- 
ment by  the  Nation  He  afterward  declined  the  Governorship 
of  Oregon  Territory  and  re-election  to  Congress,  returned  to 
his  home,  and  labored  industriously  at  his  profession,  until  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  and  the  violences  and  iniquities  connected  with  them 
called  him  once  more  into  public  life. 

He  now  took  the  field  heart  and  soul  against  the  plot  to 
betray  our  Territories  into  slavery,  and  to  perpetuate  that  power 


364  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA . 


over  the  whole  country.  Henceforth  he  was  all  his  life  a pub- 
lic man;  first  a prominent  champion  in  the  decisively  import- 
ant State  of  Illinois,  and  afterwards  the  standard  bearer  and 
the  Martyr  of  Freedom  in  America. 

That  contest  in  Illinois  in  which  the  political  doctrines  of 
Mr.  Douglas  were  the  central  theme  of  discussion,  and  in 
which  he  himself  on  one  side  and  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  other, 
were  the  leading  speakers  and  the  controlling  minds,  was  an 
important  act  in  that  great  drama  of  emancipation  which  cai- 
rn inated  in  the  Rebellion.  These  debates  determined  Mr. 
Lincoln’s  reputation  as  a speaker  and  public  man,  and  lifted 
him  to  the  position  from  which  he  stepped  into  the  Presidential 
chair. 

His  first  great  public  debate  was  at  Springfield  in  October 
1854,  just  after  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  Bill.  The  country 
was  all  aflame  with  the  excitement.  Every  fiber  of  justice, 
honor,  honesty  and  conscience  that  there  was  in  the  community 
was  in  that  smarting  and  vibrating  state  which  follows  the 
infliction  of  a violent  blow,  and  Douglas  had  come  back  to  his 
own  State  to  soothe  down  the  irritation  and  to  defend  his  wicked 
and  unpopular  course  before  the  aroused  tribunal  of  his  fellow 
citizens. 

He  was  to  defend  his  course  and  conduct  to  a great  audience 
assembled  at  the  State  Fair  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  answer 
him. 

Mr.  Douglas  had  a splendid  physique  with  all  the  powers 
of  the  most  captivating  oratory.  He  was  master  of  all  those 
shadings  of  sophistry  by  which  the  worse  can  be  made  to  appear 
the  better  reason.  He  had  the  power  to  make  the  false  appear 
the  truth,  the  latter  he  used  sparingly  as  demagogues  always 
do. 

The  first  day  in  the  fair,  the  multitude  was  given  up  to 
him,  and  he  swept  and  played  on  them  as  a master  musician 
sweeps  a piano,  and  for  the  hour  he  seemed  to  be  irresistibly 
bearing  all  things  in  his  own  way.  The  people  had  been 
amused,  excited,  dazzled  and  bewildered  and  were  tossing 
restlessly,  as  the  sea  swells  and  dashes  after  a storm,  when 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


365 


that  plain  man  without  dazzle  or  oratory,  or  glitter  of  rhetoric, 
rose  to  give  them  in  a fatherly  talk  the  simple  and  eternal 
right  of  the  whole  thing. 

It  was,  he  felt,  an  hour  of  destiny — a crisis  in  the  great 
battle  to  be  fought  for  mankind  for  ages  to  come,  and  one  eye 
witness  thus  describes  the  scene:  “His  whole  heart  was  in 
the  subject.  He  quivered  with  feeling  and  emotion;  the  house 
was  as  still  as  death.”  And  another  account  describes  how 
“ the  effect  of  this  speech  was  most  magnetic  and  powerful. 
Cheer  upon  cheer  interrupted  him.  Women  waved  their 
handkerchiefs,  men  sprung  from  their  seats  and  waved  their 
hats  in  uncontrollable  enthusiasm.”  It  was  so  at  Peoria  and 
other  places;  Mr.  Lincoln’s  high  moral  superiority  carried  con- 
viction, and  Douglas  was  vanquished. 

When,  in  the  Convention  of  1856,  the  Illinois  Convention 
met  to  choose  delegates  to  the  National  Convention  that  nomi- 
nated Fremont,  there  was  in  the  political  ocean  a wild  chaos 
of  elements,  and  the  leaders  of  the  rapidly  crumbling  old 
parties  sent  for  Lincoln  for  advice,  as  to  the  formation  of  a new 
party  to  unite  the  discordant  elements,  he  quietly  said:  “Take 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  hostility  to  slavery  ex- 
tension. Let  us  build  our  new  party  on  the  rock  of  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail 
against  us.”  Mr.  Lincoln’s  profound  and  unfailing  moral 
sense  had  seized  upon  the  relation  between  the  heart  of  the 
United  States  and  eternal  right.  His  suggestion  embodied  the 
only  doctrine  that  could  have  won  in  the  coming  battle.  What 
he  advised  was  done,  and  the  party,  on  this  platform,  revolu- 
tionized Illinois,  made  Mr.  Lincoln  President,  extinguished 
slavery  and  reorganized  the  Union. 

As  to  Mr.  Lincoln’s  position  on  the  emancipation  question, 
at  the  time  of  his  celebrated  debates  with  Mr.  Douglas,  in  1856, 
here  is  an  interesting  illustration  of  his  firm  adherence  to 
principle.  He  said  once,  when  contrasting  himself  and  his  an- 
tagonist, that  he  affected  no  contempt  for  the  high  eminence 
Mr.  Douglas  had  attained,  but  he  had  rather  stand  on  an 
eminence  “ so  reached,  that  the  oppressed  of  my  species  might 


366  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

have  shared  with  me  in  the  elevation,  than  wear  the  richest 
crown  that  ever  pressed  a Monarch’s  brow.”  He  then  said 
he  “ could  see  no  reason  in  the  world  why  the  colored  man  is 
not  entitled  to  all  the  rights  enumerated  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence, — the  light  cf  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  In  the  right  to  eat  the  bread  without  the  leave  of 
anybody  else,  which  his  own  hand  earns ; he  is  my  equal  and 
the  equal  of  Judge  Douglas,  and  the  equal  of  every  other 
man.” 

The  same  primary  granite  substratum  of  moral  right,  of 
everlasting  justice,  underlaid  all  his  speeches.  It  crops  out 
here  and  there  in  passages,  a specimen  of  which  is  worth 
quoting,  not  merely  for  the  sake  of  their  aptness  then  or  now, 
but,  also,  as  excellent  patterns  for  the  applications  of  moral 
principles  to  political  practices, — a lesson  peculiarly  important 
in  a Republic, — simply  because  its  diligent  employment  is  the 
sole  possible  basis  of  National  strength  and  happiness.  In  a 
debate  at  Quincy,  October  13,  Mr.  Lincoln  stated  a whole  code 
of  political  ethics,  along  with  its  application  to  the  case  in 
hand,  in  one  paragraph,  as  follows: 

“ We  have  in  this  Nation  this  element  of  domestic  slavery. 
It  is  a matter  of  absolute  certainty  that  it  is  a disturbing 
element.  It  is  the  opinion  of  all  the  great  men  who  have  ex- 
pressed an  opinion  upon  it,  that  it  is  a dangerous  element.  We 
keep  up  a controversy  in  regard  to  it.  That  controversy 
naturally  springs  from  difference  of  opinion,  and  if  we  can  learn 
exactly^-can  reduce  to  the  lowest  elements — what  that  differ- 
ence of  opinion  is,  I suggest  that  this  difference  of  opinion, 
reduced  to  its  lowest  terms,  is  no  other  than  the  difference 
between  the  men  who  think  slavery  a wrong,  and  those  who  do 
not  think  it  a wrong.  The  Republican  party  think  it  a wrong, — 
we  thind  it  a moral,  a social  and  political  wrong.  We  think  it 
is  a wrong,  not  confining  itself  to  the  persons  or  States  where 
it  exists,  but  that  it  is  a wrong  in  its  tendency,  that  it  extends 
itself  to  the  existence  of  the  whole  Nation.  Because  we  think 
it  a wrong,  we  propose  a course  of  policy  that  shall  deal  with 
it  as  a wrong.  We  deal  with  it  as  with  any  other  wrong,  in- 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


367 


so-far  as  we  can  prevent  its  growing  any  larger,  and  so  deal 
with  it,  that  in  the  run  of  time,  there  may  be  some  promise  of 
an  end  to  it.  We  have  a due  regard  to  the  actual  presence  of 
it  amongst  us,  and  the  difficulties  of  getting  rid  of  it  in  any 
satisfactory  way,  and  all  the  constitutional  obligations  thrown 
about  it.  * * * * Where  we  suppose  we  have  the  con- 

stitutional right,  we  restrain  ourselves,  in  reference  to  the 
actual  existence  of  the  institution  and  the  difficulties  thrown 
about  it.  We  also  oppose  it  as  an  evil,  so  far  as  it  seeks  to 
spread  itself.  We  insist  on  the  policy  that  shall  restrict  it  to 
its  present  limits.” 

Still  more  sharply  and  strongly  he  stated  the  question  in 
the  last  debate  at  Alton,  as  simply  this : Is  slavery  wrong  ? 

“ That  is  the  real  issue.  That  is  the  issue  that  will  con- 
tinue in  this  country  when  these  poor  tongues  of  Judge  Doug- 
las and  myself  shall  be  silent.  It  is  the  eternal  struggle 
between  these  two  principles — right  and  wrong — throughout 
the  world.  They  are  the  two  principles  that  have  stood  face 
to  face  from  the  beginning  of  time,  and  will  ever  continue  to 
struggle.  The  one  is  the  common  right  of  humanity,  and  the 
other  the  divine  right  of  Kings.  It  is  the  same  principle  in 
whatever  shape  it  develops  itself.  It  is  the  same  spirit  which 
says,  ‘You  work  and  toil  and  earn  bread  and  I’ll  eat  it.’  No 
matter  in  what  shape  it  comes,  whether  from  the  mouth  of  a 
King  who  seeks  to  bestride  the  people  of  his  own  nation  and 
live  by  the  fruit  of  their  labor,  or  from  one  race  of  men  as  an 
apology  for  enslaving  another  race,  it  is  the  same  tyrannical 
principle.” 

The  Cooper  Institute  speech  was  one  of  his  greatest  efforts, 
and  was  prepared  with  much  care : a production  of  great  power 
of  logic,  history  and  political  statement.  It  consisted  of  an 
exposition  of  the  true  doctrines  of  the  founders  of  our  Nation, 
on  the  question  of  slavery,  and  of  the  position  of  the  two  par- 
ties of  the  day  on  the  same  question. 

Its  close  was  very  powerful.  After  showing  that  the 
demands  of  the  South  were  summed  up  in  the  requirement 
that  the  North  should  call  slavery  right  instead  of  wrong,  and 


368  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


should  then  join  the  South  in  acting  accordingly,  he  added  : 
“ If  our  sense  of  duty  forbids  this,  then  let  us  stand  by  our 
duty,  fearlessly  and  effectively.  Let  us  be  diverted  by  none  of 
those  sophistical  contrivances  wherewith  we  are  so  industri- 
ously plied  and  belabored — contrivances  such  as  groping  for 
some  middle  ground  between  the  right  and  the  wrong,  vain  as 
the  search  for  a man  who  should  be  neither  a living  man  nor  a 
dead  man — such  as  a policy  of  ‘don’t  care’  on  a question  about 
which  all  true  men  do  care — such  as  Union  appeals,  beseech- 
ing true  Union  men  to  yield  to  Disunionists,  reversing  the 
divine  rule,  and  calling  not  the  sinners,  but  the  righteous  to 
repentance — such  as  invocations  of  Washington,  imploring 
men  to  unsay  what  Washington  said,  and  undo  what 
Washington  did.  Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty 
by  false  accusations  against  us,  nor  frightened  from  it  by 
menaces  of  destruction  to  the  Government,  nor  of  dungeons  to 
ourselves.  Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in 
that  faith  let  us,  to  the  end,  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  under- 
stand it.” 

The  words  are  singularly  plain  and  homely,  but  the  thoughts 
are  noble  and  very  mighty. 

The  story  of  the  nomination  at  Chicago,  the  election,  of  the 
perilous  journey  to  Washington  need  not  be  repeated. 

Little  did  the  convention  that  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln 
know  what  they  were  doing.  Little  did  the  honest,  fatherly 
patriotic  man,  who  stood  in  his  simplicity  on  the  platform  at 
Springfield,  asking  the  prayers  of  his  townsmen  and  receiving 
their  pledges  to  remember  him,  foresee  how  much  he  was  to 
need  those  prayers,  the  prayers  of  all  this  Nation  and  the  prayers 
of  all  the  working,  suffering  common  people  throughout  the 
world.  God’s  hand  was  upon  him  with  a visible  protection, 
saving  first  from  the  danger  of  assassination  at  Baltimore,  and 
bringing  him  safely  to  our  National  Capitol. 

He  was  so  kind  hearted,  so  peaceable,  so  adverse  either  to 
cause  or  to  witness  controversy  or  wrath,  that  only  the  ex- 
tremest  need  would  force  him  to  the  point  of  wrath  and  fight- 
ing. But  when  the  need  was  real,  the  wrath  and  the  fight 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


369 


came  out.  Whether  moral  or  physical  courage,  upon  a real 
demand  for  it,  it  never  failed.  On  his  flat-boat  trip  to  New 
Orleans  in  his  youth,  he  and  his  mate  beat  off  seven  marauders, 
who  attacked  and  would  have  robbed  their  boat.  When  clerk 
in  a country  store  he  seized,  flung  down  and  subdued  a bully 
who  was  insolent  to  some  woman,  and  what  is  more,  the 
beaten  bully  became  his  friend.  He  once,  alone,  by  suddenly 
dropping  from  a scuttle  down  upon  the  platform,  kept  off  a 
a gang  of  rowdies  who  were  about  to  hustle  his  friend,  Colonel 
Baker,  off  the  stand.  He  and  Baker  once,  with  no  others, 
escorted  to  the  hotel,  a speaker  who  was  threatened  with  vio- 
lence from  a Democratic  crowd  whom  he  had  offended.  When 
some  Irishmen  at  Springfield  once  undertook  to  take  possession 
of  the  poll  and  restrict  the  voting  to  their  friends,  Lincoln, 
hearing  of  it,  stepped  into  the  first  store,  seized  an  axe  helve, 
and  marched  alone  through  the  turbulent  crowd  up  to  the  poll, 
opening  the  road  as  he  went ; and  alone  he  kept  the  ballot- 
box  free  and  safe  until  the  foolish  crowd  gave  up  their  plan. 
His  anger  sometimes — though  very  seldom — flamed  up  at  ill 
usage  of  himself ; but  never  so  hotly  as  at  ill  usage  to  others. 
When  a poor  Negro  citizen  of  Illinois  was  imprisoned  at  New 
Orleans,  simply  for  being  a free  Negro  from  outside  of  Louisi- 
ana, and  was  about  to  be  sold  into  slavery  to  pay  jail  fees, 
Mr.  Lincoln  found  that  the  Governor  of  Illinois  could  not 
help  the  poor  fellow.  When  the  fact  became  plain  he  jumped 
up,  and  swore.  “ By  the  Almighty,”  he  said,  “ I’ll  have  that 
Negro  back,  or  I'll  have  a twenty  years’  agitation  in  Illinois, 
until  the  Governor  can  do  something  in  the  premises!”  Some- 
body sent  money  and  set  the  man  free;  or  else  the  twenty- 
years’  agitation  would  have  begun,  and  finished  too. 

In  Mr.  Lincoln’s  Administration,  the  world  has  seen  and 
wondered  at  the  greatest  sign  and  marvel  of  our  day,  to-wit : A 
plain  working  man  of  the  people,  with  no  more  culture,  instruc- 
tion or  education  than  any  such  working  man  may  obtain  for 
himself,  called  on  to  conduct  the  passage  of  a great  Nation 
through  a crisis  involving  the  destinies  of  the  whole  world.  The 
eyes  of  princes,  nobles,  aristocrats,  of  dukes,  earls,  scholars, 


370  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


statesmen,  warriors,  all  turned  on  tlie  plain  backwoodsman  witli 
liis  simple  sense,  liis  imperturable  simplicity,  bis  determined 
self-reliance,  bis  unimpeachable  and  incorruptible  bonesty,  as 
be  sat  amid  tbe  war  of  conflicting  elements  with  unpretending 
steadiness,  striving  to  guide  tbe  National  ship  tbrougb  a chan- 
nel at  whose  perils  tbe  world’s  oldest  statesmen  stood  aghast. 

Tbe  brilliant  courts  of  Europe  levelled  their  opera  glasses 
at  tbe  phenomenon.  Fair  ladies  saw  that  be  bad  horny  bands, 
and  disdained  white  gloves ; dapper  diplomatists  were  shocked 
at  bis  system  of  etiquette,  but  old  statesmen  who  knew  tbe 
terrors  of  that  passage,  were  wiser  than  court  laches  and  dandy 
diplomatists,  and  watched  him  with  a fearful  curiosity,  simply 
asking,  f ‘ wifi  be  get  the  ship  through?”  Sooth  to  say  our 
own  politicians  were  somewhat  shocked  at  his  State  papers  at 
first.  “Why  not  let  us  make  them  a little  more  conventional 
and  file  them  as  a classical  pattern?”  “ No,”  was  his  reply, 
“ I shall  write  them  myself.  The  people  will  understand  them.” 
And  now  as  we  view  them  in  these  later  clays,  we  find  them,  in 
most  respects,  absolutely  perfect,  and,  since  the  time  of  Wash- 
ington, no  State  papers  of  any  President  have  more  controlled 
the  popular  mind.  Such  are  some  passages  of  the  celebrated 
letter  to  the  Springfield  Convention,  especially  that  masterly 
one  where  he  compares  the  conduct  of  the  patriotic  and  loyal 
blacks  with  that  of  the  treacherous  and  disloyal  whites.  No 
one  can  read  this  letter,  and  especially  the  passage  mentioned, 
without  feeling  the  influence  of  a mind  both  strong  and  gen- 
erous. * 

Of  all  traits,  Mr.  Lincoln’s  kindness  was  unquestionably 
the  rarest,  the  most  wonderful.  It  may  be  doubted  whether 
any  human  being  ever  lived  whose  whole  nature  was  so  per- 
fectly sweet  with  the  readiness  to  do  kind  actions ; so  perfectly 
free  from  even  the  capacity  of  revenge.  It  really  sometimes 
seemed  as  if  he  was  more  tender  to  individual  lives  than  to 
multitudes  of  them,  so  nearly  impossible  was  it  for  him  to 
pronounce  sentence  of  death  or  to  forbear  the  gift  of  life.  He 

* We  refer  to  the  letter  and  chapter:  “ The  Colored  Man  as  a Soldier.” 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


371 


undoubtedly  did  harm  by  giving  life  to  deserters,  and  thus 
weakening  army  discipline. 

One  of  his  generals  once  urgently  remonstrated  with  him 
for  rendering  desertion  safe,  though  it  was  seriously  weaken- 
ing the  army.  “Mr.  General,”  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  “there  are 
already  too  many  weeping  widows  in  the  United  States.  Lor 
God's  sake  don’t  ask  me  to  add  to  the  number — for  I won't  do 
it.”  Even  to  put  a stop  to  the  unutterable  horrors  which  were 
slowly  murdering  our  brave  men  in  the  Rebel  prisons,  he  could 
not  retaliate.  He  said,  “I  can  never,  never  starve  men  like 
that.  Whatever  others  may  say  or  do,  I never  can,  or  I never 
will,  be  accessory  to  such  treatment  of  human  beings.”  Once, 
after  the  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow,  he  pledged  himself  in  a pub- 
lic speech  that  there  should  be  a retaliation.  But  that  pledge 
he  did  not  keep. 

At  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  especially  impressed  with 
associations  about  the  old  Independence  Hall,  he  said,  speak- 
ing of  that  edifice,  and  standing  within  the  old  hall  itself: 

“All  the  political  sentiments  I entertain  have  been  Prawn, 
so  far  as  I have  been  able  to  draw  them,  from  the  sentiments 
which  originated  in  and  were  given  to  the  world  from  this  hall. 
I have  never  had  a feeling,  politically,  that  did  not  spring  from 
the  sentiments  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.” 

Then  he  referred  to  the  doctrine  of  freedom  in  that  instru- 
ment, and  he  said: 

“ But  if  this  country  cannot  be  saved  without  giving  up 
that  principle,  I was  about  to  say,  I would  rather  be  assassi- 
nated on  this  spot  than  surrender  it.  * * * I have 

said  nothing  but  what  I am  willing  to  live  by,  and,  if  it  be  the 
pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  to  die  by.” 

These  references  to  assassination  and  death  were  no  casual 
flourishes  of  oratory.  They  were  deliberate  defiances  of  the 
fate  which  had  already  been  denounced  against  the  speaker,  in 
public  and  in  private,  which  continued  to  be  threatened  during 
all  the  rest  of  his  life,  and  which  finally  actually  befel  him, 
but  the  fear  of  which  never  made  him  turn  pale  nor  waver  in 
his  duty.  Lover  of  freedom  as  he  was,  and  believer  in  the 


372  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  UST  AMERICA. 


rights  of  man,  lie  had  always  been  invariably  careful  not  to 
demand  from  the  masses  of  men  whom  he  sought  to  influence, 
more  than  they  could  be  expected  to  give.  And,  in  his  first 
Inaugural,  he  went  even  further.  He  expressly  and  clearly 
avowed  his  intention  to  execute  all  that  he  had  sworn,  and 
maintain  as  far  as  he  could  national  sovereignty  and  an 
unbroken  Union,  unless  prevented  by  his  rightful  masters,  the 
American  people.  He  further  says: 

“ Why  should  there  not  be  a patient  confidence  in  the  ulti- 
mate justice  of  the  people?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope 
in  the  world  ? In  our  present  differences  is  either  party  with- 
out faith  of  being  in  the  right  ? If  the  Almighty  Ruler  of 
Nations,  with  His  eternal  truth  and  justice,  be  on  your  side  of 
the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth  and  that  justice 
will  surely  prevail,  by  the  judgment  of  the  great  tribunal  of 
the  American  people.” 

The  final  paragraphs  are  sad  and  heavy  with  his  unutter- 
able longings  and  yearnings  for  peace ; so  that  the  words,  plain 
and  simple  as  they  are,  are  full  of  deep  and  melancholy  music: 

“ You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the 
aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to  destroy 
the  Government,  while  I have  the  most  solemn  one  to  preserve, 
protect  and  defend  it. 

“I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We 
must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it 
must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  cord  of 
memory,  stretching  from  every  battle  field  and  patriot  grave, 
to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land, 
will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched,  as 
surely  they  will  be  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature.” 

As  the  war  went  on  the  same  unwavering  decision,  the 
same  caution  and  kindness  marked  the  whole  action  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive. Especially  were  these  traits  exhibited  in.  his  dealings 
with  the  main  question  at  issue — that  of  slavery. 

On  this  point  he  bore  a pressure  such  as  it  is  safe  to  say  no 
mortal  son  of  earth  ever  bore  before  or  since.  The  interests  of 
suffering  humanity,  and  all  the  classes  that  go  to  make  up 


ABB  AHA  M LING  OLN. 


373 


human  nature,  all  that  loved,  liberty,  truth  and  justice,  were, 
at  this  period  of  history,  condensed  into  one  narrow  channel, 
hke  that  below  Niagara,  where  the  waters  of  all  the  great  lakes 
are  heaped  up  in  ridges,  and  seem,  in  Scripture  language,  to 
“ utter  their  voices  and  lift  up  their  hands  on  high.”  Like  the 
course  of  those  heavy  waters,  the  great  cause  weltered  into  a 
place  where  its  course  resembled  that  sullen  whirlpool  below 
the  Falls;  where  the  awful  waters  go  round  and  round  in 
blindly  dizzy  masses,  and  seem,  with  dumb  tossings  and  dark 
agonies,  to  seek  in  vain  for  a clear,  open  channel.  In  this 
dread  vortex,  from  time  to  time,  are  seen  whirling  helplessly 
the  bodies  of  drowned  men,  fragments  of  wrecked  boats,  splin- 
tered and  shattered,  and  trees  torn  to  ghastly  skeletons,  which 
often  dart  up  from  the  whirling  abyss  in  a sort  of  mad,  im- 
patient despair. 

So  we  can  all  remember,  when  the  war  had  struggled  on  a 
year  or  two,  when  100,000  men,  the  life  and  light  and  joy  of  as 
many  families,  who  entered  it  warm  with  hope  and  high  in 
aspiration,  were  all  lying  cold  and  low,  and  yet  without  the 
least  apparent  progress  toward  a result;  when  the  resistance 
only  seemed  to  have  become  wider,  deeper,  more  concentrated, 
better  organized  by  all  that  awful  waste  of  the  best  treasures  of 
the  Nation;  then  was  the  starless  night — the  sorrow  of  the 
valley  of  the  shadow  of  death.  Above,  darkness  filled  with 
whisperings,  and  jibes,  and  sneers  of  traitor  Mends;  on  one 
side  a pit,  on  the  other  a quagmire,  and  in  the  gloom  all  faces 
gathered  blackness,  and  even  friends  and  partisans  looked 
strangely  on  each  other.  Confidence  began  to  be  shaken. 
Each  separate  party  blamed  the  other,  as  they  wandered  in  the 
darkness.  It  was  one  of  the  strange  coincidences  which  show 
the  eternal  freshness  of  Scripture  language,  in  relation  to 
human  events,  that  the  church  lesson  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment as  read  in  the  churches  the  Sunday  after  the  attack 
of  Fort  Sumter,  was  the  prediction  of  exactly  such  a 
conflict : 

“ Prepare  war,  wake  up  the  mighty  men,  let  all  the  men  of 
war  draw  near;  Let  them  come  up. 


374  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


“ Beat  your  plow-shares  into  swords,  and  your  pruning 
hooks  into  spears ; let  the  weak  say,  I am  strong. 

“Assemble  yourselves,  and  come,  all  ye  heathen,  and 
gather  yourselves  together  round  about:  thither  cause  Thy 
mighty  ones  to  come  down,  O Lord. 

“Put  ye  in  the  sickle,  for  the  harvest  is  ripe:  the  press  is 
full,  the  vats  overflow ; for  their  wickedness  is  great. 

“Multitudes,  multitudes  in  the  valley  of  decision:  for  the 
day  of  the  Lord  is  near  in  the  valley  of  decision. 

“ The  sun  and  the  moon  shall  he  darkened , and  the  stars  shall 
withdraw  their  shining.  The  Lord  also  shall  roar  out  of  Zion, 
and  utter  His  voice  from  Jerusalem;  and  the  heavens  and  the 
earth  shall  shake:  but  the  Lord  will  he  the  hope  of  His  people 
and  the  strength  of  the  children  of  Israel.  So  shall  ye  know 
that  I am  the  Lord  your  God.” 

The  repeated  defeats,  disasters  and  distresses  that  had  come 
upon  the  Union  cause  stirred  the  conscience  of  all  the  religious 
portion  of  the  community.  They  remembered  the  parables  in 
the  Old  Testament  where  the  armies  of  Israel  were  turned  back 
before  the  heathen,  because  they  cherished  within  themselves 
some  accursed  thing.  They  began  to  ask  whether  the  Achan, 
who  had  stolen  the  wedge  of  gold  and  Babylonish  vest  in  our 
midst,  was  not  in  truth  the  cause  why  God  would  not  go  forth 
with  our  armies!  and  the  pressure  upon  Lincoln  to  end  the 
strife  by  declaring  emancipation,  became  every  day  more 
stringent ; at  the  same  time  the  pressure  of  every  opposing  party 
became  equally  intense,  but  the  time  for  emancipation  had  not 
yet  come. 

No  man  in  the  great  agony  suffered  more  or  deeper.  “Which 
ever  way  it  ends,”  he  said  once  to  a friend,  “I  have  the  impres- 
sion that  I shan’t  last  long  after  it’s  over.” 

After  the  dreadful  repulse  of  Fredericksburg,  he  is  reported 
to  have  said,  “ If  there  is  a man  out  of  hell  that  suffers  more 
than  I do,  I pity  him.” 

In  those  dark  days,  his  heavy  eyes  and  worn  and  weary  air, 
told  how  our  reverses  wore  upon  him.  Many  of  his  professed 
friends  deserted  him.  A man  called  upon  him  about  this  time  to 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


375 


inform  him  that  though  so  many  were  turning  against  him 
and  proving  untrue,  he  never  would,  but  would  be  his  friend 
always.  Mr.  Lincoln  thanked  him,  and  the  nest  day  the  man 
left  to  join  the  Eebel  Army.  Sometimes  the  absolute  confidence 
with  which  all  contending  sides  urged  their  opinions  and  meas- 
ures upon  him,  seemed  to  strike  him  with  the  solemn  sense  of 
the  ludicrous.  Thus  when  Doctor  Cheever,  at  the  head  of  a 
committee  of  clergymen,  had  been  making  a vigorous,  authorit- 
ative appeal  to  him  in  Old  Testament  language,  to  end  all  diffi- 
culties by  emancipation,  Lincoln  seemed  to  meditate  gravely,  and 
at  last  answered  slowly,  “Well  gentlemen,  its  not  very  often 
that  one  is  favored  with  a delegation  direct  from  the  Almighty  /” 

W ashington  was  at  this  time  one  great  hospital  of  wounded 
soldiers ; the  churches,  the  public  buildings  all  filled  with  the 
maimed,  the  sick  and  suffering,  and  Lincoln’s  only  diversion 
from  the  perplexity  of  state  was  the  oversight  of  these  mis- 
eries. 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation — that  one  flag  stone  in  the 
wide  morass  of  despondency  on  which  the  wearied  man  at  last 
set  firm  foothold,  did  not  at  first  seem  to  be  a first  step  into  the 
land  of  promise. 

It  was  uttered  too  soon  to  please  some  parties,  too  late  to 
please  others.  In  England  it  was  received  in  the  face  of  such 
military  ill  success,  with  the  scoffing  epigram  that  the  Presi- 
dent had  proclaimed  liberty  in  the  States  where  he  had  no 
power,  and  retained  slavery  in  those  where  he  had.  It  is  true, 
there  was  to  this  the  sensible  and  just  reply  that  he  only  gained 
the  right  to  emancipate  by  this  war  power,  and  that  of  course 
this  did  not  exist  in  States  that  were  not  at  war. 

The  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  the  first  argument  that  began 
to  convince  mankind  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  right.  It  has  been 
well  said,  that  in  this  world  nothing  succeeds  but  success . 
Bonaparte  professed  his  belief  that  Providence  always  went 
with  the  strongest  battalions,  and  therein  he  expressed  about 
the  average  opinion  of  this  world.  Yicksburg  and  Gettysburg 
changed  the  whole  face  of  the  Nation — they  were  the  first  sta- 
tions outside  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death. 


376  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

The  Nation  took  new  courage — even  the  weary  ciamorers 
for  peace  began  to  shout  on  the  right  side  and  to  hope  that 
peace  might  come  through  Northern  victory. 

Lincoln  was  re-elected  to  the  Presidential  chair  by  an  over- 
whelming majority.  When  the  votes  were  being  counted  in 
New  York  late  at  night,  and  this  victory  became  apparent,  the 
vast  surging  assembly  at  the  motion  of  one  individual,  uncov- 
ered their  heads  and  sang  a solemn  Doxology — an  affecting 
incident  which  goes  far  to  show  what  sort  of  feelings  lay  at 
the  bottom  of  this  vast  movement,  and  how  profoundly  the 
people  felt  that  this  re-election  of  Lincoln  was  a vital  step  in 
their  onward  progress. 

His  last  inaugural  has  been  called  by  one  of  the  London 
newspapers,  “the  noblest  political  document  known  to  his- 
tory.” 

It  was  characterized  by  a solemn  religious  tone  so  peculiarly 
free  from  earthly  passion,  that,  it  seems  to  us  now,  who 
look  back  on  it  in  the  light  of  what  has  followed,  as  if  his  soul 
had  already  parted  from  earthly  things,  and  felt  the  powers  of 
the  world  to  come.  We  give  the  following  extracts  from  the 
address : 

“ On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years  ago  all 
thoughts  were  anxiously  directed  to  the  impending  Civil  War. 
All  dreaded  it ; all  sought  to  avoid  it.  While  the  inaugural 
address  was  being  delivered  from  this  place,  devoted  altogether 
to  saving  the  Union  without  war,  insurgent  agents  were  in  the 
city  seeking  to  destroy  it  without  war — seeking  to  dissolve  the 
Union  and  divide  the  effects  by  negotiation.  Both  parties 
deprecated  war,  but  one  of  them  would  make  war  rather  than 
let  the  nation  survive,  and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather 
than  let  it  perish  and  the  war  came. 

“ One-eighth  of  the  whole  population  were  colored  slaves, 
not  distributed  generally  over  the  Union,  but  localized  in  the 
Southern  part  of  it.  These  slaves  constituted  a peculiar  and 
powerful  interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was  somehow 
the  cause  of  the  war.  To  strengthen,  perpetuate  and  extend  this 
interest  was  the  object  for  which  the  insurgents  would  rend  the 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


377 


Union  even  by  war,  while  the  Government  claimed  no  right  to 
do  more  than  to  restrict  the  territorial  enlargement  of  it.  * 
* * Both  read  in  the  same  Bible  and  prayed  to  the  same 

God,  and  each  invoked  His  aid  against  the  other.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a just  God’s  assistance 
in  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of  other  men’s  faces, 
but  let  us  judge  not  that  we  be  not  judged.  The  prayers  of 
both  could  not  be  answered.  That  of  neither  has  been  answered 
fully.  The  Almighty  has  his  own  purposes.  * * * * * 

“If  we  shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  is  one  of  those 
offenses,  which  in  the  Providence  of  God  must  needs  come,  but 
which  having  continued  through  His  appointed  time,  He  now 
wills  to  remove,  and  that  He  now  gives  to  both  North  and  South 
this  terrible  war,  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offense 
came,  shall  we  discern  therein  any  departure  from  those  living 
attributes  which  the  believers  in  a living  God  always  ascribe  to 
Him?  Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this 
mighty  scourge  of  war  may  soon  pass  away.  Yet  if  God  wills 
that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondman’s 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk, 
and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid 
with  another  drawn  by  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand 
years  ago;  so,  still  it  must  be  said,  4 The  Judgments  of  the  Lord 
are  true  and  righteous  altogether.’ 

“ With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firm- 
ness in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive 
on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  Nation's  wounds, 
to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle  and  for  his 
widow  and  orphans,  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish 
a just  and  a lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all 
Nations.” 

The  following  is  his  famous  Gettysburg  speech,  which  he 
wrote  in  a few  moments  while  on  his  way  to  the  celebration.  It 
is  remarkable,  touching  and  eloquent: 

“Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago,  our  Fathers  brought 
forth  on  this  continent  a New  Nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and 
dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal. 


378  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


Now,  we  are  engaged  in  a great  Civil  War,  testing  whether  that 
Nation,  or  any  Nation  so  conceived  and  dedicated  can  long  en- 
dure. We  are  met  on  a great  battle-field  of  that  war.  We  have 
come  to  dedicate  a portion  of  that  field  as  the  final  resting 
place  for  those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that  the  Nation  might 
live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and  proper  that  we  "should  do  this. 

“But  in  a larger  sense  we  cannot  dedicate ; we  cannot  con- 
secrate ; we  cannot  hallow  the  ground.  The  brave  men  living 
and  dead,  who  struggled  here,  have  consecrated  it  far  above 
our  poor  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note 
nor  long  remember  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget 
what  they  did  here  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedi- 
cated here  to  the  unfinished  work  which  they,  who  fought  here, 
have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us  to  be 
here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before  us,  that  from 
these  honored  dead,  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause 
for  which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion ; that  we 
here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain; 
that  this  Nation,  under  God,  shall  have  a new  birth  of  Freedom, 
and  that  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.” 

At  Mr.  Lincoln’s  few  words,  the  audience  cheered  and 
sobbed  and  wept,  and  when  he  had  ended,  he  turned  and  con- 
gratulated Mr.  Everett  on  having  succeeded  so  well.  Mr. 
Everett  replied  with  a truthful  and  real  compliment : “Oh,  Mr. 
Lincoln,  how  gladly  would  I exchange  all  my  hundred  pages, 
to  have  been  the  author  of  your  twenty  lines.” 

And  now  our  Christian  pilgrim  having  passed  through  the 
valley  of  the  shadow  of  death,  and  slain  the  vanquished  giants 
and  dragons,  at  last  had  a little  taste,  a few  days  sojourn  in  the 
land  of  Beulah. 

Cheer  after  cheer  rose  up  and  shook  the  land  as  by  one 
great  stroke  after  another,  the  awful  convulsions  of  the  conflict 
terminated  in  full,  perfect,  final  victory. 

Never  did  mortal  man  on  this  earth  have  a triumph  ^aore 
dramatic  and  astounding  than  Lincoln’s  victorious  entry  into 
Richmond. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


379 


At  this  moment  of  his  life  he  could  look  back  and  see  far  be- 
hind him,  the  grave  of  the  once  brilliant  Douglas,  who  died  worn 
out  and  worn  down  with  disappointed  ambition,  while  he,  twice 
elected  to  the  Presidency,  was  now  standing  the  observed  of 
all  the  world,  in  a triumph  that  has  no  like  in  history.  It  was 
a triumph  made  memorable  and  peculiar  by  the  ecstacies  and 
hallelujahs  of  those  very  oppressed  with  whose  care  years  be- 
fore he  had  weighted  and  burdened  his  progress.  It  was  one 
of  those  earthly  scenes  which  grandly  foreshadow  that  great 
final  triumph  predicted  in  prophecy,  when  the  Lord  God  shall 
wipe  away  all  tears  from  their  eyes.  A contemporary  witness 
has  described  Lincoln  calm  and  simple,  leading  his  little  boy 
by  the  hand,  while  the  liberated  Blacks  hailed  him  with  hymns 
and  prayers,  mingling  his  name  at  each  moment  with  ascrip- 
tions of  praise  and  glory  to  Jesus  the  Great  Liberate!’  whose 
day  at  last  had  come  Who  can  say  of  what  ages  of  mournful 
praying  and  beseeching,  what  uplifting  of  poor  dumb  hands 
that  hour  was  the  outcome?  Tears  before  a clergyman  of  Vir- 
ginia visiting  the  Black  insurrectionist,  Tat.  Turner,  in  his 
cell  before  execution,  gives  the  following  wonderful  picture  of 
him:  “ In  rags,  in  chains,  covered  with  blood  and  bruises,  he 
yet  is  inspired  with  such  a force  of  enthusiasm  as  he  lifts  his 
chained  hands  to  heaven,  as  really  filled  my  soul  with  awe.  It 
is  impossible  to  make  him  feel  that  he  is  guilty.  He  evidently 
feels  that  he  was  called  of  God  to  do  the  work  he  did.  When 
I pointed  out  to  him  that  it  could  not  be,  because  he  was  taken, 
condemned  and  about  to  be  executed,  he  answered  with  en- 
thusiasm, ‘was  not  Jesus  Christ  crucified?  My  cause  will 
succeed  yet.’  ” 

Tears  passed,  and  the  prophetic  visions  of  Tat.  Turner  were 
fulfilled  on  the  soil  of  Virginia.  It  did  indeed  rain  blood;  the 
very  leaves  of  the  trees  dripped  blo.od ; but  the  work  was  done, 
the  yoke  was  broken,  and  the  oppressed  went  free.  An  old 
Tegress,  who  stood  and  saw  the  Confederate  prisoners  being 
carried  for  safe  keeping  into  the  former  slave  pens,  said 
grimly:  “Well,  de  Lord  am  slow,  but  He  am  sure.” 

As  the  final  scenes  of  his  life  drew  on,  it  seemed  as  if  a 


380  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

heavenly  influence  overshadowed  the  great  martyr,  and  wrought 
in  him  exactly  the  spirit  that  a man  would  wish  to  be  found  in 
when  he  is  called  to  the  eternal  world.  His  last  expressions 
and  recorded  political  actions,  looked  towards  peace  and  for- 
giveness. On  the  day  before  his  death,  he  joyfully  ordered 
the  discontinuance  of  the  draft.  His  very  last  official  act  was 
to  give  orders  that  two  of  the  chief  leaders  of  the  rebellion, 
then  expected  in  disguise,  at  a seaport,  in  their  flight  to 
Europe,  should  not  be  arrested,  but  permitted  to  embark;  so 
that  he  was  thinking  only  of  saving  the  lives  of  Kebels,  when 
they  were  thinking  of  taking  his.  If  he  had  tried,  of  set  pur- 
pose, to  clear  his  soul  for  God’s  presence,  and  to  put  the  Eebels 
and  their  assassin  champion  in  the  wrong,  before  that  final 
tribunal,  he  could  not  have  done  better. 

The  scheme  for  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  was  finally 
completed,  and  in  his  case  successfully  accomplished.  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  to  be  assassinated  by  Booth;  Mr.  Johnson  by 
Atzerodt;  Mr.  Seward  by  Payne  (alias  Powell),  and  General 
Grant  by  O’Laughlin.  A death  trap  had  been  prepared  for 
Mr.  Lincoln  in  Lord’s  Theatre,  where  he  had  been  invited.  It 
was  so  arranged  that  the  assassin  could  fasten  the  door  behind 
him,  when  he  entered  the  President’s  box,  sufficiently  to  pre- 
vent any  interruption,  until  his  work  was  done.  Arrangements 
were  made  for  securing  horses  for  the  murderers  to  flee  with. 
The  stage  carpenter,  or  assistant,  Spangler,  was  employed  to  be 
on  hand  and  open  and  shut  the  back  door  of  the  theatre,  when 
wanted.  A supply  of  weapons  for  the  conspirators  was  pro- 
vided, and  a route  for  flight  from  Washington,  within  the 
Eebel  lines,  was  determined  on.  This  route  led  Southward 
from  the  city,  over  Anacostia  Bridge,  ten  miles  to  Mrs.  Suratt’s 
house,  at  Surattsville,  then  soma  fifteen  miles  more  to  Dr. 
Mudd’s  house;  then  about  twenty  miles  to  a point  wffiere  ar- 
rangements were  made  for  crossing  the  Potomac  and  proceed- 
ing towards  Bichmond. 

All  being  ready,  Booth,  about  9 p.  m.  on  the  14th  of  April, 
1865,  went  to  the  theatre.  He  first  went  to  the  back  door, 
entered  it,  and  saw  that  all  was  prepared;  left  Spangler  in 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


381 


charge,  and  left  his  horse  to  be  held  by  another  subordinate  of 
the  theatre.  Then  he  went  around  to  the  front  of  the  building 
where  three  of  the  conspirators  were  waiting.  It  was  now 
about  half  past  nine.  One  act  of  the  play,  “ Our  American 
Cousin,”  was  nearly  through.  “ I think  he  will  come  out  now,” 
remarked  Booth.  It  is  very  usual  for  the  spectators  to  leave 
the  theatre  between  the  acts,  often  to  return ; and  if  Mr.  Lin- 
coln had  happened  to  feel  too  busy  to  remain  longer,  and  had 
left  then,  probably  Booth  would  have  attacked  him  there,  trust- 
ing to  be  able  to  escape  into  the  theatre  in  the  bustle  and  so 
through  his  guarded  door.  But  the  President  did  not  come. 
Booth  went  into  a saloon  close  by  and  drank  some  whiskey. 
The  spectators  had  returned  for  the  nest  act.  Booth  entered 
the  vestibule  of  the  theatre,  and  from  it  to  the  passage  that 
leads  from  the  street  to  the  stage,  and  also  to  the  outer  door  of 
the  President’s  bos.  As  he  did  so  one  of  his  companions  fol- 
lowed him  into  the  vestibule,  looked  up  at  the  clock,  and  called 
the  hour.  It  was  approaching  ten.  Three  successive  times,  at 
intervals  of  several  minutes,  the  companion  thus  called  out  the 
hour.  The  third  time  he  called  in  a louder  tone,  “ Ten  min- 
utes past  ten  o’clock!”  At  this  Booth  disappeared  in  the 
theatre,  and  the  three  others  walked  rapidly  away.  Booth 
went  straight  to  the  outer  door  of  the  President’s  bos,  paused 
and  showed  a visiting  card  to  the  President’s  messenger,  who 
was  in  waiting ; placed  his  hand  and  his  knee  against  the  door, 
and,  pushing  it  open,  entered.  He  then  quietly  fastened  the 
door  with  the  brace  that  stood  ready;  looked  through  the  hole 
in  the  inner  door,  and  saw  the  President.  Silently  opening 
the  door,  he  entered.  Mr.  Lincoln  sat  at  the  left-hand  front 
corner  of  the  bos,  his  wife  at  his  right  hand,  a Miss  Harris  at 
the  right-hand  front  corner,  and  a Major  Rathbone  behind  her. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  leaning  forward  and  looking  down  into  the 
orchestra.  Booth  stepped  quickly  up  and  fired  a pistol  bullet 
into  the  President’s  head  behind  and  on  the  left  side.  The 
murdered  man  raised  his  head  once;  it  fell  back  upon  his  chair 
and  his  eyes  closed.  Major  Rathbone,  a cool,  bold  and  prompt 
soldier,  who  had  been  absorbed  in  the  play,  now,  hearing  the 


382  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


pistol  shot,  turned,  saw  Booth  through  the  smoke,  and  instantly 
sprang  upon  him.  Booth,  a nervous  and  strong  man,  expert  in 
all  athletic  exercises,  and  a skillful  fencer,  wrenched  himself 
free  with  a desperate  effort,  as  he  well  needed  to  do.  He  had 
already  dropped  his  pistol  and  drawn  a heavy  bowie  knife,  with 
which  he  made  a furious  thrust  at  his  captor’s  heart.  Bath- 
bone  parried  it,  but  was  wounded  deeply  in  the  arm,  and  his 
hold  loosed.  Booth  sprang  for  the  front  of  the  box;  Bathbone 
followed,  but  only  caught  his  clothes  as  he  sprang  over. 
Bathbone  shouted,  “ Stop  that  man!  ” and  then  turned  to  assist 
the  President. 

Booth  leaped  over  the  front  of  the  box  down  upon  the 
stage,  shouting  as  he  went,  “ Bevenge  for  the  South!”  His 
spur  caught  in  the  National  flag  as  he  descended;  the  entangle- 
ment caused  him  to  fall  almost  flat  on  the  stage  as  he  came 
down ; and  either  the  wrench  of  tearing  loose  from  the  flag  or 
the  fall,  snapped  one  of  the  bones  of  his  leg  between  the  knee 
and  ankle.  This  fracture,  though  not  preventing  him  at  once 
from  moving  about,  so  far  disabled  him  as  probably  to  have 
been  the  occasion  of  his  being  overtaken  and  captured ; so  that 
it  is  scarcely  extravagant  to  imagine  the  flag  as  having,  in  a 
sense,  avenged  the  guilt  of  the  crime  perpetrated  upon  its 
chief  official  defender,  by  waylaying  and  entrapping  the  crimi- 
nal in  his  turn  as  he  had  done  his  victim.  Booth  instantly 
sprang  up,  turned  towards  the  audience,  and  raising  his  bloody 
knife  in  a stage  attitude,  with  a theatrical  manner  vociferated 
the  motto  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  sic  semper  iyrannis — a 
motto  already  turned  into  a discreditable  satire  by  its  contrast 
with  the  characteristic  traffic  of  the  great  slave  breeding  State, 
and  even  more  effectually  disgraced  by  the  use  now  made  of  it, 
to  justify  assassination.  It  will  be  strange  if  some  less  dishon- 
ored words  are  not  one  day  chosen  for  the  device  of  Free  Vir- 
ginia. 

Booth,  thus  vaporing  for  a moment,  then  rushed  headlong 
across  the  stage  and  darted  by  the  side  passage  to  the  rear 
door.  One  man  sprang  from  an  orchestra  seat  upon  the  stage 
and  shouted  to  “ Stop  him!  ” One  of  the  employes  of.  the 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


383 


theatre,  standing  in  the  passage,  was  too  much  startled  to 
stand  aside,  and  the  desperate  fugitive  struck  him  on  the  leg, 
cut  at  him  twice,  knocked  him  to  one  side,  and  darted  on. 
The  door  was  ready,  he  sprang  out,  it  shut  behind  him. 
Seizing  the  horse  which  was  held  in  waiting  for  him,  Booth,  as 
if  in  a frenzy  like  that  of  the  Malays  when  “running  amok,” 
struck  the  poor  fellow  who  held  it  with  the  butt  of  his  knife, 
knocking  him  down,  and  then  kicking  him,  sprang  to  the 
saddle,  and,  after  a few  moments  lost  in  consequence  of  some 
nervousness  or  fright  of  the  animal,  rode  swiftly  off.  This 
was  on  the  evening  of  Friday,  the  14th;  it  was  on  Wednesday, 
the  26th,  that  Booth,  after  having  been  delayed  by  having  his 
leg  set  and  crippled  by  it  afterwards,  was  discovered  in  Gar- 
ratt’s  barn,  south  of  the  Bappahannock,  about  twenty  miles 
from  the  Potomac,  and  was  surrounded,  shot  and  taken. 

The  murdered  President  was  quickly  carried  from  the 
theatre  to  a house  across  the  street  and  placed  upon  a bed. 
Surgical  aid  was  at  once  obtained,  but  an  examination  showed 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  life.  Mr.  Lincoln’s  eyes  had  not 
opened,  nor  had  consciousness  returned  at  all,  nor  they  never 
did.  The  ball  was  a heavy  one,  from  what  is  called  a Derrin- 
ger pistol,  a short,  single-barreled  weapon  with  a large  bore. 
It  had  passed  clear  through  the  brain  and  lodged  against  the 
bone  of  the  orbit  of  the  left  eye,  breaking  that  bone.  It  is 
almost  certain  that  Mr.  Lincoln  suffered  no  pain  after  being 
shot,  as  the  injury  was  of  the  nature  to  destroy  conscious  life. 
His  exceedingly  strong  constitution,  and  tenacity  of  life,  main- 
tained respiration  and  circulation  for  a remarkably  long  time, 
but  he  died  the  next  morning  at  half  past  seven. 

Of  the  particulars  of  that  great  National  mourning  which 
bowed  the  whole  land,  it  is  not  needful  to  speak.  Like  many 
parts  of  that  great  history  of  which  it  formed  a portion,  there 
were  often  points  in  it  of  a peculiar  and  symbolic  power,  which 
rose  to  the  sublime.  Such  was  the  motto — “Be  still,  and 
know  that  I am  God  ” — which  spoke  from  the  walls  of  the  New 
York  depot  when  amid  the  hush  of  weeping  thousands,  the 
solemn  death  car  entered.  The  contrast  between  the  peaceful 


384  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

expression  on  the  face  of  the  weary  man  and  the  surging  waves 
of  mourning  and  lamentation  aronnd  him,  was  touching  and 
awful. 

Not  the  least  touching  among  these  expressions  of  National 
mourning  was  the  dismay  and  anguish  of  that  poor  oppressed 
race  for  whose  rights  he  died. 

A Southern  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  the 
week  following  the  assassination,  wrote:  “ I never  saw  such  • 
sad  faces  and  heard  such  heavy  heart-beatings  as  here  in 
Charleston  the  day  the  news  came.  The  colored  people  were 
like  children  bereaved  of  a parent.  I saw  one  old  woman  going 
up  the  streets,  wringing  her  hands,  and  saying  aloud  as  she 
walked,  looking  straight  before  her,  so  absorbed  in  her  grief 
that  she  noticed  no  one : 

“OLord!  O Lord!  O Lord!  Massa  Sam’s  dead!  Massa 
Sam’s  dead!” 

‘‘Who’s  dead,  Aunty?” 

“Massa  Sam’s  dead!”  she  said,  not  looking  at  me,  and 
renewing  her  lamentations. 

“Who’s  Massa  Sam?”  said  I. 

“Uncle  Sam,”  she  said,  “O  Lord!  O Lord!” 

Not  quite  sure  that  she  meant  the  President,  I spoke  again: 

“Who’s  Massa  Sam,  Aunty?” 

“ Mr.  Lincum,”  she  said  and  resumed  wringing  her  hands, 
mourning  in  utter  hopelessness  of  sorrow. 

The  poor  Negroes  on  the  distant  plantations  had  formed  a 
conception  of  Lincoln,  much  akin  to  that  of  a Divine  Being. 
Their  masters  fled  on  the  approach  of  our  soldiers,  and  this 
gave  the  slaves  a conception  of  a Great  Invincible  Power, 
which  they  called  Massa  Lincum. 

To  them  the  stroke  was  almost  as  if  we  could  possibly  con- 
ceive death  as  happening  to  the  God  we  worship ; a mingled 
shock  of  grief,  surprise  and  terror. 

The  people  of  the  North  were  little  less  terrified  and  grief 
stricken;  for  dear  as  was  the  name  of  Lincoln,  and  closely 
bound  by  the  cords  of  love  to  every  American  heart,  he  was 
doubly  so  to  this  noble  and  loyal  race. 


ABRAHAM  LINC  OLN. 


385 


We  conclude  our  biography  of  Lincoln,  with  extracts  from 
the  oration  of  Frederick  Douglass,  delivered  on  the  occasion  of 
the  unveiling  of  the  Freedman’s  Monument,  in  memory  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  in  Lincoln  Park,  Washington,  D.  C.,  April 
14,  1876: 

* * * “ The  sentiment  which  brings  us  here  to-day,  is 

one  of  the  noblest  that  can  stir  and  thrill  the  human  heart.  It  has 
crowned  and  made  glorious  the  high  places  of  all  civilized 
Nations,  with  the  grandest  and  most  enduring  works  of  art,  de- 
signed to  illustrate  the  characters  and  perpetuate  the  memories 
of  great  public  men.  It  is  the  sentiment  which,  from  year  to 
year,  adorns  with  fragrant  and  beautiful  flowers  the  graves  of 
our  loyal,  brave  and  patriotic  soldiers,  who  fell  in  the  defense 
of  the  Union  and  liberty.  It  is  the  sentiment  of  gratitude  and 
appreciation,  which  often  in  the  presence  of  many  who  hear 
me,  has  filled  yonder  heights  of  Arlington  with  the  eloquence 
of  eulogy  and  the  sublime  enthusiasm  of  poetry  and  song ; a 
sentiment  which  can  never  die  while  the  Republic  lasts.  * * 

“ It  was  enough  for  us  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  at  the  head 
of  a great  movement,  and  was  in  living  and  earnest  sympathy 
with  that  movement,  which,  in  the  nature  of  things,  must  go 
on  until  slavery  should  be  utterly  and  forever  abolished  in  the 
United  States.  * * * * Under  his  wise  and  beneficent 

rule,  we  saw  ourselves  gradually  lifted  from  the  depths  of 
slavery  to  the  heights  of  liberty  and  manhood;  under  his  wise 
and  beneficent  rule,  and  by  measures  approved  and  vigorously 
pressed  by  him,  we  saw  that  the  hand  writing  of  ages,  in  the 
form  of  prejudice  and  proscription,  wTas  rapidly  fading  from  the 
face  of  our  whole  country ; under  his  rule,  and  in  due  time, 
about  as  soon  after  all  as  the  country  could  tolerate  the  strange 
spectacle,  we  saw  our  brave  sons  and  brothers  laying  off  the 
rags  of  bondage,  and  being  clothed  all  over  in  the  blue 
uniforms  of  the  soldiers  of  the  United  States ; under  his  rule 
we  saw  the  independence  of  the  Black  Republic  of  Hayti,  the 
special  object  of  slave-holding  aversion  and  horror,  fully  recog- 
nized, and  her  minister,  a colored  gentleman,  duly  received 
here  in  the  City  of  Washington;  under  his  rule,  we  saw  the 


386  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


internal  slave  trade,  which  so  long  disgraced  the  Nation, 
abolished,  and  slavery  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia; 
under  his  rule,  wre  saw  for  the  first  time  the  law  enforced 
against  the  foreign  slave  trade,  and  the  first  slave  trader  hanged 
like  any  other  pirate  or  murderer;  under  his  rule,  assisted  by 
the  greatest  captain  of  our  age,  and  his  inspiration,  we  saw  the 
Confederate  States,  based  upon  the  idea  that  our  race  must  be 
slaves,  and  slaves  forever,  battered  to  pieces  and  scattered  to 
the  four  winds.  ***** 

“ Can  any  colored  man  or  any  white  man  friendly  to  the 
freedom  of  all  men,  ever  forget  the  night  which  followed  the 
first  day  of  January,  1863,  when  the  world  was  to  see  if  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  would  prove  to  be  as  good  as  his  word?  I shall 
never  forget  that  memorable  night,  when  in  a distant  city  I 
waited  and  watched  at  a public  meeting,  with  three  thousand 
others  not  less  anxious  than  myself,  for  the  word  of  deliver- 
ance which  we  have  heard  read  to-day.  Nor  shall  I ever 
forget  the  outburst  of  joy  and  thanksgiving  that  rent  the  air 
when  the  lightning  brought  to  us  the  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion. * * * * JJis  great  mission  was  to  accomplish  two 

things : first,  to  save  his  country  from  dismemberment  and  ruin ; 
and  second,  to  free  his  country  from  the  great  crime  of  slavery. 
To  do  one  or  the  other,  or  both,  he  must  have  the  earnest 
sympathy  and  powerful  co-operation  of  his  loyal  fellow  country- 
men ; without  this  primary  and  essential  condition  to  success, 
his  efforts  must  have  been  vain  and  utterly  fruitless.  Had 
he  put  the  abolition  of  slavery  before  the  salvation  of  the 
Union,  he  would  have  inevitably  driven  from  him  a powerful 
class  of  the  American  people  and  rendered  resistance  to  Rebel- 
lion impossible.  Viewed  from  the  genuine  abolition  ground, 
Mr.  Lincoln  seemed  tardy,  cold,  dull,  and  indifferent;  but 
measuring  him  by  the  sentiment  of  his  country,  a sentiment 
he  wras  bound  as  a statesman,  to  consult,  he  wms  swift,  zeal- 
ous, radical  and  determined.  * * * * 

“A  patriot  himself,  his  faith  was  strong  and  unwavering  in 
the  patriotism  of  his  countrymen.  Timid  men  said  before 
Mr.  Lincoln’s  inauguration,  that  we  had  seen  the  last  Presi- 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


387 


dent  of  the  United  States.  A voice  in  influential  quarters 
said,  “ Let  the  Union  slide.”  Some  said  that  a Union  main- 
tained by  the  sword  was  worthless.  Others  said  a Rebellion  of 
eight  millions  cannot  be  suppressed.  But  in  the  midst  of  all 
this  tumult  and  timidity,  and  against  all  this  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  clear  to  his  duty  and  had  an  oath  in  heaven.  He  calmly 
and  bravely  heard  the  voice  of  doubt  and  fear  all  around  him, 
but  he  had  an  oath  in  heaven,  and  there  was  not  power  enough 
on  earth  to  make  this  honest  boatman,  backwoodsman,  and 
broad-handed  splitter  of  rails  evade  or  violate  that  sacred  oath. 
He  had  not  been  schooled  in  the  ethics  of  slavery,  his  plain 
life  had  favored  his  love  of  truth.  He  had  not  been  taught  that 
treason  and  perjury  were  the  proof  of  honor  and  honesty. 
His  moral  training  was  against  his  saying  one  thing  and  mean- 
ing another.  The  trust  which  Abraham  Lincoln  had  in  him- 
self and  in  the  people  was  surprising  and  grand,  but  it  was  also 
enlightened  and  Avell  founded.  He  knew  the  American  people 
better  than  they  knew  themselves,  and  his  truth  was  based  upon 
this  knowledge. 

“ Fellow  citizens,  the  fourteenth  day  of  April,  1865,  of  which 
this  is  the  eleventh  anniversary,  is  now  and  will  ever  remain  a 
memorable  day  in  the  annals  of  this  Republic.  It  was  on  the 
evening  of  this  day,  while  a fierce  and  sanguinary  Rebellion  was 
in  the  last  stages  of  its  desolating  power,  while  its  armies  were 
broken  and  scattered  before  the  invincible  armies  of  Grant  and 
Sherman,  while  a great  Nation,  torn  and  rent  by  war,  was 
already  beginning  to  raise  to  the  skies  loud  anthems  of  joy  at 
the  dawn  of  peace,  that  it  was  startled,  amazed  and  over- 
whelmed by  the  crowning  crime  of  slavery, — the  assassination 
of  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  was  a new  crime — a pure  act  of  malice. 
No  purpose  of  the  Rebellion  was  to  be  served  by  it.  It  was  the 
simple  gratification  of  a hell  black  spirit  of  revenge.  But  it 
has  done  good  after  all.  It  has  filled  the  country  with  a deeper 
abhorrence  of  slavery  and  a deeper  love  for  the  Great  Liber- 
ator. 

********** 


388  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


So  he  grew  up,  a destined  work  to  do, 

And  lived  to  do  it  four  long  suffering  years, 

111  fate,  ill  feeling,  ill  report,  lived  through, 

And  then  he  heard  the  hisses  change  to  cheers. 

The  taunts  to  tribute,  the  abuse  to  praise, 

And  took  both  with  the  same  unwavering  mood; 

Till,  as  he  came  on  light,  from  darkling  days, 

And  seemed  to  touch  the  goal  from  where  he  stood, 

A felon  hand,  between  the  goal  and  him, 

Reached  from  behind  his  back,  a trigger  press’d — 

And  those  perplexed  and  patient  eyes  were  dim, 
Those  gaunt,  long  laboring  limbs  were  laid  to  rest  I 

The  words  of  mercy  were  upon  his  lips, 

Forgiveness  in  his  heart  and  on  his  pen, 

When  this  vile  murderer  brought  swift  eclipse 
To  thoughts  of  peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men.” 


FREDERICK  D 0 TJ GLASS. 


389 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

FREDERICK  DOUGLASS. 


Abou  Ben  Adhem — may  his  tribe  increase ! 

Awoke  one  night  from  a deep  dream  of  peace, 

And  saw,  within  the  moonlight  in  his  room, 

Making  it  rich,  like  a lily  in  bloom, 

An  angel,  writing  in  a book  of  gold: 

Exceeding  peace  had  made  Ben  Adhem  bold ; 

And  to  the  presence  in  the  room  he  said, 

“ What  writest  thou  ? ” The  vision  raised  its  head, 

And  with  a look  made  all  of  sweet  accord, 

Answered,  “The  names  of  those  who  love  the  Lord.’' 

“ And  is  mine  one  ?”  said  Abou.  “ Nay,  not  so ; ” 

Replied  the  angel.  Abou  spoke  more  low, 

But  cheerily  still,  and  said : “ I pray  thee,  then, 

Write  me  as  one  who  loves  his  fellow-men.” 

The  angel  wrote  and  vanished. 

The  next  night 

It  came  again  with  a great  wakening  light, 

And  showed  the  names  whom  love  of  God  had  blest, 

And  lo!  Ben  Adhem’ s name  led  all  the  rest. 

It  is  tlie  pride  and  boast  of  truly  Republican  institutions 
that  they  give  to  every  human  being  an  opportunity  of  thus 
demonstrating  what  is  in  him.  If  a man  is  a man,  no  matter 
in  what  rank  of  society  he  is  born,  no  matter  how  tied  down 
and  weighted  by  poverty  and  all  its  attendant  disadvantages, 
there  is  nothing  in  our  American  institutions  to  prevent  his 
rising  to  the  very  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  country. 

As  we  recount  the  lives  of  the  major  portion  of  America’s 
greatest,  we  find  that  by  their  own  unaided  efforts  they  have 
raised  themselves,  in  spite  of  every  disadvantage  which  circum- 
stances could  throw  in  their  way ; and  it  is  with  the  purpose  in 
view  of  inspiring  our  rising  colored  citizens  with  honorable 
ambition,  that  we  record  the  biography  of  the  illustrious 
Douglass. 

Though  a man  like  Charles  Sumner,  coming  of  an  old  Bos- 
ton family,  with  every  advantage  of  Boston  schools,  and  of 
Cambridge  College,  becomes  distinguished,  yet  side  by  side 
with  him  we  see  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  rail-splitter,  Henry 


390  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Wilson,  from  the  shoemaker’s  bench,  and  Chase  from  a New 
Hampshire  farm.  But  there  have  been  in  our  country  some 
three  or  four  millions  of  human  beings  who  were  born  to  a 
depth  of  poverty,  below  what  Henry  Wilson  or  Abraham  Lin- 
coln ever  dreamed  of.  Wilson  and  Lincoln,  to  begin  with, 
owned  nothing  but  their  bare  hands,  but  there  have  been  in 
this  country  four  or  five  million  men  and  women  who  did  not 
even  own  their  bare  hands.  Wilson  and  Lincoln,  and  other 
brave  men  like  them,  owned  their  own  souls  and  wills — they 
were  free  to  say,  “thus  and  thus  I will  do,  I will  be  educated, 
I will  be  intelligent,  I will  be  a Christian,  I will  by  honest 
industry  amass  property  to  serve  me  in  my  upward  aims.” 
But  there  were  four  million  men  and  women  in  America  who 
were  decreed  by  the  laws  of  this  country  not  to  own  even  their 
own  souls.  The  law  said  to  them,  they  shall  be  taken  and 
held  as  chattels  personal  to  all  intents  and  purposes.  This 
hapless  class  of  human  beings  might  be  sold  for  debt,  might 
be  mortgaged  for  real  estate ; nay,  the  unborn  babe  might  be 
pledged  or  mortgaged  for  the  debts  of  a master.  There  were 
among  these  unfortunate  millions,  in  the  eye  of  the  law,  neither 
husbands  or  wives,  nor  fathers  or  mothers;  they  were  only 
chattels,  personal.  They  could  no  more  contract  a legal  mar- 
riage than  a bedstead  can  marry  a cooking  stove,  or  a plow  be 
married  to  a spinning  wheel.  They  were  week  after  week 
advertised  in  public  prints  to  be  sold  in  company  with  horses, 
cows,  pigs,  hens  and  other  stock  of  a plantation. 

They  were  forbidden  to  learn  to  read.  The  slave  laws  im- 
posed the  same  penalty  on  the  man  who  should  teach  a man  to 
read,  as  on  the  man  who  wilfully  put  out  his  eyes.  They  had 
no  legal  right  to  be  Christians,  or  enter  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
because  the  law  regarded  them  simply  as  personal  property 
subject  to  the  caprice  of  an  owner,  and  when  the  owner  did  not 
choose  to  have  his  property  be  a Christian,  he  could  shut  him 
out  from  the  light  of  the  gospel,  as  easily  as  one  can  close  a 
window  shutter.  Now  if  we  think  it  a great  thing  that  Wilson 
and  Lincoln  raised  themselves  from  a state  of  comparatively 
early  disadvantage  to  high  places  in  the  land,  what  shall  we 


FREDERICK  DOUGLASS. 


391 


think  of  one  who  started  from  this  immeasurable  gulf  below 
them  ? 

Frederick  Douglass  had  as  far  to  climb  to  get  to  the  spot 
where  the  poorest  free  white  boy  is  born,  as  that  white  boy  has 
to  climb  to  be  President  of  the  Nation,  and  take  rank  with 
Kings  and  Judges  of  the  earth. 

There  are  few  young  men  born  to  competence,  carried  care- 
fully through  all  the  earlier  stages  of  training,  drilled  in  a 
grammar  school,  and  perfected  by  a four  years  college  course, 
who  could  stand  up  on  a platform,  and  compete  successfully 
with  Frederick  Douglass  as  an  orator.  Nine  out  of  ten  college 
educated  young  men  would  shrink  even  from  the  trial,  and  yet, 
Frederick  Douglass  fought  his  way  up  from  a nameless  hovel 
on  a Maryland  plantation,  where  with  hundreds  of  others  of 
the  young  live  stock  he  shivered  in  his  little  tow  shirt,'  the  only 
garment  allowed  him  for  summer  and  winter,  kept  himself 
warm  by  sitting  on  the  sunny  side  of  out-buildings,  like  a little 
dog,  and  often  was  glad  to  dispute  with  the  pigs  for  the  scraps 
of  what  came  to  them  to  satisfy  his  hunger. 

From  this  position  he  has  raised  himself  to  the  habits  of 
mind,  thought  and  life,  of  a cultivated  gentleman,  and  from  that 
point  of  sight,  has  illustrated  exactly  what  slavery  was  (thank 
God  we  write  in  the  past  tense)  in  an  autobiography  which  most 
affectingly  presents  what  it  is  to  be  born  a slave.  Every  man 
who  fought  in  our  late  great  struggle — every  man  or  woman 
who  made  a sacrifice  for  it — every  one  conscious  of  inward 
bleedings  and  cravings  that  never  shall  be  healed  or  assuaged, 
for  what  they  have  rendered  up  in  this  great  anguish,  ought 
to  read  this  autobiography  of  a slave  man,  and  give  thanks  to 
God  that  even  by  the  bitterest  sufferings,  they  have  been  per- 
mitted to  do  something  to  wipe  such  a disgrace  and  wrong 
from  the  earth. 

The  first  thing  that  every  man  remembers,  is  his  mother. 
Americans  all  have  a mother  at  least  that  can  be  named.  But 
it  is  exceedingly  affecting  to  read  the  history  of  a human 
being  who  writes  that  during  all  his  childhood  he  never  saw 
his  mother  only  two  or  three  times,  and  then  in  the  night* 


392  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


And  why  ? Because  she  was  employed  on  a plantation  twelve 
miles  away.  Her  only  means  of  seeing  her  boy  was  to  walk 
twelve  miles 'over  to  the  place  where  he  was,  spend  a brief 
hour,  and  walk  twelve  miles  back,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  go  to 
work  at  four  o’clock  in  the  morning.  How  many  mothers 
would  often  visit  their  children  by  such  an  effort?  and  yet  at 
well  remembered  intervals  the  mother  of  Frederick  Douglass 
did  this  for  the  sake  of  holding  her  child  a little  while  in  her 
arms ; lying  down  a brief  hour  with  him. 

That  she  was  a woman  of  uncommon  energy  and  strength 
of  affection  this  sufficiently  shows,  because  as  slave  mother  she 
could  do  him  no  earthly  good — she  owned  not  a cent  to  bring 
him.  She  could  not  buy  him  clothes.  She  could  not  even 
mend  or  wash  the  one  garment  alloted  to  him. 

Only  once  in  his  childhood  did  he  remember  his  mother’s 
presence  as  being  to  him  anything  of  that  comfort  and  protec- 
tion that  it  is  to  ordinary  children.  He,  with  all  the  other  little 
live  stock  of  the  plantation,  were  dependent  for  a daily  allow- 
ance of  food  on  a cross  old  woman  whom  they  called  Aunt 
Katy.  For  some  reason  of  her  own,  Aunt  Katy  had  taken  a 
pique  against  little  Fred.,  and  announced  to  him  that  she  was 
going  to  keep  him  a day  without  food.  At  the  close  of  this  day 
when  he  crept  shivering  in  among  the  other  children,  and  was 
denied  even  the  coarse  slice  of  corn  bread  which  all  the  rest 
had,  he  broke  out  in  loud  lamentations.  Suddenly  his  mother 
appeared  behind  him — caught  him  in  her  arms,  poured  out 
volumes  of  wrathful  indignation  on  Aunt  Katy,  and  threatened 
to  complain  to  the  overseer  if  she  did  not  give  him  his  share  of 
food — produced  from  her  bosom  a SAveet  cake  which  she  had 
managed  to  procure  for  him,  and  sat  doAvn  to  wipe  away  his 
tears  and  see  him  enjoy  it.  This  mother  must  have  been  a 
woman  of  strong  mental  characteristics.  Though  a plantation 
field  hand,  she  could  read,  and  if  we  consider  against  what 
superhuman  difficulties  such  a knowledge  must  have  been 
acquired,  it  is  an  evidence  of  wonderful  character.  Douglas, 
says  of  her,  that  she  was  tall  and  finely  proportioned.  With 
affecting  simplicity  he  says:  “ There  is  in  Prichard’s  Natural 


FREDERICK  D 0 UGLASS. 


393 


History  of  Man,  page  157,  the  head  of  a figure,  the  features  of 
•which  so  resemble  those  of  my  mother,  that  I often  recur  to  it 
•with  something  of  the  feeling  •which  I suppose  others  to  expe- 
rience -when  looking  on  the  features  of  dear  departed  ones.” 

The  face  alluded  to  is  copied  from  a head  of  Rameses,  the 
great  Egyptian  King  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty.  The  profile 
is  European  in  its  features,  and  similar  in  class  to  the  head  of 
Napoleon.  From  all  the  considerations,  we  supposed  that  the 
mother  of  Douglass  must  have  been  one  of  that  Mandingo  tribe 
of  Africans,  who  were  distinguished  among  the  slaves  for  fine 
features,  great  energy,  intelligence  and  pride  of  character. 
The  Black  population  of  America  is  not  one  race.  If  slave- 
holders and  kidnappers  had  been  busy  for  years  in  Europe 
stirring  up  wars  in  the  different  countries,  and  sending  all  the 
captives  to  be  sold  in  America,  the  mixture  of  Swedes,  Danes, 
Germans,  Russians,  Italians,  French  and  Irish,  might  all  have 
gone  under  the  head  of  white  men,  but  they  would  have  none 
the  more  been  of  the  same  race.  The  Africans  of  this  country  are 
a mixture  torn  from  tribes  and  races  quite  as  dissimilar.  The 
Mandingo  has  European  features,  a fine  form,  wavy,  not  woolly 
hair,  is  intelligent,  vigorous,  proud  and  brave.  The  natives  of 
Guinea  are  not  so  strongly  marked  by  these  characteristics. 

The  father  of  Frederick  Douglass,  was  a white  man — whom 
he  never  knew — it  would  have  been  of  no  advantage  to  him 
had  he  known — but  there  is  reason  to  think  that  those  fine  in- 
tellectual gifts,  that  love  of  liberty,  and  hatred  of  slavery 
which  have  led  him  to  the  position  he  now  occupies  among 
freemen,  were  due  to  the  blood  of  his  mother.  That  silent, 
noble  Black  woman,  whose  wrongs  were  borne,  in  such  patience, 
whose  soul  must  have  so  often  burned  within  her,  whose  affec- 
tions were  stronger  than  weariness,  and  whose  mind  would 
possess  the  key  of  knowledge  even  though  she  gained  it  at  such 
terrible  sacrifices  and  hazards,  she  is  to  be  honored  as  the 
mother  of  Garrison  is,  as  having  lived  in  her  son,  and  being 
the  true  author  and  inspirer  of  all  that  is  good  and  just  in  him. 

After  a few  short  interviews  the  communication  between 
Douglass  and  his  mother  ceased.  She  was  taken  sick,  had  a 


394  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


long  illness,  and  died  without  a word  or  message,  or  any  token 
passing  between  her  and  her  child.  He  running  wild,  a dirty 
little  animal  on  the  distant  plantation,  she  suffering,  wasting, 
dying  in  silence, — going  into  the  great  Invisible  where  so  many 
helpless  mothers  have  gone  to  plead  for  their  children  before 
God. 

The  plantation  of  Colonel  Loyd,  on  which  Fred.  Douglass 
was  raised,  was  a representative  fact  illustrating  what  may  be 
known  of  slavery.  There  might  be  seen  a large,  elegant,  airy 
house,  filled  with  every  luxury  and  comfort,  the  abode  of  hos- 
pitality and  leisure.  Company  always  coming  and  going — - 
bountiful  tables  spread  with  every  delicacy  of  sea  and  land — ■ 
choice  cookery,  old  wines,  massive  plate,  splendid  curtains  and 
pictures.  All  combined  to  give  the  impression  of  a joyous  and 
abundant  life.  Fifteen  well  dressed,  well  trained  servants, 
chosen  for  good  looks  and  good  manners,  formed  an  obsequious 
army  of  attendants  behind  the  chairs  of  guests  at  the  dinner 
hour,  or  waited  on  them  in  their  private  apartments. 

The  shrubbery,  the  flower  gardens,  the  ample  lawns,  were 
laid  out  with  European  taste,  the  stables  had  studs  of  the  finest 
blood  horses  at  the  disposal  of  guests — all  was  cultivation,  ele- 
gance and  refinement. 

Colonel  Loyd  was  supposed  to  own  a thousand  slaves,  and 
what  the  life  was  on  which  all  this  luxury  and  elegance  was 
built,  the  history  of  Douglass  and  his  mother  may  show.  Col- 
onel Loyd  owned  several  contiguous  farms  or  plantations,  each 
one  under  an  overseer,  and  all  were  under  the  general  super- 
vision of  an  agent  who  lived  on  the  central  plantation,  and  went 
by  the  name  among  the  slaves  of  Old  Master.  Between  this 
man  and  his  family,  and  Colonel  Loyd  and  his  family,  there 
was  none  of  the  intercourse  of  equals.  No  visits  were  ever 
exchanged,  and  no  intercourse  except  of  a necessary  business 
character  ever  took  place.  The  owner  and  his  family  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  management  of  the  estates  any  further 
than  to  enjoy  and  dispense  the  revenues  they  brought  in ; all 
the  rest  was  left  to  the  Old  Master  and  Overseers.  The  estate 
was  as  secluded  from  all  influence  of  public  opinion,  and  the 


F REDE  HICK  D 0 UGLASS. 


395 


slaves  were  as  completely  in  the  power  of  the  Overseers  as  the 
serfs  in  the  feudal  ages.  Even  the  vessels  which  carried  the 
produce  of  the  plantations  to  Baltimore  were  owned  by  Colonel 
Loyd.  Every  man  and  boy  by  whom  these  vessels  were  worked, 
excepting  the  Captains,  were  Colonel  Loyd’s  property.  All  the 
artisans  on  all  the  places,  the  blacksmiths,  wheelrights,  shoe- 
makers, weavers  and  coopers,  were  also  pieces  of  property 
belonging  to  Colonel  Loyd.  What  chance  was  there  for  laws 
or  for  public  sentiment,  or  any  other  humanizing  influence,  to 
restrain  absolute  power  in  a district  so  governed  ? 

One  of  the  earliest  lessons  in  the  practical  meaning  of  sla- 
very was  taught  to  the  child  by  hearing  the  shrieks  and  groans 
of  a favorite  Aunt  Ester  under  the  lash  of  Old  Master.  She  was 
a finely  formed,  handsome  woman,  and  had  the  presumption  to 
prefer  a young  slave  man  to  her  master,  and  for  this  she  was 
made  the  victim  of  degradation  and  torture. 

On  another  occasion  he  saw  a young  gild  who  came  from 
one  of  the  neighboring  plantations,  with  her  head  cut  and 
bleeding  from  the  brutality  of  the  Overseer,  to  put  herself  under 
the  protection  of  Old  Master.  Though  the  brutality  of  her 
treatment  was  perfectly  evident,  he  heard  her  met  only  with 
reproaches  and  oaths,  and  ordered  to  go  back  at  once  or 
expect  even  severer  treatment. 

This  was  a part  of  an  unvarying  system.  It  was  a fixed 
rule  never  to  listen  to  complaints  of  any  kind  from  a slave,  and 
even  when  they  were  evidently  well  founded,  to  affect  to  disre- 
gard them.  That  the  slave  was  to  have  no  appeal  in  any  case 
from  the  absolute  power  of  the  Overseer  was  a fundamental 
maxim  of  the  system. 

Endowed  by  his  mother  with  an  intelligent  and  thoughtful 
organization,  young  Douglass  began  early  to  turn  in  his  mind 
the  dark  question,  Why  am  I a slave  ? On  this  subject  he 
pushed  inquiries  among  his  little  play  fellows  and  the  elderly 
of  the  race,  but  could  get  no  satisfactory  solution,  except  that 
some  remembered  that  their  fathers  and  mothers  were  stolen 
from  Africa.  "When  not  more  than  seven  or  eight  years  old 
these  thoughts  burned  in  him,  whenever  he  wandered  through 


396  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  woods  and  fields,  and  a strong  determination  to  become  a 
free  man  in  future  life  took  possession  of  him.  It  may  have 
been  inspired  by  the  invisible  guardianship  of  that  poor 
mother,  who,  unable  to  help  him  in  life,  may  have  been  per- 
mitted higher  powers  in  the  world  of  spirits. 

The  comments  which  Douglass  makes  on  many  features  of 
slave  life  as  they  affected  his  childish  mind,  are  very  peculiar 
and  show  slavery  from  an  inside  point  of  view.  In  regard  to 
the  physical  comforts  of  plantation  life,  he  gives  the  following 
account: 

“It  is  the  boast  of  slaveholders  that  their  slaves  enjoy  more 
of  the  physical  comforts  of  life  than  the  peasantry  of  any  coun- 
try in  the  world.  My  experience  contradicts  this.  The  men 
and  the  women  slaves  on  Colonel  Loyd’s  plantation  received  as 
their  monthly  allowance  eight  pounds  of  pickled  pork  or  its 
equivalent  in  fish.  The  pork  was  often  tainted  and  the  fish  of 
the  poorest  quality.  With  this  they  had  one  bushel  of 
unbolted  Indian  meal,  of  which  quite  fifteen  per  cent,  was  fit 
only  for  pigs ; with  this  one  pint  of  salt  was  given,  and  this 
was  the  entire  monthly  allowance  of  a full  grown  slave,  work- 
ing constantly  in  the  open  field,  from  morning  until  night 
every  day  except  Sundays.  This  was  living  on  a fraction  more 
than  a quarter  of  a pound  of  poor  meat  per  day  and  less  than 
a peck  of  corn  meal  per  week,  and  there  is  no  work  requiring  a 
more  abundant  supply  of  food  to  prevent  physical  exhaustion, 
than  the  field  work  of  a slave. 

“ So  much  for  food.  Now  as  for  raiment.  The  yearly 
allowance  of  clothing  on  this  plantation  consisted  of  two  linen 
shirts,  one  pair  of  tow  trowsers  for  summer,  a pair  of  trowsers 
and  jacket  of  slazy  workmanship  for  winter,  one  pair  of  yarn 
stockings  and  one  pair  of  coarse  shoes.  The  slave’s  entire 
apparel  could  not  have  cost  more  than  eight  dollars  per  year. 
Children  not  yet  able  to  work  in  the  field  had  neither  shoes, 
stockings,  jackets  nor  trowsers  given  them.  Their  clothing  con- 
sisted of  two  coarse  tow  linen  shirts  per  year,  and,  when  these 
failed  they  went  literally  naked  until  next  allowance  day. 
Flocks  of  children  from  five  to  ten  years  old  might  be  seen  on 


FREDERICK  DOUGLASS. 


397 


Colonel  Loyd’s  plantations  as  destitute  of  clothing  as  any  little 
heathen  in  Africa,  and  this  even  in  the  frosty  month  of  March. 

“As  to  beds  to  sleep  on,  none  were  given.  Nothing  but  a 
coarse  blanket,  such  as  is  used  in  the  North  to  cover  horses, 
and  these  were  not  provided  for  little  ones. 

“ The  children  cuddled  in  holes  and  corners  about  the 
quarters,  often  in  the  corners  of  the  huge  chimneys  with  their 
feet  in  the  ashes  to  keep  them  warm.” 

An  average  day  of  plantation  life  is  thus  given: 

“ Old  and  young — male  and  female, married  and  single,  drop 
down  together  on  the  clay  floor  each  evening,  with  his  or  her 
blanket.  The  night  however  is  shortened  at  both  ends.  The 
slaves  work  often  as  long  as  they  can  see,  and  are  late  in 
cooking  and  mending  for  the  coming  day,  and  at  the  first  grey 
streak  of  morning,  are  summoned  to  the  field  by  the  driver  s 
horn. 

“ More  slaves  are  whipped  for  oversleeping  than  for  any 
other  fault.  The  overseer  stands  at  the  quarter  door,  armed 
with  his  cowhide,  ready  to  whip  any  who  may  be  a few  min- 
utes behind  time.  When  the  horn  is  blown  there  is  a rush  for 
the  door,  and  the  last  one  is  sure  to  get  a blow  from  the  over- 
seer. Toung  mothers  working  in  the  field  were  allowed  about 
ten  o’clock  to  go  home  and  nurse  their  children ; some  times 
they  are  obliged  to  take  their  children  with  them,  and  leave 
them  in  the  corners  of  the  fences  to  prevent  loss  of  time.  The 
overseer  rides  around  the  field  on  horseback.  A cowskin  and 
a hickory  stick  are  his  constant  companions.  The  slaves  take 
their  breakfast  with  them  and  eat  it  in  the  field.  The  dinner 
of  the  slave  consists  of  a huge  piece  of  ash-cake,  that  is  to  say, 
unbolted  corn  meal  and  water,  stirred  up  and  baked  in  the 
ashes.  To  this  a small  slice  of  pork  or  a couple  of  salt  her- 
ring were  added.  A few  moments  of  rest  is  allowed  at  dinner; 
which  is  variously  spent,  some  lie  down  on  the  “turning  row” 
and  go  to  sleep.  Others  draw  together  and  talk,  others  are  at 
work  with  needle  and  thread  mending  their  tattered  garments, 
but  soon  the  overseer  comes  dashing  in  upon  them.  Tumble 
up,  tumble  up  is  the  word  ;and  now  from  twelve  o’clock  until  dark, 


398  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  human  cattle  are  in  motion,  wielding  their  clumsy  hoes,  in- 
spired by  no  hope  of  reward.  No  sense  of  gratitude,  no  love 
of  children,  no  prospect  of  bettering  their  condition,  nothing 
save  the  dread  and  terror  of  the  driver’s  lash.  So  goes  one  day 
and  so  comes  another.” 

This  is  slavery  as  remembered  by  a cultivated,  intelligent 
man,  who  was  born  and  bred  a slave. 

In  regard  to  his  own  peculiar  lot  as  a child  on  this  plant- 
ation he  says:  I was  seldom  whipped,  and  never  severely  by 
my  Old  Master.  I suffered  little  from  any  treatment  I received, 
except  from  hunger  and  cold,  I could  get  enough  neither  of 
food  or  clothing,  but  suffered  more  from  cold  than  hunger.  In 
the  heat  of  Summer  or  cold  of  Winter  alike  I was  kept  almost  in  a 
state  of  nudity — no  shoes,  jackets,  browsers,  stockings — nothing 
but  a coarse  tow  linen  shirt  reaching  to  the  knee.  This  I wore 
night  and  day.  In  the  day  time  I could  protect  myself  pretty 
well  by  keeping  on  the  sunny  side  of  the  house,  and  in  bad 
weather  in  the  corner  of  the  kitchen  chimney.  The  great  dif- 
ficulty was  to  keep  warm  at  night.  I had  no  bed.  The  pigs 
in  the  pen  had  leaves,  and  the  horses  in  the  stable  had  straw, 
but  the  children  had  nothing.  In  very  cold  weather  I some- 
times got  down  the  bag  in  which  corn  was  carried  to  the  mill 
and  got  into  that.  My  feet  have  been  so  cracked  by  the  frost 
that  the  pen  with  which  I am  writing  might  be  laid  in  the 
gashes. 

“ The  manner  of  taking  our  meals  at  Old  Master’s  indicated 
but  little  refinement.  Our  corn  meal  mush  when  sufficiently 
cooled,  was  placed  in  a large  wooden  tray  or  trough,  like  those 
used  in  making  maple  sugar  here  in  the  North.  This  tray  was 
set  down  either  on  the  floor  of  the  kitchen  or  out  of  doors  on 
the  ground ; and  the  children  were  called  like  so  many  pigs, 
and  like  so  many  pigs  they  would  come  and  literally  devour 
the  mush — some  with  oyster  shells,  some  with  pieces  of  shingles, 
and  none  with  spoons.  He  that  ate  fastest  got  most,  and  he 
that  was  strongest  got  the  best  place ; and  few  left  the  trough 
really  satisfied.  I wras  the  most  unlucky  of  any  for  Aunt  Katy 
had  no  good  feeling  for  me;  and  if  I pushed  any  of  the  other 


FREDERICK  DOUGLASS. 


399 


children,  or  if  they  told  her  anything  unfavorable  of  me,  she 
always  believed  the  worst  and  was  sure  to  whip  me.” 

The  effect  of  all  this  on  his  childish  mind  is  thus  told:  “As 
I grew  older  and  more  thoughtful,  I was  more  and  more  filled 
with  a sense  of  my  wretchedness.  The  cruelty  of  Aunt  Katy, 
the  hunger  and  cold  I suffered,  and  the  terrible  reports  of 
wrong  and  outrage  which  came  to  my  ear,  together  with  what 
I almost  daily  witnessed,  led  me  when  but  eight  or  nine  years 
old  to  wish  I had  never  been  born.  I used  to  contrast  my  con- 
dition with  the  blackbirds,  in  whose  wild  and  sweet  songs  I 
fancied  them  so  happy!  Their  apparent  joy  only  deepened 
the  shades  of  my  sorrow.  There  are  thoughtful  days  in  the 
lives  of  children — at  least  there  were  in  mine — when  they 
grapple  with  all  the  great  primary  subjects  of  knowledge,  and 
reach  in  a moment,  conclusions  which  no  subsequent  conclu- 
sion can  shake.  I was  just  as  well  aware  of  the  unjust,  un- 
natural and  murderous  character  of  slavery,  when  nine  years 
old  as  I am  now,  without  any  appeal  to  books,  or  to  authorities 
of  any  kind,  it  was  enough  to  accept  God  as  a Father  and  to 
regard  slavery  as  a crime.” 

Douglass’  remarks  on  the  singing  of  slaves  are  very  strik- 
ing. Speaking  of  certain  days  of  each  month,  when  the  slaves 
from  the  different  farms  came  up  to  the  central  plantation  to 
get  their  monthly  allowances  of  meal  and  meat,  he  says  that 
there  was  always  a great  contention  among  the  slaves  as  to  who 
should  go  up  with  the  ox  team  for  this  purpose.  He  says: 
“ Probably  the  chief  motive  of  the  competitors  for  the  place, 
was  a desire  to  break  the  dull  monotony  of  the  field,  and  to  get 
beyond  the  Overseer’s  eye  and  lash.  Once  on  the  road  with  an 
ox  team,  and  seated  on  the  tongue  of  his  cart,  with  no  Overseer 
to  look  after  him,  the  slave  was  comparatively  free ; and,  if 
thoughtful,  he  had  time  to  think.  Slaves  are  generally  ex- 
pected to  sing  as  well  as  to  work.  A silent  slave  is  not  liked 
by  Master  or  Overseer.  1 Make  a noise'  1 make  a noise,'  and 
‘ bear  a hand,'  are  the  words  usually  addressed  to  the  slaves 
when  there  is  silence  amongst  them.  This  may  account  for 
the  almost  constant  singing  heard  in  the  Southern  States. 


400  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RAGE  IN  AMERICA. 


There  was  generally  more  or  less  singing  among  the  teamsters, 
as  it  was  one  means  of  letting  the  Overseer  know  where  they 
were,  and  that  they  were  moving  on  with  the  work.  But  on  allow- 
ance day  those  who  visited  the  great  house  farm  were  pecu- 
liarly excited  and  noisy.  While  on  their  way  they  would  make 
the  dense  old  woods,  for  miles  around,  reverberate  with  their 
wild  notes.  These  were  not  always  merry  because  they  were 
wild.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  mostly  of  a plaintive  cast, 
and  told  a tale  of  grief  and  sorrow. 

“In  the  most  rapturous  outbursts  of  rapturous  sentiment, 
there  was  even  a tinge  of  deep  melancholy.  I have  never  heard 
any  songs  like  those  anywhere  since  I left  slavery,  except  when 
in  Ireland.  There  I heard  the  same  wailing  notes,  and  was 
much  affected  by  them.  It  was  during  the  famine  of  1845-6.  In 
all  the  songs  of  the  slaves  there  was  ever  some  expression  in 
praise  of  the  great  house  farm ; something  which  would  flatter 
the  pride  of  the  owner  and  possibly  draw  a favorable  glance 
from  him. 


“ 1 1 am  going  away  to  the  great  house  farm, 
0 Yea  ! 0 Yea!  0 Yea! 

My  Old  Master  is  a good  Old  Master, 

0 Yea!  0 Yea!  0 Yea!’ 

■&  V * $ * 


“ I did  not,  when  a slave,  understand  the  deep  meanings  of 
those  rude  and  apparently  incoherent  songs.  I was  myself 
within  the  circle,  so  that  I neither  saw  nor  heard  as  those 
without  might  see  and  hear.  They  told  a tale  which  was 
then  altogether  beyond  my  feeble  comprehension  ; they  were 
tones  loud,  long,  and  deep,  breathing  the  prayer  of  souls  ; 
overflowing  with  the  bitterest  anguish.  Every  tone  was  a tes- 
timony against  slavery  and  a prayer  to  God  for  deliverance 
from  chains.  The  hearing  of  those  wild  notes  always  de- 
pressed my  spirits,  and  filled  my  heart  with  ineffable  sadness. 
The  mere  recurrence,  even  now,  afflicts  my  spirits.  And  while 
I am  writing  these  lines  my  tears  are  falling.  To  those  songs 
I trace  my  first  glimmering  conceptions  of  the  dehumanizing 
character  of  slavery.  I can  never  get  rid  of  that  conception- 


FREDERICK  DOUGLASS. 


401 


Those  songs  still  follow  me  to  deepen  my  hatred  of  slavery’ 
and  quicken  my  sympathy  for  my  brethren  in  bonds.” 

TThen  Douglass  was  ten  years  old  a great  change  took 
place  in  his  circumstances.  His  Old  Master  sent  him  to  Balti- 
more to  be  a family  servant  in  the  house  of  a family  connec- 
tion. 

He  speaks  with  great  affection  of  his  new  mistress,  Miss 
Sophia  Auld.  It  is  the  Southern  custom  for  a slave  to  address 
a young  married  lady  always  by  this  maiden  title.  She  had 
never  before  had  to  do  with  a slave  child,  and  seemed  to  ap- 
proach him  with  all  the  tender  feelings  of  motherhood.  He 
was  to  have  the  care  of  her  own  little  son,  some  years  younger, 
and  she  seemed  to  extend  maternal  tenderness  to  him.  His 
clothing,  lodging  and  food  were  all  now  those  of  a favored 
house  boy,  and  his  employment  to  run  of  errands  and  take 
care  of  his  little  charge,  of  whom  he  was  very  fond.  The 
kindness  and  benignity  of  his  mistress  led  the  little  boy  to  beg 
her  to  teach  him  to  read,  and  the  results  are  thus  given  : 

“ The  dear  woman  began  the  task,  and  very  soon  by  her 
assistance  I was  master  of  the  alphabet  and  could  spell  words 
of  three  or  four  letters.  My  Mistress  seemed  almost  as  proud 
of  my  progress,  as  if  I had  been  her  own  child  ; and  suppos- 
ing that  her  husband  would  be  as  well  pleased,  she  made  no 
secret  of  what  she  was  doing  for  me.  Indeed,  she  exultingly 
told  him  of  the  aptness  of  her  pupil,  of  her  intention  to  per- 
severe in  teaching  me,  and  of  the  duty  which  she  felt  to  teach 
me  at  least  to  learn  to  read  the  Bible.  Here  arose  the  first 
cloud  over  my  Baltimore  prospects,  the  precursor  of  drenching 
rains  and  chilling  blasts. 

“Master  Hugh  was  annoyed  at  the  simplicity  of  his  spouse, 
and  probably  for  the  first  time,  he  unfolded  to  her  the  true 
philosophy  of  slavery  and  the  peculiar  rules  necessary  to  be 
observed  by  Masters  and  Mistresses  in  the  management  of  their 
human  chattels.  Mr.  Auld  promptly  forbade  the  continuance 
of  her  instruction;  telling  her  in  the  first  place  that  the  thing 
itself  was  unlawful ; that  it  was  also  unsafe,  and  could  only 
lead  to  mischief.  To  use  his  own  words  further,  he  said : ‘ If 


402  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


you  give  a Nigger  an  inch  he  will  take  an  ell ; he  should  know 
nothing  but  the  will  of  his  Master,  and  learn  to  obey  it. 
Learning  would  spoil  the  best  Nigger  in  the  world ; if  you  teach 
that  Nigger — speaking  of  myself — howto  read  the  Bible,  there 
will  be  no  keeping  him ; it  would  forever  unfit  him  for  the 
duties  of  a slave,  and  as  to  himself  learning  would  do  him  no 
good,  but  probably  a great  deal  of  harm,  making  him  discon- 
solate and  unhappy.  If  you  teach  him  how  to  read  he’ll  want 
to  know  how  to  write ; and  this  accomplished,  he’ll  be  running 
away  with  himself.’  Such  was  the  tenor  of  master  Hugh’s; 
oracular  exposition  of  the  true  philosophy  of  training  a human 
chattel ; and  it  must  be  confessed  that  he  very  clearly  compre- 
hended the  nature  and  requirements  of  the  relation  of  Master 
and  slave.  His  discourse  was  the  first  decidedly  anti-slavery 
lecture  to  which  it  had  been  my  lot  to  listen.  Mrs.  Auld  evi- 
dently felt  the  force  of  his  remarks;  and,  like  an  obedient 
wife,  began  to  shape  her  course  in  the  direction  indicated  by 
her  husband.  The  effect  of  his  words  on  me  was  neither  slight 
nor  transitory.  His  iron  sentences,  cold  and  harsh,  sunk  deep 
into  my  heart,  and  stirred  up  not  only  my  feelings  into  a sort  of 
rebellion,  but  awakened  within  me  a slumbering  train  of  vital 
thought. 

“ It  was  a new  and  special  revelation  dispelling  a painful 
mystery,  against  which  my  youthful  understanding  had  strug- 
gled, and  struggled  in  vain,  to- wit:  The  white  man’s  power 
to  perpetuate  the  enslavement  of  the  Black  man.’  Yery  well, 
thought  I,  knowledge  unfits  a man  to  be  a slave.  I instinc- 
tively assented  to  the  proposition,  and  from  that  moment  I un- 
derstood the  direct  pathway  from  slavery  to  freedom.” 

But  the  desire  of  learning  once  awakened  could  not  be 
hushed,  and  though  Douglass’  Mistress  forebore  her  teaching, 
and  even  became  jealously  anxious  to  prevent  his  making  fur- 
ther progress,  he  found  means  to  continue  his  education,  and 
with  a spelling  book  hid  away  in  his  bosom  and  a few  crackers 
in  his  pocket,  he  continued  to  get  daily  lessons  from  the  street 
boys  at  intervals,  when  he  went  back  and  forth  on  errands. 
Sometimes  the  tuition  fee  was  a cracker,  and  sometimes  the  les- 


FREDERICK  DOUGLAS. 


403 


son  was  given  in  mere  boyish  goodwill.  At  last  he  made  money 
enough  to  buy  for  himself;  secretly  a reading  book.  “The 
Columbian  Orator.”  This  book  was  prepared  for  schools  dur- 
ing the  liberty-loving  Era  succeeding  the  Revolution,  when 
Southern  men  as  well  as  Northern  men  conspired  to  reprobate 
slavery.  There  consequently  young  Ered.  found  most  inspir- 
ing documents.  There  was  a long  conversation  between  a 
master  and  a slave,  where  a slave  defended  himself  for  running 
away  by  quoting  the  language  of  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. Douglass  also  says  of  this  book: 

“This,  however,  was  not  all  the  fanaticism  which  I found  in 
this  Columbian  Orator.  I met  there  one  of  Sheridan’s  mighty 
speeches  on  the  subject  of  Catholic  Emancipation,  Lord  Chat- 
ham’s speech  on  the  American  War,  and  speeches  by  the  great 
William  Pitt  and  by  Fox.  These  were  all  choice  documents 
to  me,  and  I read  them  over  and  over  again,  with  an  interest 
that  was  ever  increasing,  because  it  was  ever  gaining  in  intelli- 
gence ; for  the  more  I read  them,  the  better  I understood  them. 
The  reading  of  these  speeches  added  much  to  my  limited 
stock  of  language,  and  enabled  me  to  give  tongue  to  many 
interesting  thoughts  which  had  frequently  flashed  through  my 
soul,  and  died  away  for  want  of  utterance.” 

All  this  knowledge  and  expansion  of  mind  of  course  pro- 
duced at  first  intellectual  gloom  and  misery.  All  the  results 
of  learning  to  read,  predicted  by  the  Master,  had  come  to  pass. 
He  was  so  morose,  so  changed,  that  his  Mistress  noticed  it,  and 
showered  reproaches  upon  him  for  his  ingratitude.  “ Poor 
lady,”  he  says,  “she  did  not  know  my  trouble  and  I dared  not 
tell  her;  her  abuse  felt  like  the  blows  of  Balaam  on  his  poor 
ass ; she  did  not  know  that  an  angel  stood  in  the  way. 

“ My  feelings  were  not  the  result  of  any  marked  cruelty  in 
the  treatment  I received;  they  sprung  from  the  consideration 
of  my  being  a slave.  It  was  slavery — not  its  mere  incidents — 
that  I hated.  I had  been  cheated.  I saw  through  the  attempt 
to  keep  me  in  ignorance ; I saw  that  slave  holders  would  have 
gladly  made  me  believe  that  they  were  merely  acting  under  the 
authority  of  God,  in  making  a slave  of  me,  and  in  making 


404  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


slaves  of  others ; and  I treated  them  as  robbers  and  deceivers. 
The  feeding  and  clothing  me  well  could  not  atone  for  taking 
my  liberty  from  me.” 

About  this  time  Douglass  became  deeply  awakened  to  reli- 
gious things  by  the  prayers  and  exhortations  of  a pious  old 
colored  slave,  who  was  a drayman.  He  could  read  and  his 
friend  could  not,  but  Douglass,  now  newly  awakened  to  spirit- 
ual things,  read  the  Bible  to  him  and  received  comfort  from 
him.  He  says:  “He  fanned  my  already  intense  love  for 
knowledge  into  a flame  by  assuring  me  that  I was  to  be  a use- 
ful man  in  the  world.  When  I would  say  to  him,  ‘ how  can 
these  things  be?’  his  simple  reply  was,  ‘ Trust  in  the  Lord.' 
When  I told  him  that  I was  a slave  for  life,  he  said : ‘ The 

Lord  can  make  you  free,  my  dear.  All  things  are  possible 
with  Him.  Only  have  faith  in  God.  If  you  want  your  liberty, 
ask  the  Lord  for  it  in  faith,  and  He  will  give  it  to  you.'" 
Cheered  by  this  advice,  Douglass  began  to  offer  daily  and  earn- 
est prayers  for  liberty. 

With  reference  to  this  he  began  to  turn  his  thoughts 
towards  acquiring  the  art  of  writing.  He  was  employed  as 
waiter  in  a ship  yard,  and  watching  the  initial  letters  by  which 
the  carpenters  marked  the  different  parts  of  the  ship,  he  thus 
in  time  acquired  a large  part  of  the  written  alphabet.  This 
knowledge  he  supplemented  by  getting  one  and  another  boy  of 
his  acquaintance  on  one  pretense  or  another  to  write  words  or 
letters  on  fences  and  boards.  Then  he  surreptitiously  copied 
the  examples  in  his  little  master’s  copybook  at  home,  when  his 
Mistress  was  safely  out  of  the  house,  and  finally  acquired  the 
dangerous  and  forbidden  gift  of  writing  a fluent,  handsome, 
correct  hand. 

He  had  various  reverses  after  this  as  he  grew  in  age  and 
developed  in  manliness.  He  was  found  difficult  to  manage, 
and  changed  from  hand  to  hand  like  a vicious,  intractable 
horse. 

Once  a celebrated  Negro  breaker  had  a hand  upon  him, 
meaning  to  break  his  will,  and  reduce  him  to  the  condition  of 
a contented  animal,  but  the  old  story  of  Pegasus  in  harness 


FREDERICK  DOUGLASS. 


405 


came  to  pass.  The  Negro  breaker  gave  him  up  as  a bacl  case, 
and  finally  his  Master  made  a virtue  of  necessity,  and  allowed 
him  to  hire  his  own  time.  The  bargain  was  that  Douglass 
should  pay  him  three  dollars  a week,  and  make  his  own  bar- 
gains, find  his  own  tools,  board  and  clothe  himself.  The  work 
was  that  of  caulker  in  a ship  yard.  This,  he  says  was  a hard 
bargain ; for  the  wear  and  tear  of  clothing,  the  breakage  of 
tools  and  expenses  of  board  made  it  necessary  to  earn  at  least 
six  dollars  a week,  to  keep  even  with  the  world  and  this 
percentage  to  the  Master  left  him  nothing  beyond  a bare 
living. 

But  it  was  a freeman’s  experience  to  be  able  to  come  and 
go  unwatched,  and  before  long  it  enabled  him  to  mature  a plan 
of  escape,  and  the  time  at  last  came  when  he  found  himself  a 
free  colored  citizen  of  New  Bedford,  seeking  employment  with 
the  privilege  of  keeping  his  wages  for  himself.  Here  it  was 
that  reading  for  the  first  time  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  he  gave 
himself  the  name  of  Douglass,  and  abandoned  forever  the  fam- 
ily name  of  his  old  slave  holding  employer.  Instead  of  a lazy, 
thriftless  young  man  to  be  supported  by  his  earnings,  he  took 
unto  himself  an  affectionate  and  thrifty  wife,  and  became  a 
settled  family  man. 

He  describes  the  seeking  for  freeman’s  work  as  rapturous 
excitement.  The  thought,  “I  can  work,  I can  earn  money,  I 
have  no  master  now  to  rob  me  of  my  earnings,”  was  a perfect 
joyous  stimulus  whenever  it  arose,  and  he  says,  “I  sawed  wood, 
dug  cellars,  shoveled  coal,  rolled  oil  casks  on  the  wharves, 
helped  to  load  and  unload  vessels,  worked  in  candle  works  and 
brass  foundries,  and  thus  supported  myself  for  three  years.” 
“I  was,”  he  says,  “now  living  in  a new  world,  and  wide  awake 
to  its  advantages.  I early  began  to  attend  meetings  of  the 
colored  people  in  New  Bedford,  and  to  take  part  in  them,  and 
was  amazed  to  see  colored  men  making  speeches,  drawing  up 
resolutions  and  offering  them  for  consideration.” 

His  enthusiasm  for  self  education  was  constantly  stimulated. 
He  appropriated  some  of  his  first  earnings  to  subscribing  for 
the  Liberator,  and  was  soon  after  introduced  to  Mr.  Garrison. 


406  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


How  Garrison  appeared  to  a liberated  slave,  may  be  a picture 
worth  preserving  and  we  give  it  in  Douglass1  own  words : 

“ Seventeen  years  ago  few  men  possessed  a more  heavenly 
countenance  than  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  and  few  men  evinced 
a more  genuine  or  more  exalted  piety.  The  Bible  was  his  text 
book — held  sacred,  as  the  word  of  the  Eternal  Father — sinless 
perfection — complete  submission  ,to  insults  and  injuries — literal 
obedience  to  the  injunction,  if  smitten  on  one  side  to  turn  the 
other  also.  Not  only  was  Sunday  a Sabbath,  but  all  days  were 
Sabbaths  and  to  be  kept  holy.  All  sectarianism  false  and  mis- 
chievous— the  regenerated,  throughout  the  world,  members  of 
one  body,  and  the  Head  Jesus  Christ.  Prejudice  against  color 
was  rebellion  against  God.  Of  all  men  beneath  the  sky,  the 
slaves  because  most  neglected  and  despised  were  nearest  and 
dearest  to  his  great  heart.  Those  ministers  who  defended 
slavery  from  the  Bible,  were  of  their  father  the  Devil;  and 
those  churches  which  fellowshipped  slaveholders  as  Christians 
were  synagogues  of  Satan,  and  our  Nation  was  a Nation  of 
liars.  Never  proud  or  noisy — calm  and  serene  as  a summer 
sky,  and  as  pure.  You  are  the  Man,  the  Moses,  raised  up  by 
God  to  deliver  his  modern  Israel  from  bondage,  was  the  spon- 
taneous feeling  of  my  heart  as  1 sat  away  back  in  the  hall  and 
listened  to  his  mighty  words;  mighty  in  truth  and  mighty  in 
its  simple  earnestness.” 

From  this  time  the  course  of  Douglass  is  upward.  The 
manifest  talents  which  he  possessed,  led  the  friends  of  the 
Anti-slavery  cause  to  feel  that  he  could  serve  it  better  in  a 
literary  career  than  by  manual  labor. 

In  the  year  1811  a great  Anti-slavery  Convention  was  held 
in  Nantucket,  where  Frederick  Douglass  appeared  on  the  stage, 
and  before  a great  audience  recounted  his  experiences.  Mr. 
Garrison  followed  him  and  an  immense  enthusiasm  was  excited 
— and  Douglass  says:  “that  night  there  were  at  least  a 
thousand  Garrisonians  in  Nantucket.”  After  this  the  General 
Agent  of  the  Anti-slavery  Society  came  and  offered  to  Douglass 
the  position  of  an  agent  of  that  society  with  a competent  support 
to  enable  him  to  lecture  through  the  country.  Douglass  contin- 


FREDERICK  D 0 UGLASS. 


407 


ally  pursuing  the  work  of  self  education,  became  an  accom- 
plished speaker  and  writer.  He  visited  England  and  was 
received  with  great  enthusiasm.  The  interest  excited  in  him 
was  so  great  that  several  English  friends  united  and  paid  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  for  the  purchase  of  his 
liberty.  This  enabled  him  to  pursue  his  work  of  lecturer  in 
the  United  States,  to  travel  unmolested  and  to  make  himself 
every  way  conspicuous  without  danger  of  re-capture. 

He  settled  in  Rochester  and  established  an  Anti-slavery 
paper,  called  Frederick  Douglass’  paper,  which  bore  a creditable 
character  for  literary  execution,  and  had  a good  number  of 
subscribers  in  America  and  England. 

Two  of  Frederick  Douglass’  sons  were  among  the  first  to 
answer  to  the  call  for  colored  troops,  and  fought  bravely  in  the 
good  cause.  Douglass  has  succeeded  in  rearing  an  intelligent 
and  cultivated  family ; and  in  placing  himself  in  the  front  rank 
among  intelligent  and  cultivated  men.  Few  orators  among  us 
surpass  him  and  his  history  from  first  to  last  is  a comment 
on  the  slavery  system  which  speaks  for  itself. 

He  is  honored  and  respected  by  all  of  whatever  race  or 
people.  As  a representative  American  we  are  proud  of  him. 
It  may  be  said  of  him,  as  the  Romans  said  of  those  they 
desired  to  honor:  “ He  deserves  well  of  his  country.”  His 
name  and  memory  will  be  cherished  as  long  as  men  worship  at 
the  altar  of  energy,  intelligence,  and  liberty. 


408  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

JOHN  BROWN. 


“When  the  refuges  of  Falsehood 
Shall  be  swept  away  in  wrath, 

And  the  temple  shall  be  shaken, 

With  its  idol,  to  the  earth, — 

Shall  not  thy  words  of  warning 
Be  all  remembered  then  ? 

And  thy  now  unheeded  message 
Burn  in  the  hearts  of  men  ? 

Where  Mammon  hath  its  altars, 

Wet  o’er  with  human  blood, 

And  pride  and  lust  debases 
The  workmanship  of  God, — 

There  shall  thy  praise  be  spoken, 

Redeemed  from  Falsehood’s  ban, 

When  the  fetters  shall  be  broken, 

And  the  slave  shall  be  a man! ,, 

JOHN  BROWN  was  born  in  Torrington,  Connecticut,  May  9, 
1800,  and  was  banged  at  Charlestown,  Virginia,  December 
2,  1859.  He  had  lived  in  Essex  County,  New  York,  in  “John 
Brown  tract”  until  18  51,  when  he  removed  to  Akron,  Ohio,  and 
in  1855,  without  his  younger  children  but  with  his  four  older 
sons,  settled  in  Kansas,  where  he  soon  became  known  as  “John 
Brown  of  Osawatomie,”  one  of  the  foremost  leaders  in  resisting 
Missouri  border  ruffian  violence  by  force.  He  at  last  began 
the  forcible  liberation  of  Missouri  slaves,  and  rewards  were 
offered  for  his  arrest  by  State  and  Federal  authorities.  In  Jan- 
uary, 1859,  he  left  Kansas  for  the  East,  to  fulfill  his  life  long 
ambition  of  beginning  a forcible,  not  a political,  opposition  to 
slavery  by  renewing  the  liberation  of  slaves  on  a far  larger 
scale.  In  July,  1859,  he  settled  near  Harper’s  Ferry,  Virginia, 
with  some  of  his  Kansas  associates,  and  began  preparations. 
Late  on  Sunday  evening,  October  17,  with  seventeen  white  and 
five  colored  men,  he  seiz  ed  the  United  States  Arsenal  at  Har- 
per’s Ferry  “ by  the  authority  of  God  Almighty,”  and  spent 
the  next  eighteen  hours  in  freeing  slaves,  cutting  telegraph 


JOHN  BROWN. 


409 


■wires,  preparing  defenses,  and  making  white  prisoners,  of  whom 
lie  secured  nearly  fifty.  His  intention  was  to  retreat  at  once, 
with  His  negro  recruits,  to  the  strongholds  of  the  mountains, 
and  keep  up  a guerrilla  warfare  with  the  Alleghanies  from 
Alabama  to  Maryland  as  his  base,  but  he  delayed  until  it  was 
too  late.  By  noon  of  Monday  militia  began  to  pour  in,  and 
before  evening  1,500  soldiers,  of  all  arms  had  surrounded  the 
Armory  engine  house,  which  was  Brown’s  last  refuge.  Early  on 
Tuesday  morning,  the  United  States  Marines,  using  a ladder 
as  a battering  ram,  burst  in  the  engine  house  door,  and  the  Har- 
per’s Ferry  insurrection  was  over.  Eight  of  the  insurgents 
had  been  killed,  one  was  dying,  and  three  had  already  been 
captured,  two  of  them  mortally  wounded.  The  prisoners  in  the 
engine  house  were  Brown,  three  other  whites,  and  half  dozen 
Negroes.  John  Brown’s  trial  was  fair,  but  his  conviction  was 
inevitable. 

During  the  forty-two  days  of  his  confinement  in  Charles- 
town, Brown  received  several  visits  from  sympathizing  North- 
ern friends,  many  of  whom  had  never  before  seen  him.  His 
wife,  overcoming  many  obstacles,  was  finally  permitted  to 
spend  a few  hours  in  his  cell,  and  to  take  supper  with  him  a 
short  time  before  his  death.  No  Virginians,  so  far  as  is  known, 
proffered  him  any  words  of  kindness,  unless  it  were  the  Rever- 
end Clergy  of  the  neighborhood,  who  tendered  him  the  solace 
of  religion  after  their  fashion,  which  he  civilly  but  firmly  de- 
clined. He  could  not  recognize  any  one  who  justified  or  pal- 
liated slavery  as  a minister  of  the  God  he  worshipped,  or  the 
Saviour  in  whom  he  trusted.  He  held  arguments  on  several 
occasions  with  pro-slavery  clergymen,  but  recognized  them  as 
men  only,  and  not  as  invested  with  any  peculiar  sanctity.  To 
one  of  them  who  sought  to  reconcile  slavery  with  Christianity 
he  said  : “My  dear  sir,  you  know  nothing  about  Christianity. 
You  will  have  to  learn  the  A,  B,  Cs  in  the  lesson  of  Christian- 
ity, as  I find  you  entirely  ignorant  of  the  meaning  of  the 
word.  I of  course  respect  you  as  a gentleman ; but  it  is  as  a 
heathen  gentleman.”  The  argument  here  closed. 

The  second  of  December  was  the  day  appointed  for 


410  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


his  execution.  Nearly  three  thousand  militia  were  early 
on  the  ground.  Fears  of  a forcible  rescue  or  of  a 
servile  insurrection  prevented  a large  attendance  of  citizens. 
Cannon  were  so  planted  as  to  sweep  every  approach  to  the  jail, 
and  to  blow  the  prisoner  into  shreds  upon  the  first  intimation 
of  tumult.  Virginia  held  her  breath  until  she  heard  that  the 
old  man  was  dead. 

Brown  rose  at  daybreak,  and  continued  writing  with  energy 
until  half  past  ten,  when  he  was  told  to  prepare  to  die.  He 
shook  hands  with  the  Sheriff,  visited  the  cell  of  Copeland  and 
Green,  to  whom  he  handed  a quarter  of  a dollar  each,  saying 
he  had  no  more  use  for  money,  and  bade  them  adieu.  He  next 
visited  Cook  and  Coppoc,  the  former  of  whom  had  made  a con- 
fession, which  he  pronounced  false ; saying  he  had  never  sent 
Cook  to  Harper’s  Ferry  as  he  had  stated.  He  handed  a quar- 
ter to  Coppoc  also,  shook  hands  with  him  and  parted.  He 
then  visited  and  bade  a kindly  good-bye  to  his  more  especial 
comrade,  Stevens,  gave  him  a quarter,  and  charged  him  not  to 
betray  his  friends. 

He  walked  out  of  the  jail  at  eleven  o’clock,  an  eye-witness 
said,  “with  a radiant  countenance  and  a step  of  a conqueror.” 
His  face  was  even  joyous,  and  it  has  been  remarked  that  prob- 
ably his  was  the  lightest  heart  in  Charlestown  that  day.  A 
black  woman,  with  a little  child  in  her  arms,  stood  by  the  door. 
He  stopped  a moment,  and,  stooping,  kissed  the  child  affection- 
ately. Another  black  woman,  with  a child,  as  he  passed  along, 
exclaimed,  “God  bless  you,  old  man!  I wish  I could  help  you; 
but  I can’t.”  He  looked  at  her  with  a tear  in  his  eye. 

“ John  Brown,  of  Osawatomie,  spake  on  his  dying  day: 

I will  not  have  to  shrive  my  soul  a priest  in  slavery’s  pay, 

But  let  some  poor  slave  mother  whom  I have  striven  to  free, 

With  her  children,  from  the  gallows-stair,  put  up  a prayer  for  me. 

John  Brown,  of  Osawatomie,  they  led  him  out  to  die; 

And  lo!  a poor  slave-mother  with  her  little  child  pressed  nigh. 

Then  the  bold,  blue  eye,  grew  tender,  and  the  old  harsh  face  grew  mild, 

As  he  stooped  between  the  jeering  ranks  and  kissed  the  Negro’s  child! 

The  shadows  of  his  stormy  life  that  moment  fell  apart; 

And  they  who  blamed  the  bloody  hand  forgave  the  loving  heart. 

That  kiss  from  all  its  guilty  means  redeemed  the  good  intent, 

And  round  the  grizly  fighter’s  hair  the  Martyr’s  aureole  bent ! 


EXECUTION  OF  JOHN  BROWN 


JOHN  BROWN. 


411 


Perish  with  him  the  folly  that  seeks  through  evil  good! 

Long  live  the  generous  purpose  unstained  with  human  blood  ! 

Not  the  raid  of  midnight  terror,  but  the  thought  which  underlies; 

Not  the  borderer’s  pride  of  daring,  but  the  Christian’s  sacrifice. 

Never  more  may  yon  Blue  Ridges  the  Northern  rifle  hear, 

Nor  see  the  light  of  blazing  homes  flash  on  the  Negro’s  spear. 

But  let  the  free  winged  angel  Truth  their  guarded  passes  scale, 

To  teach  that  right  is  more  than  might,  and  justice  more  than  mail! 

So  vainly  shall  Virginia  set  her  battle  in  array; 

In  vain  her  trampling  squadrons  knead  the  winter  snow  with  clay. 

She  may  strike  the  pouncing  eagle,  but  she  dare  not  harm  the  dove; 

And  every  gate  she  bars  to  hate  shall  open  wide  to  love ! ,, 

He  mounted  the  wagon  besides  his  jailer,  Captain  Avis, 
who  had  been  one  of  the  bravest  of  his  captors,  who  had 
treated  him  very  kindly,  and  to  whom  he  was  profoundly  grate- 
ful. The  wagon  was  instantly  surrounded  by  six  companies  of 
militia.  Being  asked  on  the  way  if  he  felt  any  fear,  he  re- 
plied: “It  has  been  a characteristic  of  me  from  infancy  not 
to  suffer  from  physical  fear.”  The  day  was  clear  and  bright, 
and  he  remarked  as  he  rode,  that  the  country  seemed  very  beau- 
tiful. Arrived  at  the  gallows  he  said:  “I  see  no  citizens  here; 
where  are  they?”  “None  but  the  troops  are  allowed  to  be 
present,”  was  the  reply.  “That  ought  not  to  be,”  said  he; 
“ citizens  should  be  allowed  to  be  as  well  as  others.”  He  bade 
adieu  to  some  acquaintances  at  the  foot  of  the  gallows,  and  was 
first  to  mount  the  scaffold.  His  step  was  still  firm,  and  his 
bearing  calm,  yet  hopeful.  The  hour  having  come,  he  said  to 
Captain  Avis:  “ I have  no  words  to  thank  you  for  all  your 
kindness  to  me.”  His  elbows  and  ankles  were  pinioned,  the 
white  cap  drawn  over  his  eyes,  the  hangman’s  rope  adjusted 
around  his  neck,  he  stood  waiting  for  death.  “Captain  Brown,” 
said  the  Sheriff,  “You  are  not  standing  on  the  drop.  Will  you 
come  forward?”  “I  can’t  see,”  was  his  firm  answer;  “ You 
must  lead  me.”  The  Sheriff  led  him  forward  to  the  center  of 
the  drop.  “Shall  I give  you  a handkerchief  to  drop  it  as  a 
signal?”  “ No;  I am  ready  at  any  time;  but  do  not  keep  me 
needlessly  waiting.”  In  defiance  of  this  reasonable  request, 
he  was  kept  standing  several  minutes,  while  a military  parade, 
and  display  of  readiness  to  repel  an  imaginary  foe  were  en- 
acted. The  time  seemed  an  hour  to  the  impatient  spectators; 


412  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

even  the  soldiers  began  to  murmur — “Shame!”  At  last  the 
order  was  given,  the  rope  cut  with  a hatchet,  and  the  trap  fell; 
but  so  short  a distance  that  the  victim  continued  to  struggle 
and  to  suffer  for  a considerable  time.  Being  at  length  duly 
pronounced  dead,  he  was  cut  down  after  thirty-eight  minutes 
suspension.  His  body  was  conveyed  to  Harper’s  Ferry,  and 
delivered  to  his  widow,  by  whom  it  was  borne  to  her  far  North- 
ern home  among  the  mountains  he  loved,  and  where  he  was  so 
beloved. 

There  let  it  rest  forever,  while  the  path  to  it  is  worn  deeper 
and  deeper  by  the  pilgrim  feet  of  the  race  he  so  bravely  though 
rashly  endeavored  to  rescue  from  a hideous  and  debasing 
thraldom ! 


ELIJAH  P.  LO  VEJO  Y. 


413 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

REV.  ELIJAH  P.  LOVEJOY. 

..Friend  of  the  Slave, 

And  jet  the  friend  of  all; 

Lover  bf  peace,  yet  ever  foremost  when 
The  need  of  battling  Freedom  called  for  men.” 

"DEV.  ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOT,  one  of  the  early  Abo- 
litionists,  was  born  at  Albion,  Maine,  November  9, 
1802.  He  was  the  son  of  Rev.  Daniel  Lovejoy,  and  the  eldest 
of  seven  children.  From  early  youth,  he  was  distinguished, 
alike  for  diligence  in  labor  and  for  zeal  and  success  in  the 
acquisition  of  knowledge.  He  graduated  with  high  honors  at 
Waterville  College,  Maine,  in  September,  1826.  In  May  fol- 
lowing, he  turned  his  face  Westward,  and  in  the  Autumn  of 
that  year  found  employment  as  a teacher  in  St.  Louis.  In 
1828,  he  became  editor  of  a political  journal  of  the  “ National 
Republican”  faith,  and  was  thence  actively  engaged  in  politics 
of  the  Clay  and  Webster  school,  until  January,  1832,  when  he 
was  brought  under  deep  religious  impressions,  and  the  next 
month  united  with  the  Presbyterian  Church. 

Relinquishing  his  political  pursuits  and  prospects,  he  en- 
gaged in  a course  of  study  preparatory  for  the  ministry,  enter- 
ing the  Theological  Seminary  at  Princeton,  New  Jersey,  on  the 
21th  of  March.  He  received,  next  spring,  a license  to  preach 
from  the  Second  Presbytery  of  Philadelphia,  and  spent  the 
Summer,  as  an  evangelist,  in  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  and  in 
New  York.  He  left  the  last  named  city  in  the  Autumn  of  that 
year,  and  returned  to  St.  Louis  at  the  urgent  invitation  of  a 
circle  of  fellow  Christians,  who  desired  him  to  establish  and 
edit  a religious  newspaper  in  that  city,  furnishing  him  $1,200 
for  the  purpose,  and  guaranteeing  him,  in  writing,  the  entire 
control  of  the  whole  concern. 

The  St.  Louis  Observer,  weekly,  was  accordingly  issued  on 


414  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  22d  o£  November.  It  was  of  the  “ Evangelical”  or  Ortho- 
dox Protestant  school ; but  had  no  controversy,  save  with 
wickedness,  and  no  purpose  but  to  quicken  the  zeal  and  enlarge 
the  usefulness  of  professing  Christians,  while  adding,  if  possi- 
ble, to  their  number.  There  is  no  evidence  that  it  was  com- 
menced with  any  intent  to  war  on  slavery,  or  with  any  expecta- 
tion of  exciting  the  special  hostility  of  any  interest  but  that  of 
Satan. 

Its  first  exhibition  of  a combative  or  belligerent  tendency 
had  for  its  object  the  Roman  Catholics  and  their  dogmas;  but 
this,  though  it  naturally  provoked  some  resentment  in  a city 
so  largely  Catholic  as  St.  Louis,  excited  no  tumult  or  violence. 
Its  first  articles  concerning  slavery  were  exceedingly  moderate 
in  their  tone,  and  favorable  rather  to  Colonization  than  to  imme- 
diate Abolition.  Even  when  the  editor  first  took  decided  ground 
against  slavery,  he  still  affirmed  his  hostility  to  immediate 
unconditional  emancipation.  This  article  was  in  part  based  on 
an  editorial  in  a Democratic  paper,  in  St.  Louis,  of  the  pre- 
ceding week,  which,  discussing  a proposed  Convention  to  revise 
the  Constitution  of  Missouri,  said: 

“We  look  to  the  Convention  as  a happy  means  of  relieving 
the  State,  at  some  future  day,  of  an  evil  which  is  destroying  all 
our  wholesome  energies,  and  leaving  us,  in  morals,  in  enter- 
prise, and  in  wealth  behind  the  neighboring  States.  We  mean, 
of  course,  the  curse  of  slavery.  We  are  not  about  to  make  an 
attack  upon  the  rights  of  those  who  at  present  hold  this  descrip- 
tion of  property.  They  ought  to  be  respected  to  the  letter. 
We  only  propose  that  measures  shall  now  be  taken  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  at  such  distant  period  of  time  as  may  be 
expedient,  and  eventually  for  ridding  the  country  altogether  of  a 
colored  population.” 

Mr.  Lovejoy,  commenting  on  the  foregoing,  wished  that 
some  Soutliern-born  man,  of  high  character,  and  fervent  piety, 
would  take  up  the  subject  of  slavery  in  a proper  spirit,  and, 
being  familiar,  experimentally,  with  all  its  evils  and  its  difficul- 
ties, would  show  people  practically,  what  they  ought  to  do  with 
regard  to  it.  He  continued: 


ELIJAH  P.  LO  VEJO  Y. 


415 


*'  To  such  a man,  a golden  opportunity  of  doing  good  is 
offered.  We  believe  the  minds  of  the  good  people  of  this  State 
are  fully  prepared  to  listen  to  him, — to  give  a dispassionate 
consideration  to  the  facts  and  reasonings  he  might  present  con- 
nected ■with  the  subject  of  slavery.  Public  sentiment,  amongst 
us,  is  already  moving  in  this  great  matter — it  now  wants  to  be 
directed  in  some  definite  channel,  to  some  definite  end.  Taken 
in  all,  there  is  not  a State  in  this  Union  possessing  superior 
natural  advantages  to  our  own.  At  present,  slavery,  like  an 
incubus,  is  paralyzing  our  energies,  and  like  a cloud  of  evil 
portent,  darkening  all  our  prospects.  Let  this  be  removed,  and 
Missouri  would  at  once  start  forward  in  the  race  of  improve- 
ment, with  an  energy  and  rapidity  of  movement  that  would  soon 
place  her  in  the  front  rank,  along  with  the  most  favored  of  her 
sister  States.” 

He  continued  to  speak  of  slavery  at  intervals,  through  that 
summer,  leaving  his  post  in  October  to  attend  a regular  meeting 
of  the  Presbyterian  Synod. 

Directly  after  his  departure,  an  excitement  commenced  with 
regard  to  his  strictures  on  slavery  ;*  and  the  proprietors  of  The 
Observer,  alarmed  by  threats  of  mob-violence,  issued  a card, 
promising  that  nothing  should  be  said  on  the  exciting 
subject  until  the  editor’s  return;  and,  this  not  proving  satisfac- 
tory, they  issued  a further  card  on  the  21st,  declaring  them- 
selves, “one  and  all,”  opposed  to  the  mad  schemes  of  the  Abo- 
litionists. Before  this,  a letter  had  been  written  to  the  editor, 
by  nine  eminent  citizens  of  St.  Louis,  urging  him  “to  pass 
over  in  silence  ” everything  connected  with  the  subject  of 
slavery;  which,  in  due  time,  he  respectfully  declined. 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  excitement  here  alleged,  was 
the  violent  seizure,  in  Illinois,  of  two  white  men  suspected  of 
having  decoyed  slaves  away  from  St.  Louis.  The  suspected  per- 
sons, having  been  forcibly  brought  to  St.  Louis,  and  there  tried 
and  convicted  by  a mob,  which  voted,  forty  to  twenty,  to  whip, 
rather  than  hang  them,  were  accordingly  taken  two  miles  back 
of  the  city,  and  there  whipped  with  between  one  hundred  and 
two  hundred  lashes — the  sixty  wealthy  and  respectable  citizens 


41  o HISTORY  GF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


taking  turns  in  applying  tlie  lash.  A public  meeting  was 
thereupon  held  wherein  it  was  bravoly 

“ Resolved , That  the  right  of  free  discussion  and  freedom  of 
speech  exists  under  the  Constitution ; but  that,  being  a conven- 
tional reservation  made  by  the  people  in  their  sovereign  capac- 
ity, does  not  imply  a moral  light,  on  the  part  of  tho  Abolition- 
ists, to  freely  discuss  the  subject  of  slavery,  either  orally  or 
through  the  medium  of  the  press.  It  is  the  agitation  of  a 
question  too  nearly  allied  to  the  vital  interests  of  the  slave- 
holding States  to  admit  of  public  disputation;  and  so  far  from 
the  fact,  that  the  movements  of  the  Abolitionists  are  constitu- 
tional, they  are  in  the  greatest  degree  seditious,  and  calculated 
to  incite  insurrection  and  anarchy,  and  ultimately,  a dissever- 
lnent  of  our  prosperous  Union, 

“ Resolved , That  we  consider  the  course  pursued  by  the 
Abolitionists,  as  one  calculated  to  paralyze  every  social  tie  by 
which  we  are  now  united  to  our  fellow-man,  and  that,  if  per- 
sisted in,  it  must  eventually  be  the  cause  of  the  disseverment 
of  these  United  States,  and  that  the  doctrine  of  amalgamation 
is  peculiarly  baneful  to  the  interests  and  happiness  of  society. 
The  union  of  Black  and  white  in  a moral  point  of  view,  we 
consider  as  the  most  preposterous  and  impudent  doctrine  ad- 
vanced by  the  infatuated  Abolitionists — as  repugnant  to  judg- 
ment and  science,  as  it  is  degrading  to  the  feelings  of  all  sensitive 
minds — as  destructive  to  the  intellect  of  after  generations,  as 
the  advance  of  science  and  literature  has  contributed  to  the 
improvement  of  our  own.  In  short,  its  practice  would  reduce 
the  high  intellectual  standard  of  the  American  mind  to  a level 
with  the  Hottentot;  and  the  United  States,  now  second  to  no 
nation  on  earth,  would,  in  a few  years,  be  what  Europe  was  in 
the  darkest  ages. 

“ Resolved,  That  the  Sacred  Writings  furnish  abundant  ev- 
idence of  the  existence  of  slavery  from  the  earliest  periods. 
The  Patriarchs  and  Prophets  possessed  Slaves,  and  our  Savior 
recognized  the  relation  between  Master  and  Slave,  and 
deprecated  it  not;  hence,  we  know  that  he  did  not  con- 
demn that  relation ; on  the  contrary,  his  disciples,  in  all  coun- 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOY. 


417 


tries,  designated  their  respective  duties  to  each  other. 
Therefore, 

“ Resolved , That  we  consider  slavery,  as  it  now  exists  in 
the  United  States,  as  sanctioned  by  the  Sacred  Scriptures.” 

Mr.  Lovejoy,  on  his  return  to  the  city,  put  forth  an  address 
to  “My  Fellow  Citizens,”  wherein  he  said: 

“ Of  the  first  resolution  passed  at  the  meeting  of  the  24th 
of  October,  I have  nothing  to  say,  except  that  I perfectly  agree 
with  the  sentiments,  that  the  citizens  of  the  non-slave-holding 
States  have  no  right  to  interfere  with  the  domestic  relations 
between  master  and  slave. 

“The  second  resolution,  strictly  speaking,  neither  affirms 
nor  denies  anything  in  reference  to  the  matter  in  hand.  No 
man  has  a moral  right  to  do  anyxhing  improper,  whether, 
therefore,  he  has  the  moral  right  to  discuss  the  question  of 
slavery,  is  a point  with  which  human  legislation  or  resolutions 
have  nothing  to  do.  The  true  issue  to  be  decided  is,  whether 
he  has  the  civil,  the  political  right  to  discuss  it  or  not.  And 
this  is  a mere  question  of  fact.  In  Russia,  in  Turkey,  in  Aus- 
tria, nay,  even  in  France,  this  right  most  certainly  does  not 
exist.  But  does  it  exist  in  Missouri?  We  decide  this  question 
by  turning  to  the  Constitution  of  the  State.  The  16th  Section, 
Article  13,  of  the  Constitution  of  Missouri,  reads  as  follows: 

“ ‘That  the  free  communication  of  thoughts  and  opinions  is 
one  of  the  invulnerable  rights  of  man,  and  that  every  person 
may  freely  speak,  write  and  print  on  any  subject , being  respon- 
sible for  the  abuse  of  that  liberty.’ 

“ Here,  then,  I find  my  warrant  for  using,  as  Paul  did,  all 
freedom  of  speech.  If  I abuse  that  right,  I freely  acknowledge 
myself  amenable  to  the  laws.  But  it  is  said  that  the  right  to 
hold  slaves  is  a constitutional  one,  and,  therefore,  not  to  be 
called  in  question.  I admit  the  premise,  but  deny  the  con- 
clusion.” 

Mr.  Lovejoy  proceeded  to  set  forth  that  two  persons  had 
recently  landed  on  our  shores  from  England,  and  had  traversed 
our  country,  publicly  propagating  doctrines  respecting  divorce, 
which  were  generally  regarded  as  destructive  to  the  institution 


418  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


of  marriage,  yet  they  were  nowhere  mobbed  nor  assaulted  for 
so  doing.  “And  yet,  most  surely,  the  institutions  of  slavery 
are  not  more  interwoven  with  the  structure  of  our  society,  than 
those  of  marriage.”  He  continued: 

“ See  the  danger,  and  the  natural  and  inevitable  result,  to 
which  the  first  step  here  will  lead.  To-day,  a public  meeting 
declares  that  you  shall  not  discuss  slavery  in  any  of  its  bearings, 
civil  or  religious.  Eight  or  wrong,  the  press  must  be  silent. 
To-morrow,  another  meeting  decides  that  it  is  against  the  peace 
of  society,  that  the  principles  of  Popery  shall  be  discussed,  and 
the  edict  goes  forth  to  muzzle  the  press.  The  next  day  it  is,  in 
a similar  manner,  declared  that  not  a word  must  be  said  against 
drunkenness ; and  so  on  to  the  end  of  the  chapter.  The  truth 
is,  my  fellow  citizens,  if  you  give  ground  a single  inch  there  is 
no  stopping  place.  I deem  it,  therefore,  my  duty  to  take  my 
stand  upon  the  Constitution.  Here  is  firm  ground.  I feel  it 
to  be  such.  And  I do,  most  respectfully,  yet  decidedly,  declare 
to  you  my  fixed  determination  to  maintain  this  ground.  We 
have  slaves  it  is  true ; but  I am  not  one.  I am  a citizen  of 
these  United  States,  a citizen  of  Missouri,  free  born;  and, 
having  never  forfeited  the  inestimable  privileges  attached  to 
such  a condition,  I cannot  consent  to  surrender  them.  But 
while  I maintain  them,  I hope  to  do  it  with  all  that  meekness 
and  humility  that  becomes  a Christian,  and  especially  a 
Christian  minister.  I am  ready,  not  to  fight,  but  to  suffer,  and 
if  need  be,  to  die  for  them.  Kindred  blood,  to  that  which  flows 
in  my  veins,  flowed  freely  to  water  the  tree  of  Christian  liberty, 
planted  by  the  Puritans  on  the  rugged  soil  of  New  England. 
It  flowed  as  freely  on  the  plains  of  Lexington,  the  heights  of 
Bunker  Hill,  and  the  fields  of  Saratoga.  And  freely,  too,  shall 
mine  flow,  yea,  as  freely  as  if  it  were  so  much  water,  ere  I sur- 
render my  right  to  plead  the  cause  of  truth  and  righteousness 
before  my  fellow  citizens,  and  in  the  face  of  all  their  opposers.” 

In  this  strain  he  continued  to  review  and  refute  all  the 
positions  and  doctrines  of  these  resolutions,  and  toward  the 
■close  of  his  appeal  said: 

“If  in  anything  I have  offended  against  the  laws  of  my 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOY. 


419 


country,  or  its  Constitution,  I stand  ready  to  answer.  If  I 
have  not,  then  I call  upon  the  laws  and  that  Constitution,  and 
those  who  revere  them,  to  protect  me. 

“ I do,  therefore,  as  an  American  citizen  and  Christian 
patriot,  and  in  the  name  of  liberty,  and  law,  and  religion,  sol- 
emnly protest  against  all  these  attempts,  howsoever  or  by 
whomsoever  made,  to  frown  down  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and 
forbid  the  free  expression  of  opinion.  Under  a deep  sense  of 
my  obligations  to  my  country,  the  Church  and  my  God,  I 
declare  it  to  be  my  fixed  purpose  to  submit  to  no  such  dicta- 
tion. And  I am  prepared  to  abide  the  consequences.  I have 
appealed  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  my  country ; if  they 
fail  to  protect  me,  I appeal  to  God,  and  with  Him  I cheer- 
fully rest  my  cause.” 

The  Observer  failed  for  one  week  to  appear,  but  was  issued 
regularly  thereafter.  On  the  request  of  its  proprietors,  Mr. 
Love  joy  gave  up  the  establishment  to  them,  intending  to  leave 
St.  Louis ; but  they  handed  it  over  in  payment  of  a debt  of 
five  hundred  dollars,  and  the  new  owner  immediately  presented 
it  to  Mr.  Love  joy,  telling  him  to  go  on  with  the  paper  as 
before.  He  had  gone  to  Alton,  Illinois,  expecting  to  remove  it 
to  that  city ; but,  while  there,  a letter  reached  him  from  St. 
Louis,  urging  him  to  return  and  remain,  which  he  did. 

On  the  28th  of  April,  1836,  a quarrel  occurred  between  two 
sailors  or  boatmen,  at  the  steamboat  landing  in  St.  Louis. 
TThen  the  civil  officers  attempted  to  arrest  them  for  a breach 
of  the  peace,  a mulatto  named  Francis  J.  McIntosh  interfered, 
and  enabled  the  boatmen  to  escape,  for  which  he  was  very 
properly  arrested,  carried  before  a justice  of  the  peace,  and 
committed  to  jail. 

On  his  way  thither,  being  informed  that  his  punishment 
would  be  not  less  than  five  years  in  the  State  prison,  he  imme- 
diately broke  loose  from  the  officers,  drew  a knife,  and  stabbed 
one  of  them  fatally,  severely  wounding  the  other.  He  was 
instantly  secured  and  lodged  in  jail.  A mob  thereupon  col- 
lected, broke  open  the  jail,  tore  him  from  his  cell,  carried  him 
out  of  town,  and  chained  him  to  a tree,  around  which  they 


420  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


piled  rails,  piank,  shavings,  etc.,  to  the  height  of  his  knees,  and 
then  applied  fire.  He  was  burning  in  fearful  agony  about 
twenty  minutes  before  life  became  extinct.  When  the  fire  had 
nearly  died  out,  a rabble  of  boys  amused  themselves  by  throw- 
ing stones  at  the  black  and  disfigured  corpse,  each  endeavoring 
to  be  first  in  breaking  in  the  skull. 

This  horrible  affair  came  in  due  course  before  the  grand 
jury  of  St.  Louis,  for  investigation,  and  a Judge,  who  bore  the 
opposite  name  of  Lawless,  was  required  to  charge  said  jury 
with  regard  to  it.  Here  is  a specimen  of  his  charge: 

“If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  destruction  of  the  murderer  of 
Hammond  was  the  act,  as  I have  said,  of  the  many — of  the 
multitude,  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  these  words — not  the  act  of 
numerable  and  ascertainable  malefactors,  but  of  congregated 
thousands,  seized  upon  and  impelled  by  that  mysterious, 
metaphysical  and  almost  elective  frenzy,  which,  in  all  ages  and 
Nations,  has  hurried  on  the  infuriated  multitude  to  deeds  of 
death  and  destruction — then,  I say  act  not  at  all  in  the  matter; 
the  case  then  transcends  your  jurisdiction — it  is  beyond  the 
reach  of  human  law!  ” 

On  this  charge  Mr.  Love  joy  commented  with  entire  un- 
reserve ; whereupon  a mob  surrounded  and  tore  down  his  office 
— although,  in  the  issue  which  contained  his  strictures,  he  had 
announced  his  decision  to  remove  the  paper  to  Alton,  believing 
that  it  would  be  there  more  useful  and  better  supported  than 
at  St.  Louis.  His  first  issue  at  Alton  was  dated  September  8. 

Meantime,  his  press  was  taken  from  St.  Louis,  by  steam- 
boat, to  Alton,  and  landed  on  the  bank  about  daylight  on 
Sunday  morning.  It  lay  there  in  safety  through  the  Sabbath ; 
biit  before  the  next  morning,  it  had  been  destroyed  by  some 
five  or  six  individuals. 

On  Monday  a meeting  of  citizens  was  held,  and  a pledge  . 
voluntarily  given  to  make  good  to  Mr.  Lovejoy  his  loss.  The 
meeting  passed  some  resolutions  condemnatory  of  Abolitionism, 
and  Mr.  Lovejoy  assured  them  that  he  had  not  come  to  Alton 
to  establish  an  Abolition,  but  a religious  journal;  that  he  was 
not  an  Abolitionist,  as  they  understood  the  term,  but  was  an 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOY. 


421 


uncompromising  enemy  of  slavery,  and  so  expected  to  live 
and  die. 

He  started  for  Cincinnati  to  procure  new  printing  materials, 
was  taken  sick  on  the  way,  and  upon  his  return,  was  impelled 
by  increasing  illness  to  stop.  He  remained  there  sick,  in  the 
house  of  a friend  for  a week  and  was  still  quite  ill  after  his 
return. 

The  Observer  continued  to  appear  regularly  at  Alton  until 
August  17,  1837, — among  other  topics,  discussing  slavery, 
but  occasionally,  and  in  a spirit  of  decided  moderation.  But 
no  moderation  could  satisfy  those  who  had  determined  that  the 
subject  should  not  be  discussed  at  all.  On  July  11,  an 
anonymous  handbill  appeared,  calling  a meeting  at  the  market 
place  for  the  next  Thursday,  at  which  time  a large  concourse 
assembled.  Dr.  J.  A.  Halderman  presided,  and  Mr.  J.  P. 
Jordan  was  Secretary.  This  meeting  passed  the  following 
resolves  : 

“ 1st.  Resolved , That  the  Bev.  E.  P.  Lovejoy  has  again 
taken  up  and  advocated  the  principles  of  Abolitionism  through 
his  paper  the  Observer,  contrary  to  the  disposition  and  will 
of  a majority  of  the  citizens  of  Alton,  and  in  direct  violation  of 
a sacred  pledge  and  assurance  that  this  paper,  when  established 
in  Alton,  should  not  be  devoted  to  Abolitionism. 

“ 2d.  Resolved,  That  we  disapprove  of  the  course  of  the 
Observer , in  publishing  any  articles  favorable  to  Abolition- 
ism, and  that  we  censure  Mr.  Lovejoy  for  permitting  such 
publications  to  appear  in  his  paper,  when  a pledge  or  assurance 
has  been  given  to  this  community,  by  him,  that  such  doctrines 
should  not  be  advocated. 

“ 3d.  Resolved , That  a committee  of  five  citizens  be 
appointed  by  this  meeting  to  wait  upon  and  confer  with  Mr. 
Lovejoy,  and  ascertain  from  him  whether  he  intends,  in  the 
future,  to  disseminate,  through  the  columns  of  the  Observer, 
the  doctrines  of  Abolitionism,  and  report  the  result  of  their 
conference  to  the  public.” 

The  only  point  requiring  comment  in  these  resolves  is  the 
charge  that  Mr.  Lovejoy  had  pledged  himself  not  to  discuss  the 


422  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


subject  of  slavery  or  its  abolition.  This  question  was  answered 
by  ten  reputable  citizens  of  Alton,  who  agreed  on  the  following 
statement: 

“Whereas,  it  has  been  frequently  represented  that  the 
Reverend  E.  P.  Lovejoy,  late  editor  of  the  Alton  Observer, 
solemnly  pledged  himself  at  a public  meeting,  called  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  measures  to  bring  to  justice  the  persons 
engaged  in  the  destruction  of  the  first  press  brought  to  Alton 
by  said  Lovejoy,  not  to  discuss  the  subject  of  slavery;  we, 
the  undersigned,  declare  the  following  to  be  his  language,  in 
substance:  £ My  principal  object  in  coming  to  this  place  is  to 
establish  a religious  paper.  When  I Avas  in  St.  Louis,  I felt 
myself  called  upon  to  treat  at  large  upon  the  subject  of  slavery, 
as  I was  in  a State  where  the  evil  existed,  and  as  a citizen  of 
that  State  I felt  it  my  duty  to  devote  a part  of  my  columns 
to  that  subject;  but,  gentlemen,  I am  not,  and  never  was,  in  full 
fellowship  with  the  Abolitionists;  but,  on  the  contrary,  have 
had  some  spirited  discussions  with  some  of  the  leading  Aboli- 
tionists of  the  East,  and  am  not  considered  by  them  as  one  of 
them.  And  now  liaAring  come  into  a free  State,  where  the  evil 
does  not  exist,  I feel  myself  less  called  upon  to  discuss  the  sub- 
ject than  when  I was  in  St.  Louis.’  The  above,  as  we  have 
stated,  was  his  language  in  substance.  The  following,  we  are 
willing  to  testify,  to  be  his  words  in  conclusion: 

“ ‘But,  gentlemen,  so  long  as  I am  an  American  citizen,  so 
long  as  American  blood  runs  in  these  veins,  I shall  hold  myself 
at  liberty  to  speak,  to  write,  and  to  publish,  whatever  I please 
on  any  subject,  being  amenable  to  the  laws  of  my  country  for 
the  same.’  ” 

On  the  24th,  a committee  from  the  aforesaid  meeting  pre- 
sented its  resolves  to  Mr.  Lovejoy,  asking  a reply  thereto.  That 
reply  was  given  on  the  26th,  and  its  material  portion  was  as 
follows : 

“ You  will,  therefore,  permit  me  to  say  that,  with  the  most 
respectful  feelings  toward  you  individually,  I cannot  consent, 
in  this  answer,  to  recognize  you  as  the  official  organ  of  a public 
meeting,  convened  to  discuss  the  question,  whether  certain  sen- 


ELIJAH  P.  LO  YE  JO  Y. 


423 


timents  should,  or  should  not,  be  discussed  in  the  public  news- 
paper, of  which  I am  the  editor.  By  doing  so  I should  virtually 
admit  that  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  the  freedom  of  speech, 
were  rightfully  subject  to  other  supervision  and  control  than 
those  of  the  law.  But  this  I cannot  admit.  On  the  contrary, 
in  the  language  of  one  of  the  speakers  at  the  meeting,  I believe 
that  ‘ the  valor  of  our  forefathers  has  won  for  us  the  liberty  of 
speech,’  and  that  it  is  ‘our  duty  and  our  high  privilege  to  act 
and  speak  on  all  questions  touching  this  great  commonwealth.’ 
I am  happy,  gentlemen,  in  being  able  to  concur  in  the  above 
sentiments,  which  I perceive,  were  uttered  by  one  of  your  own 
members,  in  which,  I cannot  doubt,  you  all  agree.  I would  only 
add  that  I consider  this  ‘ liberty  ’ was  ascertained,  but  never 
originated,  by  our  forefathers. 

“ It  comes  to  us,  as  I conceive,  from  our  Maker,  and  is,  in  its 
nature,  inalienable,  belonging  to  man  as  man. 

“ Believing,  therefore,  that  everything  having  a tendency 
to  bring  this  right  into  jeopardy  is  eminently  dangerous  as  a 
precedent,  I cannot  admit  that  it  can  be  called  into  question 
by  any  man,  or  body  of  men,  or  that  they  can,  with  any  pro- 
priety, question  me  as  to  my  exercise  of  it.” 

The  attention  of  the  whole  country  was  attracted  by  these 
proceedings,  especially  St.  Louis,  to  whose  pro-slavery  politi- 
cians the  publication  of  the  Observer,  though  not  in  their  city 
or  State,  was  still  an  eyesore.  On  the  17th  of  August  a Dem- 
ocratic paper  of  St.  Louis,  in  an  article  entitled  “Abolition,” 
said : 

“We  perceive  that  an  Anti-slavery  Society  has  been 
formed  at  Upper  Alton,  and  many  others,  doubtless,  will  shortly 
spring  up  in  different  parts  of  the  State.  We  had  hoped  that 
our  neighbors  would  have  ejected  from  amongst  them  that 
minister  of  mischief,  the  Observer,  or  at  least  corrected  its 
course.  Something  must  be  done  in  this  matter  and  that 
speedily!  The  good  people  of  Illinois  must  either  put  a stop 
to  the  efforts  of  these  fanatics,  or  expel  them  from  their  com- 
munity. If  this  is  not  done  the  travel  of  emigrants  through 
their  State,  and  the  trade  of  the  slave  holding  States,  and  par- 


424  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ticularly  Missouri,  must  stop.  Every  one  who  desires  the  har- 
mony of  the  country,  and  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  all, 
should  unite  to  put  them  down.  They  can  do  no  positive 
good,  and  may  do  much  irreparable  harm.  We  would  not 
desire  to  see  this  done  at  the  expense  of  public  order  or  legal 
restraint,  but  there  is  a moral  indignation  which  the  virtuous 
portion  of  a community  may  exert,  which  is  sufficient  to  crush 
this  faction  and  forever  disgrace  its  fanatic  instigators.  It  is 
to  this  we  appeal,  and  hope  that  the  appeal  will  not  be 
unheeded.” 

These  recommendations  and  incitements  were  not  unfruit- 
ful. Four  days  thereafter,  two  unsuccessful  attempts  having 
already  been  made,  the  office  of  the  Observer  was  entered 
between  the  hours  of  ten  and  eleven  at  night,  by  a band  of 
fifteen  or  twenty  persons,  and  the  press,  type,  etc.,  utterly 
destroyed.  The  mob  commenced,  as  usual,  by  throwing  stones 
at  the  building,  whereby  one  man  was  hit  on  the  head  and 
severely  wounded;  whereupon  the  office  was  deserted,  and  the 
destroyers  finished  their  work  without  opposition,  while  a large 
concourse  were  “ looking  on  and  consenting.”  The  authori- 
ties did  nothing  most  rigorously.  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  absent  at 
the  time,  but  was  met  in  the  street  by  the  mob,  who  stopped 
him,  threatened  him,  and  assailed  him  with  vile  language,  but 
did  him  no  serious  harm. 

In  the  Observer  of  the  preceding  day,  he  had  made  an 
explicit  and  effective  response  to  the  question- — “What  are  the 
doctrines  of  anti-slavery  men?”  wherein  he  had  succeeded 
in  being  at  once  moderate  and  forcible,  affirming  most  explicitly 
the  flagrant  wrong  of  slave-holding,  with  the  right  and  immedi- 
ate policy  of  immediate  emancipation,  but  explaining  that  such 
an  emancipation  was  to  be  effected  “ by  the  masters  themselves, 
and  no  others,”  who  were  to  be  persuaded  to  it;  but  though 
his  doctrines  were  peaceable,  and  his  language  mild  and  depre- 
catory, he  doubtless  irritated  and  annoyed  his  adversaries  by 
pointing  to  the  fact — in  refuting  their  slang  about  amalgama- 
tion— that  the  then  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  Rich- 
ard M.  Johnson,  “ has  been,  if  he  is  not  now,  the  father  of 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOY. 


425 


slaves.  And  thousands  liave  voted  to  elevate  him  to  his  pres- 
ent condition,  who  would  crucify  an  Abolitionist  on  the  bare 
suspicion  of  favoring,  though  only  in  theory,  such  an  amalga- 
mation. How  shall  we  account  for  such  inconsistency?” 

On  the  24th  of  August,  he  issued  an  appeal  to  the  friends 
of  law  and  order  for  aid  in  re-establishing  the  Observer;  and 
this  appeal  was  generously  and  promptly  responded  to.  Having 
obtained  a sufficient  amount  in  Alton  and  Quincy  alone,  he 
sent  to  Cincinnati  to  purchase  new  printing  materials.  Mean- 
time, he  issued  an  address  submitting  “ To  the  Friends  of 
the  Redeemer  in  Alton  ” his  resignation  of  the  editorship  of 
the  paper,  offering  to  hand  over  to  them  the  subscription  list, 
now  exceeding  two  thousand  names,  on  condition  that  they  pay 
the  debts  of  the  concern,  receive  all  dues  and  assets,  and  fur- 
nish him  sufficient  means  to  remove  himself  and  family  to 
another  field  of  labor.  A meeting  was  accordingly  held  which 
resolved  that  the  Observer  ought  to  be  continued,  while  the 
question  of  retaining  Mr.  Lovejoy  as  its  editor  was  discussed 
through  two  or  three  evenings,  but  left  undecided. 

Meantime,  while  he  was  absent,  attending  a meeting  of  the 
Presbytery,  his  new  press — the  third  which  he  had  brought  to 
Alton  within  little  more  than  a year — arrived  on  the  21st  of 
September,  was  landed  about  sunset,  and  immediately  conveyed 
by  his  friends  to  the  warehouse  of  Geary  & Weller.  As  it 
passed  along  the  streets — “There  goes  the  Abolition  press! 
stop  it!  stop  it!”  was  cried,  but  no  violence  was  attempted. 
The  mayor,  apprised  of  its  arrival,  and  also  of  its  peril,  gave 
assurance  that  it  should  be  protected,  and  asked  its  friends  to 
leave  the  matter  entirely  in  his  hands,  which  they  did.  A con- 
stable was  posted  by  the  Mayor  at  the  door  of  the  warehouse, 
with  orders  to  remain  until  a certain  hour.  He  left  at  that 
hour,  and  immediately  ten  or  twenty  ruffians,  with  handker- 
chiefs tied  over  their  faces,  broke  open  the  store,  rolled  the 
press  across  the  street  to  the  river  bank  and  broke  it  into  pieces, 
and  threw  it  in.  Before  they  had  finished  the  job,  the  Mayor 
was  on  hand,  and  ordered  them  to  disperse.  They  replied, 
“that  they  would  as  soon  as  they  got  through,”  and  were  as 


426  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


good  as  their  word.  The  Mayor  declared  that  he  never 
witnessed  a more  quiet  and  gentlemanly  mob! 

Mr.  Love  joy  preached  at  St.  Charles,  Missouri,  the  home 
of  his  wife’s  relatives,  a few  days  after  October  1,  and  was 
mobbed  at  the  house  of  his  mother-in-law,  directly  after  his  re- 
turn from  evening  church.  The  mob  attempted,  with  oaths 
and  blows,  to  drag  him  from  the  house,  but  were  defeated, 
mainly  through  the  courageous  efforts  of  his  wife  and  one  or 
two  friends.  Three  times  the  house  was  broken  into  and  a 
rush  made  upstairs;  and,  finally,  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  induced, 
through  the  entreaties  of  his  wife,  to  leave  it  clandestinely  and 
take  refuge  with  a friend  a mile  distant,  whence  he  and  his 
wife  made  their  way  back  to  Alton  next  day.  Nearly  one  of 
the  first  they  met  there,  was  one  of  those  who  had  first  broken 
into  the  house  at  St.  Charles,  and  the  hunted  clergyman  had 
the  cold  comfort  of  hearing,  from  many  of  his  religious  breth- 
ren, that  he  had  no  one  to  thank  but  himself  for  his  persecu- 
tions, and  that  if  the  Observer  were  re-established,  they  would 
do  nothing  to  protect  it. 

During  the  following  month,  Mr.  Lovejoy  attended  the 
meeting  of  the  Presbyterian  Synod  of  Illinois,  at  Springfield, 
as  also  meetings  of  an  Anti-slavery  Convention  in  Upper  Alton, 
and  one  or  two  meetings  held  at  the  Court  House  in  Alton,  to 
discuss  and  determine  the  propriety  of  allowing  him  to  con- 
tinue the  publication  of  the  Observer. 

At  the  last  of  these  meetings  (November  3),  having 
obtained  the  floor,  he  said: 

“Mr.  Chairman:  It  is  not  true,  as  has  been  charged  upon 
me,  that  I hold  in  contempt  the  feelings  and  sentiments  of  this 
community,  in  reference  to  the  question  which  is  now  agitating 
it.  I respect  and  appreciate  the  feelings  of  my  fellow  citizens ; 
and  it  is  one  of  the  most  painful  and  unpleasant  duties  of  my 
life,  that  I am  called  upon  to  act  in  opposition  to  them.  If 
you  suppose,  sir,  that  I have  published  sentiments  contrary  to 
those  generally  held  in  this  community,  because  I delighted  in 
differing  from  them,  you  have  entirely  misapprehended  me. 
But,  sir,  while  I value  the  good  opinion  of  my  fellow  citizens 


ELIJAH  P.  LO  YE  JO  Y. 


427 


as  highly  as  any  one,  I may  be  permitted  to  say  that  I am 
governed  by  higher  considerations  than  either  the  favor  or  fear 
of  man.  I am  impelled  to  the  course  I have  taken,  because  I 
fear  God.  As  I shall  answer  it  to  my  God  in  the  great  day,  I 
dare  not  abandon  my  sentiments,  nor  cease  in  all  proper  ways 
to  propagate  them. 

“ I,  Mr.  Chairman,  have  not  desired  nor  asked  any  com- 
promise. I have  asked  for  nothing  but  to  be  protected  in  my 
rights  as  a citizen, — rights  which  God  has  given  me,  and 
which  are  guaranteed  to  rue  by  the  Constitution  of  my  country. 
Have  I,  Sir,  been  guilty  of  any  infraction  of  the  laws  ? Whose 
good  name  have  I injured?  When  and  where  have  I published 
anything  injurious  to  the  reputation  of  Alton?  Have  I not,  on 
the  other  hand,  labored  in  common  with  the  rest  of  my  fellow 
citizens,  to  promote  the  reputation  and  interests  of  this  city  ? 
What,  Sir,  I ask,  has  been  my  offense  ? Put  your  finger  upon 
it,  define  it,  and  I stand  ready  to  answer  for  it.  If  I have  com- 
mitted any  crime,  you  can  easily  convict  me.  You  have  public 
sentiment  in  your  favor.  You  have  your  juries,  and  you  have 
your  attorney  (looking  at  the  Attorney-General),  and  I have 
no  doubt  you  can  convict  me.  But  if  I have  been  guilty  of  no 
violation  of  law,  why  am  I hunted  up  and  down  continually 
like  a partridge  upon  the  mountains?  Why  am  I threatened 
with  the  tar-barrel?  Why  am  I waylaid  every  day,  and  from 
night  to  night?  And  why  is  my  life  in  jeopardy  every  hour? 

“You  have,  Sir,  made  up,  as  the  lawyers  say,  a false  issue; 
there  are  not  two  parties  between  whom  there  can  be  a com- 
promise. I plant  myself,  Sir,  down  on  my  unquestionable 
rights j and  the  question  to  be  decided  is,  whether  I shall  be 
protected  in  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  those  rights — that 
is  the  question,  Sir — whether  my  property  shall  be  protected — - 
whether  I shall  be  suffered  to  go  home  to  my  family  at  night 
without  being  assailed,  and  threatened  with  tar  and  feathers, 
and  assassination ; whether  my  afflicted  wife,  whose  life  has 
been  in  jeopardy  from  continued  alarm  and  excitement,  shall 
night  after  night  be  driven  from  a sick  bed  into  the  garret  to 
save  her  life  from  the  brickbats  and  violence  of  the  mob,  that, 


428  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Sir,  is  the  question/’  Here,  much  affected  and  overcome  by 
his  feelings,  he  burst  into  tears.  Many,  not  excepting  even 
his  enemies,  wept — several  sobbed  aloud — -and  the  sympa- 
thies of  the  whole  meeting  were  deeply  excited.  He  con- 
tinued : 

“Forgive  me,  Sir,  that  I have  thus  betrayed  my  weakness. 
It  was  the  allusion  to  my  family  that  overcame  my  feelings. 
Not,  Sir,  I assure  you,  from  any  fears  on  my  part.  I have  no 
personal  fears.  Not  that  I feel  able  to  contest  the  matter  with 
the  whole  community.  I know  perfectly  well  that  I am  not. 
I know,  Sir,  that  you  can  tar  and  feather  me,  hang  me  up,  or 
put  me  into  the  Mississippi,  without  the  least  difficulty.  But 
what  then?  Where  shall  I go?  I have  been  made  to  feel 
that,  if  I am  not  safe  at  Alton,  I shall  not  be  safe  anywhere. 
I recently  visited  St.  Charles  to  bring  home  my  family,  and 
was  torn  from  their  frantic  embrace  by  a mob.  I have  been 
beset  night  and  day  at  Alton.  And  now,  if  I leave  here  and 
go  elsewhere,  violence  may  overtake  me  in  my  retreat,  and  I 
have  no  more  claim  upon  the  protection  of  another  community 
than  I have  upon  this ; and  I have  concluded,  after  consulta- 
tion with  my  friends,  and  earnestly  seeking  counsel  of  God,  to 
remain  at  Alton , and  here  to  insist  on  protection  in  the  exer- 
cise of  my  rights.  If  the  civil  authorities  refuse  to  protect 
me,  I must  look  to  God ; and  if  I die,  I have  determined  to 
make  my  grave  in  Alton.” 

It  was  known  in  Alton  that  a new  press  was  now  on  the 
way  to  Mr.  Lovejoy,  and  might  arrive  at  any  time.  Great 
excitement  pervaded  the  community.  Friends  were  on  the 
alert  to  protect  it  on  its  arrival,  and  enemies  to  insure  its 
destruction.  It  finally  reached  St.  Louis  on  the  night  of  the 
5tli,  and  an  arrangement  was  made  to  have  it  landed  at  Alton 
at  three  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  7th.  Meantime,  Mr. 
Lovejoy  and  a friend  went  to  the  Mayor  and  notified  him  of  its 
expected  arrival,  and  of  the  threats  that  it  should  be  destroyed, 
requesting  the  appointment  of  special  constables  to  protect  it. 
A meeting  was  held,  and  some  discussion  had;  but  the  subject 
was  laid  on  the  table  and  nothing  done. 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOY. 


429 


On  that  evening  (November  6),  between  forty  and  fifty 
citizens  met  in  the  warehouse  of  Godfrey,  Gilman  & Co.,  where 
the  press  was  to  be  stored,  to  organize  a volunteer  company  to 
aid  in  the  defense  of  law  and  order. 

At  ten  o’clock,  several  left;  but  about  thirty  remained  in 
the  building,  with  one  city  constable  to  command  them.  They 
were  armed.  Mr.  Love  joy  was  not  among  them.  His  dwelling 
had  been  attacked  but  a few  nights  before,  when  he  and  a sis- 
ter narrowly  escaped  a brickbat,  thrown  with  sufficient  force 
to  have  done  mortal  injury.  Expecting  an  assault,  his  wife  in 
a very  delicate  state  of  nervous  alarm  from  her  recent  experi- 
ence at  St.  Charles,  Mr.  Lovejoy  had  arranged  with  a brother 
that  they  should  watch  alternate  nights  at  home  and  at  the 
store.  At  three  in  the  morning,  a steamboat  brought  the  ex- 
pected press.  A sentinel  of  the  mob  was  watching  for  it,  and 
immediately  gave  the  alarm,  when  horns  were  blown  through- 
out the  city.  The  Mayor  had  already  been  called,  and  was  in 
the  building.  He  requested  those  who  guarded  there,  to  re- 
main and  keep  quiet  till  he  called  for  them,  saying  that  he 
would  attend  to  the  storing  of  the  press,  which  he  did.  A few 
stones  were  thrown,  but  no  serious  damage  effected,  and  the 
press  was  safely  deposited  in  the  garret  of  a strong  stone  ware- 
house, where  it  was  thought  to  be  safe. 

Throughout  the  following  day,  general  quiet  prevailed, 
though  it  was  well  known  that  “ the  Abolition  press”  had  been 
received,  and  was  stored  in  Godfrey  & Gilman’s  warehouse. 
The  Mayor  made  inquiries  at  several  points,  and  was  satisfied 
that  no  further  violence  was  intended. 

At  evening,  the  volunteer  defenders  of  Mr.  Lovejoy’ s rights 
dropped  in  at  the  warehouse,  and  remained  until  nine  o’clock; 
when,  there  being  no  signs  of  trouble,  all  but  twelve  went  away. 
Mr.  Lovejoy  remained  with  one  or  two  others  who  were  called 
Abolitionists.  The  residue  were  simply  citizens,  opposed  to 
burglary  and  robbery,  and  willing  to  risk  their  lives  in  defense 
of  the  rights  of  property  and  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

About  ten  o’clock,  some  thirty  persons,  as  if  by  preconcert, 
suddenly  emerged  from  a neighboring  saloon,  a few  of  them 


430  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


with,  arms,  but  the  majority  with  only  stones  in  their  hands — 
formed  a line  at  the  south  end  of  the  store,  next  the  river, 
knocked,  and  hailed  Mr.  Gilman,  from  the  garret  door,  who  asked 
what  they  wanted.  Their  leader  replied:  “The  press.”  Mr. 
Gilman  assured  them  that  it  would  not  be  given  up ; adding: 
“We  have  no  ill  feelings  toward  any  of  you,  and  should  much 
regret  to  do  you  any  injury;  but  we  are  authorized  by  the 
Mayor  to  defend  our  property,  and  shall  do  so  with  our  lives.” 
The  leader  replied  that  they  were  resolved  to  have  the  press  at 
any  sacrifice,  and  presented  a pistol,  whereupon  Mr.  Gilman 
retired  into  the  building.  The  mob  then  passed  around  to  the 
opposite  side  of  the  warehouse,  and  commenced  throwing 
stones,  which  soon  demolished  several  of  the  windows.  No 
resistance  was  offered ; the  inmates  having  agreed  not  to  fire 
unless  their  lives  were  in  danger.  The  warehouse  being  of 
stone,  and  solidly  built,  no  further  impression  was  made  on  it 
by  this  assault.  Finding  their  missiles  ineffectual,  the  mob 
fired  two  or  three  guns  into  the  building,  by  which  no  one  was 
hit.  The  fire  was  then  returned,  and  several  of  the  rioters 
wounded,  one  of  them  mortally.  Hereupon,  the  mob  recoiled, 
carrying  off  the  wounded.  But  they  soon  returned  with  lad- 
ders, and  other  preparations  for  firing  the  roof  of  the  ware- 
house, cursing  and  shouting,  “Burn  them  out!  burn  them  out!” 
They  kept  carefully  on  the  side  of  the  building  where  there 
were  no  windows,  so  that  they  could  not  be  injured  or  repelled 
by  its  defenders. 

The  Mayor  and  a justice  were  now  deputed  by  the  mob  to 
bear  a message  to  the  inmates  of  the  building,  proposing  that, 
on  condition  the  press  was  given  up,  no  one  should  be  further 
molested,  and  no  more  property  destroyed.  The  proposition 
was  quietly  declined.  Mr.  Gilman,  in  turn,  requested  the 
Mayor  to  call  on  certain  citizens  to  save  his  store  from  destruc- 
tion by  fire.  The  Mayor  replied  that  the  mob  was  so  strong 
and  determined  that  he  could  do  nothing — that  he  had  already 
tried  to  command  and  persuade  them  to  desist,  but  without 
success.  He  was  asked  if  those  in  the  building  should  defend 
their  property  with  arms ; to  which  he  replied,  as  he  had  repeat- 


ELIJAH  P.  LOVE  JOY. 


431 


edly  done  before,  that  they  had  a perfect  right  to  do  so,  and 
the  law  justified  them  in  that  course.  He  then  left  the  build- 
ing, and  reported  the  result  of  his  mission,  which  was  received 
with  yells  of  “Fire  the  building!”  “Fire  the  building!” 
“ Burn  ’em  out!  ” “ Burn  ’em  out!  ” “ Shoot  every  d d Abo- 

litionist as  he  leaves ! ” It  was  now  near  midnight,  and  the 
bells  had  been  rung,  collecting  a large  concourse,  who  stood 
passive  spectators  of  what  followed. 

The  mob  now  raised  their  ladders  against  the  building, 
mounted  to  the  roof,  and  kindled  a fire  there,  which  burned 
rather  slowly.  Five  of  the  defenders  hereupon  volunteered  to 
sally  out  and  drive  them  away.  They  left  by  the  south  door, 
passed  around  the  corner  to  the  east  side  of  the  building,  and, 
firing  upon  the  man  who  guarded  the  foot  of  the  ladder,  drove 
him  off,  and  dispersed  his  immediate  comrades,  returning  to 
the  store  to  reload.  Mr.  Love  joy  and  two  others  stepped  again 
to  the  door,  and  stood  looking  around  just  without  the  building 
— Mr.  Love  joy  in  advance  of  the  others.  Several  of  the  rioters 
were  concealed  from  their  view  behind  a pile  of  lumber  a few 
rods  in  their  front.  One  of  them  had  a double-barreled  gun, 
which  he  fired.  Mr.  Lovejoy  received  five  balls,  three  of  them 
in  his  breast,  probably  each  fatal.  He  turned  quickly,  ran  into 
the  store,  and  up  a flight  of  stairs  into  the  counting  room, 
where  he  fell,  exclaiming,  “Oh  God,  I am  shot!  I am  shot!” 
and  almost  instantly  expired.  One  of  his  friends  received  at 
the  same  instant  a ball  in  his  leg,  of  which  he  recovered. 
Those  remaining  alive  in  the  building  now  held  a consultation, 
and  concluded  to  surrender.  One  of  their  number  went  up  to 
the  scuttle  and  apprised  the  mob  that  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  dead, 
and  that  the  press  would  now  be  given  up.  A yell  of  exulta- 
tion was  sent  up  by  the  rioters,  and  the  proposed  surrender 
declined.  Another  of  the  inmates  now  resolved  to  go  out  and 
make  some  terms,  if  possible ; but  he  had  hardly  opened  the 
door  when  he  was  fired  upon  and  severely  wounded.  A citizen 
now  came  to  the  door  at  the  opposite  end,  and  begged  those 
within  to  leave  the  building,  as  it  was  on  fire,  and  their  remain- 
ing would  be  utterly  useless.  All  but  two  or  three  hereupon 


432  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


laid  down  their  arms,  left  the  braiding  and  fled,  being  fired 
upon  by  the  mob  as  they  escaped.  The  rioters  then  rushed 
into  the  building,  threw  the  press  out  of  the  window,  broke  it 
up  and  pitched  the  pieces  into  the  river.  They  destroyed  no  other 
property  save  a few  guns.  One  of  them,  a doctor — offered  to 
extract  the  ball  from  the  wounded  man’s  leg;  but  he  declined 
their  assistance.  At  two  o’clock,  they  had  dispersed,  and  all 
was  again  quiet. 

Mr.  Lovejoy’s  dead  body  was  borne  away  next  morning 
to  his  home,  amid  the  jeers  and  scoffs  of  his  murderers.  He 
was  buried  the  day  following — Thursday,  November  9,  the 
day  which,  had  he  been  living,  would  have  completed  his 
thirty-fifth  year.  His  wife,  who,  on  account  of  the  critical 
state  of  her  health,  had  been  sent  away  from  Alton,  was  unable 
to  attend  his  funeral.  Of  their  two  children,  one  was  born 
after  his  death. 

The  defenders  of  the  warehouse,  as  well  as  the  recognized 
leaders  of  their  assailants,  were  respectively  indicted  for  riot, 
and  tried,  or  rather  Mr.  Gilman  alone  of  the  defenders  was 
tried ; and  upon  his  acquittal  the  City  Attorney  entered  nolle 
prosequi  as  to  the  other  defendants.  The  leading  rioters  were 
next  placed  on  trial,  and  were  likewise  acquitted. 

The  details  of  this  tragedy  are  important,  as  they  serve  to 
silence  two  cavils,  which  have  been  most  familiar  in  the  mouths 
of  the  champions  of  slavery.  “If  you  want  to  oppose  slavery, 
why  don’t  you  go  where  it  is?  ” has  been  triumphantly  asked 
many  thousands  of  times.  Mr.  Lovejoy  did  exactly  this — as 
Garrison,  and  many  others  had  done  before  him — and  only  left 
a slave  for  a free  State,  when  such  removal  was  imperatively 
demanded.  “ Why  don’t  you  keep  clear  of  the  fanatical  Abo- 
litionists, and  discuss  the  question  in  moderation  and  good 
temper He  was  not  the  advocate  of  Garrisonism ; on  the 
contrary  he  condemned  it.  He  was  not  the  champion  of  any 
political  party,  nor  of  any  peculiar  line  of  Anti-slavery  action. 
He  did  not  publish  any  Abolition  journal.  His  was  simply  and 
purely  a religious  newspaper,  in  which  slavery  was  from  time 
to  time  discussed,  and  its  evils  exposed  like  those  of  drun&en- 


ELIJAH  P.  LO  VEJO  Y. 


433 


ness  or  any  other  immorality.  But  this  he  was  not  permitted 
to  do,  whether  in  a slave  or  in  a free  State.  He  was  proscribed, 
hunted,  persecuted,  assaulted,  plundered,  and  finally  murdered 
— not  because  he  persisted  in  opposing  slavery  in  the  wrong 
place,  or  in  a peculiarly  objectionable  manner,  but  because  he 
would  not  desist  from  opposing  it  at  all. 


0 


434  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

OTHER  NOTED  ANTI-SLAVERY  AGITATORS. 

“ I would  not  have  a slave  to  till  my  ground, 

To  carry  me,  to  fan  me  while  I sleep, 

And  tremble  when  I wake,  for  all  the  wealth 
That  sinews  bought  and  sold,  have  ever  earned.” 

OLON,  the  most  famous  of  all  the  ancient  Greek  law  givers, 
was  born  at  Athens  about  638  B.  C.,  and  belonged  to  one 
of  the  most  distinguished  families  of  Attica.  He  repealed  the 
cruel  laws  of  Draco,  by  which  the  aristocracy  had  oppressed 
the  people,  and  formed  a code  which  released  the  debtor  class 
from  the  power  of  their  creditors,  by  whom  they  had  been  held 
in  slavery.  The  celebrated  laws  of  Solon  were  an  attempt  to 
remedy  the  discontents  of  the  people,  chiefly  arising  from  the 
severe  laws  drawn  up  by  Draco,  called  the  Cruel,  and  which 
served  the  purpose  of  the  aristocratic  party  by  their  severity. 

Solon  was  one  of  the  most  meritorious  men  recorded  in  his- 
tory ; for  while  all  who  acquired  influence  in  Athens  in  his  day 
used  it  to  make  themselves  despotically  powerful,  he  employed 
his  to  make  a code  of  laws  to  disarm  tyranny.  It  had  the 
effect  of  releasing  a vast  number  of  people  from  abject  slavery, 
by  relieving  them  from  the  demands  of  their  creditors. 

It  has  been  thought  from  this,  that  Solon’s  laws  were  a 
system  of  repudiation,  by  which  those  who  had  contracted 
debts  were  released  from  the  fulfillment  of  them ; but  the  law 
had  gone  so  far  astray,  in  the  other  direction,  by  giving  the 
rich,  who  did  the  poor  any  service,  such  inhuman  power  over 
them,  that  it  was  necessary  to  make  some  adjustment  to  prevent 
anarchy  and  turbulence.  It  shows  how  many  tyrannical 
powers  had  to  be  modified,  that  by  his  laws,  fathers  are  pro- 
hibited from  selling  their  daughters,  and  brothers,  their  sisters 
as  slaves. 

William  Wilberforce  was  born  at  Hull,  England,  on  the 


WILLIAM  WILBERFORCE. 


435 


24th  of  August,  1759.  His  father  was  a wealthy  gentleman, 
and  by  occupation  a merchant,  his  ancestors  being  the  proprie- 
tors of  Wilberfoss,  in  the  East  Riding  of  York.  While  at 
school,  he  addressed  a letter  to  an  English  paper,  published  in 
York,  u in  condemnation  of  the  odious  traffic  in  human  flesh,” 
a subject  he  seems  never  to  have  lost  sight  of.  He  entered  St. 
John’s  College,  at  Cambridge,  in  his  seventeenth  year,  and,  in 
due  time,  he  passed  his  examination  with  great  credit.  On 
attaining  his  majority,  he  came  into  possession  of  a large 
fortune,  and  determined  to  enter  Parliament.  In  the  year  1780, 
he  was  returned  for  Hull.  He  became  acquainted  with  Mr. 
Pitt  when  at  Cambridge,  and  in  London,  at  Parliament,  they 
became  inseparable  friends.  While  in  Parliament,  Wilberforce 
remained  independent  of  party.  In  1787,  he  founded  an  asso- 
ciation for  the  discouragement  of  vice,  and  in  the  following 
year,  while  in  very  poor  health,  he  entered  on  his  great  strug- 
gle for  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  to  which  he  thencefor- 
ward devoted  his  whole  time. 

He  first  proposed  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  in  1791,  and  met,  as  he  expected,  with 
powerful  opposition.  In  1804,  his  bill  was  first  carried  through 
the  Commons ; it  was  thrown  out  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
in  the  following  year  it  was  again  lost  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. In  1806,  however,  a resolution  was  moved  by  Mr.  Fox, 
pledging  the  Commons  to  a total  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  in 
the  following  session.  It  was  adopted  by  the  House  of  Lords. 
Just  before  the  discussion  began,  in  January,  1804,  a work  had 
been  published  by  Wilberforce,  against  the  slave  trade,  which 
had  a marked  influence  on  public  opinion  and  the  subsequent 
debates.  The  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Lords.  In  the 
Commons,  it  was  carried  by  an  enthusiastic  majority.  Sir 
Samuel  Romilly,  who  supported  the  measure,  compared  the 
feelings  of  Napoleon,  then  at  the  height  of  his  glory,  with 
those  of  the  English  philanthropist,  “ who  would  that  day  lay 
his  head  upon  his  pillow  and  remember  that  the  slave  trade 
was  no  more,”  and  the  whole  house  burst  into  applause,  and 
greeted  Wilberforce  with  enthusiastic  cheers. 


436  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Wilberforce  now  sought  to  secure  the  abolition  of  the 
slave  trade  abroad.  He  at  the  same  time  entered  on  an  agita- 
tion for  the  total  abolition  of  slavery  itself.  Declining  health, 
however,  compelled  him  in  1825  to  retire  from  Parliament. 
The  movement  against  slavery  was  then  intrusted  to  Sir  T. 
Powell  Buxton.  Three  days  before  Wilberforce’ s death,  news 
was  brought  him  that  the  Abolition  Bill  had  passed  a second 
reading,  and  he  thanked  God  that  he  had  lived  to  see  his 
countrymen  spend  twenty  millions  sterling  (nearly  $100,000,- 
000)  in  such  a humane  cause.  He  died  on  the  29th  of  July, 
1833,  and  was  buried  as  a national  benefactor  in  Westminster 
Abbey. 

William  Lloyd  Garrison  was  another  distinguished  aboli- 
tionist, and  was  born  at  Newburyport,  Massachusetts,  in  1805. 
He  soon  became  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  advocates  of 
immediate  emancipation  in  the  United  States.  Before  he  was 
twenty  years  old,  he  had  acquired  no  inconsiderable  reputation 
by  the  articles  which  he  contributed  to  the  Salem  Gazette,  and 
other  newspapers.  He  became,  in  1826,  the  conductor  of  a 
paper  of  his  own,  the  Pree  Press,  published  at  Newburyport; 
it  was,  however,  unsuccessful  and  was  soon  discontinued.  In 
1829,  he  became  joint  editor  of  a paper  entitled  the  Genius  of 
Universal  Emancipation,  an  Anti-slavery  journal  published  in 
Baltimore.  On  the  1st  of  January,  1831,  Garrison  issued  in 
Boston,  the  first  number  of  the  Liberator,  an  Anti-slavery 
paper,  with  which  his  fame  became  indissolubly  associated. 
The  unsparing,  not  to  say  virulent,  denunciation,  with  which 
Garrison  assailed  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  all  those  vol- 
untarily, however  remotely,  connected  with  it,  was  not  long  in 
arousing  attention  in  every  part  of  the  country,  while  it  excited 
in  the  Southern  States,  the  utmost  exasperation.  Almost 
every  day  brought  him  letters  from  the  South,  containing 
threats  of  violence  and  even  assassination. 

At  length,  the  Legislature  of  Georgia  went  so  far  as  to  offer 
five  thousand  dollars  to  anyone  who  should  arrest  and  prose- 
cute him  to  conviction  under  the  laws  of  that  State.  Mean- 
while, he  was  repeatedly  mobbed  at  home,  was  dragged  off  to 


WILLIAM  II.  SEWARD. 


437 


prison,  and  his  life  was  more  than  once  in  utmost  peril  even  in 
Boston.  But  nothing  could  turn  him  from  his  course.  Subse- 
quently there  was  some  abatement  in  the  tone  of  the  Liberator, 
but  Garrison  did  not,  in  a single  material  point,  modify  his 
views  in  regard  to  slavery  until  its  abolition  was  effected. 
The  early  severity  of  his  denunciations,  as  his  friends 
allege,  with  some  show  of  reason  was  necessary,  in  order  to 
arouse  the  conscience  of  the  Nation  from  its  apathy  respecting 
the  wrongs  of  the  Colored  Bace.  It  would  be,  perhaps,  less 
easy  to  excuse  the  unsparing  invective  with  which  Mr.  Gar- 
rison so  often  assailed  those  friends  of  emancipation  who 
thought  it  right  to  pursue  a different  course  from  his  own. 

It  is  proper  to  remark  that  Mr.  Garrison  and  his  devoted 
followers  always  disclaimed  any  purpose  of  exciting  the  en- 
slaved Colored  Race  to  assert  their  own  freedom  by  force. 
They  professed  to  rely  solely  on  argument  and  “ moral 
suasion,”  addressed  to  the  consciences  of  the  dominant  whites. 
They  were  also  non-resistants,  and  not  only  refused  to  hold 
any  office  in  the  Federal  Republic;  but  were  conscientious  even 
against  voting  for  such  an  office,  for  they  considered  this  would 
be  an  indirect  acknowledgment  of  the  rightfulness  of  a govern- 
ment supported  by  military  power,  and  contaminated  by  a 
compromise  with  slavery.  In  i8b5,  after  the  total  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  United  States,  his  friends  presented  him  with 
$30,000  as  a memorial  of  his  services  in  behalf  of  the  Colored 
Race.  He  died  in  New  York,  May  24,  1879. 

William  Henry  Seward,  an  American  statesman,  early 
manifested  a desire  that  slavery  should  be  extinguished  in  the 
United  States.  He  was  born  at  the  town  of  Florida,  New  York, 
May  16,  1803.  At  15  years  he  entered  Union  College;  and  in 
1819  he  visited  the  South,  and  for  six  months  was  engaged  as 
a school  teacher  in  Georgia.  He  next  studied  law,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1822.  He  then  settled  at  Auburn, 
Western  New  York,  and  became  the  partner  and  son-in-law  of 
Judge  Miller.  In  1825,  his  political  abilities  were  manifested 
in  an  oration  delivered  at  Syracuse,  and  in  1828,  he  was  chosen 
President  of  a State  Convention.  At  this  period  New  York  was 


438  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  centre  of  a wide-spread  excitement  againt  Free  Masons,  and 
Seward  as  a leading  Anti-mason  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate. 
In  1837  he  was  elected  Governor  of  New  York ; in  this  position  he 
recommended  the  increase  of  education,  internal  improvements, 
a liberal  policy  towards  foreign  immigrants,  and  took  the  side 
of  abolition  in  the  growing  controversies  on  slavery.  In  1819, 
he  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  where  he 
became  the  acknowledged  leader  of  his  party,  and  in  the  debate 
on  the  admission  of  California,  he  promulgated  what  was  called 
his  “ higher  law  ” doctrine  in  saying  that  there  was  a “higher 
law  than  the  Constitution  which  regulated  the  authority  of 
Congress  over  the  National  Domain — the  law  of  God  and  the 
interest  of  humanity.”  In  a speech  at  Rochester,  New  York, 
in  1858,  he  declared  that  “there  was  an  irrepressible  conflict 
between  opposing  and  enduring  forces,”  and  that  the  United 
States  must  become  either  entirely  slave  or  entirely  free. 

In  1859,  he  revisited  Europe,  and  extended  his  tour  to 
Egypt  and  the  Holy  Land,  and  in  1860,  was  the  most  promi- 
nent candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for  nomination  for  the 
Presidency.  Mr.  Seward  accepted  the  important  post  of  Sec- 
retary of  State  under  President  Lincoln,  and  guided  the 
diplomacy  of  the  Federal  Government  through  the  perils  of 
the  War  of  Secession,  with  almost  unparalleled  energy  and 
success.  On  the  invasion  of  Mexico  by  the  French  in  1862, 
he  persisted  in  recognizing  the  Government  of  Juarez.  In 
1865,  he  declared  the  attempt  to  establish  a foreign  and  impe- 
rial government  in  Mexico  to  be  disallowable  and  impractica- 
ble. The  French  army  was  accordingly  withdrawn  in  1866, 
and  Napoleon  III.  humiliated  by  the  failure  of  his  enterprise. 

On  the  14th  of  April,  1865,  President  Lincoln  was  assas- 
sinated by  John  Wilkes  Booth,  and  at  the  same  time  another 
assassin,  named  Payne,  penetrated  to  the  room  of  Mr.  Seward, 
dangerously  wounded  his  son,  and  with  a poignard  inflicted 
wounds  upon  Mr.  Seward,  which  were  at  first  believed  to  be 
fatal,  but  from  which  he  slowly  recovered.  In  1868-69,  he 
made  a voyage  to  Alaska,  the  purchase  of  which  he  success- 
fully advocated,  and  visited  California  and  Mexico  on  the  route. 


CHARLES  SUMNER. 


439 


In  1870-71,  lie  visited  China,  Japan  and  Egypt,  being  every- 
where received  with  distinguished  honors.  The  Mikado  of 
Japan  gave  him  a private  audience,  an  honor  never  before 
accorded  to  a foreigner.  He  died  at  Auburn,  New  York,  Oc- 
tober 10,  1872. 

Charles  Sumner,  another  zealous  friend  of  the  Colored 
Eace,  and  American  statesman,  was  born  at  Boston,  Massachu- 
setts, January  6,  1811.  His  father  was  a lawyer,  and  for 
many  years  Sheriff  of  the  county.  He  was  educated  at  Har- 
vard College,  where  he  graduated  in  1830 ; studied  law  at  the 
Cambridge  Law  School;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1834,  and 
entered  upon  a large  practice;  edited  the  “American  Jurist:” 
published  three  volumes  of  Sumner’s  “Eeports  of  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  United  States ;”  gave  lectures  at  the  Law  School, 
but  declined  a proffered  professorship;  and  from  1837  to  1840, 
visited  England  and  the  continent  of  Europe.  On  his  return 
he  edited  “Yesey’s  Eeports,”  in  twenty  volumes,  and  in  1845, 
made  his  debut  in  politics  in  a Fourth  of  July  oration,  on  the 
True  Grandeur  of  Nations — an  oration  against  TV ar,  and  the  war 
with  Mexico,  pronounced  by  Mr.  Cobden,  the  noblest  contribu- 
tion of  any  modern  writer  to  the  cause  of  peace. 

Identifying  himself  with  the  Free-soil  party,  he  was  in  1850, 
chosen  United  States  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  in  place  of 
Daniel  "Webster,  where  he  opposed  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law, 
and  declared  “freedom  national — slavery  sectional.” 

In  1856,  he  made  an  Anti-slavery  speech  on  the  “ Crime 
against  Kansas,”  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  attacked  in 
the  Senate  Chamber,  May  22,  and  severely  beaten  by  Preston 
S.  Brooks,  of  South  Carolina,  and  so  severely  injured  that  his 
labors  were  suspended  for  three  years,  during  which  he  visited 
Europe  for  repose  and  health.  On  his  return  home,  he  was 
appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Eelations, 
and  about  the  end  of  1862,  was  again  elected  a Senator  for  six 
years,  ending  March  4,  1869,  and  re-elected  in  1869,  for  the 
succeeding  six  years.  At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  he  advo- 
cated the  reconstruction  of  the  seceded  States,  on  the  basis  of 
impartial  suffrage.  During  the  war  he  was  a confidential  ad- 


440  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RAGE  IN  AMERICA. 

viser  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  urged  upon  him  the  Proclamation  of 
Emancipation,  was  the  author  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau  Bill, 
continued  to  advocate  the  cause  of  Republican  liberty,  in  oppo- 
sition to  President  Johnson  and  his  Cabinet,  and  witnessed  the 
triumph  of  the  principles  for  which  he  so  long  and  strenuously 
contended.  He  died  March  11,  1874. 

Hobace  Gkeeley,  an  American  journalist,  distinguishes  as 
an  opponent  to  slavery,  born  at  Amherst,  New  Hampshire,  in 
February,  1811,  was  the  son  of  a poor  farmer,  who  removed  to 
Vermont  in  1821.  He  learned  the  art  of  printing  in  Vermont, 
where  he  worked  about  four  years,  and  became,  at  an  early 
age,  well  versed  in  party  politics.  He  adopted  the  Universalist 
creed  before  he  was  of  age,  and  supported  the  pro-slavery 
movement.  After  he  had  worked  a few  months  in  a printing 
office  in  Erie,  Pennsylvania,  he  sought  employment  in  the  City 
of  New  York,  in  August,  1831,  having  only  ten  dollars  in  his 
pocket.  As  he  had  no  friends  or  acquaintances  in  New  York, 
and  his  dress  was  very  odd  and  shabby,  he  met  with  many  re- 
pulses, but  at  last  obtained  work. 

He  was  employed  as  a journeyman  printer  for  fourteen 
months,  and  in  January,  1833,  became  a partner  of  Francis 
Story,  and  began  to  print  the  Morning  Post,  the  first  daily 
penny  paper  ever  published.  It  was  discontinued  in  a few 
weeks.  The  firm  of  Greeley  & Co.  founded,  in  March,  1834, 
The  New  Yorker,  a weekly  literary  journal  (neutral  in  poli- 
tics), of  which  Mr.  Greeley  wrote  the  editorial  articles. 

The  New  Yorker  was  issued  for  seven  years,  and  became 
an  influential  paper,  but  was  not  profitable  to  the  publishers. 
He  married  Miss  Cheney,  of  North  Carolina,  in  1836.  From 
March,  1836,  to  March,  1839,  he  edited  The  Jeffersonian,  a 
weekly  Whig  paper,  published  under  the  direction  of  the  Whig 
Central  Committee  of  the  State  of  New  York.  About  May, 
1840,  he  began  to  publish  The  Log  Cabin,  a weekly  paper, 
which  supported  General  Harrison  for  President,  and  it  ob- 
tained a large  circulation,  ovei  80,000.  “The  Log  Cabin,” 
says  Parton,  “ gave  him  an  immense  reputation  in  all  parts  of 
the  country,  as  an  able  writer  and  a zealous  politician.” 


WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 


441 


In  April,  1841,  lie  founded  tlie  Daily  Tribune,  price 
one  cent,  of  which  Henry  J.  Baymond  (afterwards  editor  of 
the  New  York  Times),  was  assistant  editor.  Since  that 
date,  the  size  and  the  price  of  the  Tribune,  continually  in- 
creased. Mr.  Greeley  advocated  the  election  of  Henry  Clay  to 
the  Presidency,  in  1844,  and  after  his  defeat,  assumed  an 
attitude  of  more  decided  hostility  to  slavery.  In  1848,  he  was 
elected  member  of  Congress,  to  fill  a vacancy  for  a term 
which  expired  in  March,  1849.  He  published,  in  1850,  “Hints 
Toward  Deforms,”  composed  partly  of  lectures,  which  he  had 
delivered  at  various  places,  on  temperance,  popular  education, 
the  organization  of  labor,  etc.  “ His  subject,”  says  Parton, 
“ is  ever  the  same;  the  object  of  his  public  life  is  single.  It  is 
the  ‘ Emancipation  op  Labor  its  emancipation  from  ignorance, 
vice,  servitude,  poverty.” 

Having  visited  Europe  in  1851,  he  published  “ Glances  at 
Europe.”  He  supported  in  successive  Presidential  elections, 
General  Scott  in  1852,  J.  C.  Fremont  in  1856,  and  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  1860,  hai  ing  exerted  his  influence  against  the  nom- 
ination  of  W.  H.  Seward  at  the  Chicago  Convention  of  that 
year.  In  1864,  he  published  the  first  volume  of  “ The  Ameri- 
can Conflict,”  and  later,  the  second  volume.  He  favored  the 
plan  of  universal  amnesty  and  universal  suffrage,  at  the  end  of 
the  Civil  War,  and  offered  himself  as  bail  for  Jefferson  Davis, 
in  May,  1867,  for  which  he  was  censured  by  many  of  his  own 
party.  In  1872,  he  was  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  and  died  the  same  year. 

Wendell  Phillips,  an  American  reformer,  distinguished  for 
his  uncompromising  hostility  to  the  institution  of  slavery  and 
to  oppression  in  every  form,  was  born  in  Boston,  Massachu- 
setts, November  29,  1811.  He  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1831, 
studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1834.  His  sym- 
pathies were  strongly  aroused  by  the  persecution  of  the  early 
Abolitionists,  more  particularly  during  the  Boston  mob,  headed 
by  “gentlemen  of  property  and  standing,”  in  October,  1835, 
when  Garrison  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  In  1836,  he 
joined  the  Abolitionists,  relinquishing  the  practice  of  law 


442  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


because  lie  was  unwilling  to  act  under  an  oath  to  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States.  In  1837  a meeting  of  the  citizens 
of  Massachusetts  was  called  in  Faneuil  Hall  for  the  purpose  of 
expressing  public  condemnation  of  the  murder  of  Lovejoy,  who 
fell  (November  7)  at  Alton,  Illinois,  in  defense  of  the  free^ 
dom  of  the  press.  The  pro-slavery  feeling  in  Boston  was  at 
that  time  very  strong,  and  the  object  of  the  meeting  was  in 
imminent  danger  of  being  defeated  through  the  influence  of 
Attorney-General  Austin,  who  asked  how  Mr.  Lovejoy  had 
merited  the  distinction  of  being  thus  commemorated,  and 
whether  he  had  not  died  “as  the  fool  dieth.”  At  the  conclu- 
sion of  his  speech,  Wendell  Phillips  arose,  and  in  a burst  of 
indignant  and  powerful  eloquence,  rebuked  the  craven  and 
sordid  spirit  of  those  who  sought  to  defend  or  excuse  that  great 
crime  against  the  liberty  of  the  press  and  the  rights  of 
humanity. 

Dr.  Channing,  who  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  calling 
the  meeting  on  that  occasion,  often  referred  to  the  speech  of 
young  Phillips  before  that  vast  assembly,  many  of  wdiom  were 
bitterly  hostile  to  freedom,  as  “unusually  sublime.”  Believ- 
ing that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  an  unright- 
eous compact  between  freedom  and  slavery,  Mr.  Phillips 
refused  its  authority  by  voting  or  in  any  other  manner,  and 
maintained  that  a dissolution  of  the  Union  would  be  the  most 
effectual  mode  of  giving  freedom  to  the  Colored  Pace.  In  1865 
he  succeeded  Mr.  Garrison  as  President  of  the  American  Anti- 
slavery Society,  which  position  he  held  until  the  dissolution  of 
the  Society,  April  9,  1870.  Mr.  Phillips  was  an  accomplished 
scholar,  and  one  of  the  most  eloquent  orators  in  the  United 
States.  In  addition  to  his  labors  in  the  Anti-slavery  cause,  he 
has  devoted  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  his  time  and  attention 
to  the  temperance  movement  and  other  reforms.  His  principal 
speeches  and  lectures  have  been  published  in  an  octavo  volume. 

Lucretia  Mott,  an  American  reformer  and  philanthropist, 
born  on  the  island  of  Nantucket,  in  1793.  About  1808,  her 
parents,  who  were  members  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  or 
Quakers,  removed  to  Philadelphia.  In  1811  she  was  married 


HARRIET  BEECHER  STO  WE. 


443 


to  James  Mott,  of  New  York,  who  soon  afterwards  came  to 
Philadelphia,  and  entered  into  mercantile  business  with  her 
father.  While  still  very  young,  her  attention  had  been  called  to 
the  iniquity  of  slavery,  and  she  felt  it  her  duty  to  abstain 
from  the  products  of  slave  labor.  She  traveled  extensively  as 
a minister,  preaching  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  society  in 
which  she  had  been  educated,  inculcating  obedience  to  the 
Divine  light  within  the  heart,  and  exposing  the  sinfulness  of 
slavery  and  war.  At  the  time  of  the  separation  in  the  Society 
of  Priends,  in  1827,  she  joined  those  popularly  known  as 
“Hickites,”  and  distinguished  herself  by  the  advocacy  of  Uni- 
tarian views  of  the  most  radical  kind. 

She  took  an  active  part  in  the  organization  of  the  Anti- 
slavery Society  in  Philadelphia,  and  in  1840  went  as  a dele- 
gate to  the  World’s  Anti-slavery  Convention,  held  in  London, 
but  though  otherwise  treated  with  the  greatest  respect  and 
courtesy,  she  was  not  admitted  as  a delegate,  a majority  of  the 
Convention  having  decided  that  women  should  be  excluded 
from  any  active  participation  in  the  business  of  the  assembly. 

Mrs.  Mott  has  long  been  known  as  an  earnest  and  eloquent 
advocate  of  Anti-slavery  principles,  of  the  rights  of  women,  and 
of  other  reformatory  movements.  As  a speaker  she  was  char- 
acterized by  an  unaffected  simplicity  and  earnestness  of  man- 
ner, as  well  as  by  clearness  and  propriety  of  expression.  Her 
high  moral  qualities,  her  uncommon  intelligence,  the  beauty 
and  consistency  of  her  general  character — illustrated  in  her 
domestic  as  well  as  in  her  public  life, — are  such  as  to  command 
the  respect  of  those  who  in  opinion  differed  most  widely  from 
her  in  regard  to  religious  and  social  questions.  She  died  at 
her  home  near  Philadelphia,  November  11,  1880,  aged  87 
years. 

Harriet  Beecher  Stowe — Foremost  among  the  women 
of  our  land,  noted  for  their  untiring  devotion  to  the  principle 
of  human  rights,  should  stand  the  name  of  Mrs.  Harriet 
Beecher  Stowe.  Indeed,  few  men  excelled  her  in  the  great 
work  she  endeavored  to  accomplish ; the  overthrow  of  slavery 
and  the  amelioration  of  the  Colored  Bace.  Her  accomplished 


444  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


mind  and  eloquent  pen  spake  with  no  uncertain  sound  as  they 
heralded  to  a world  the  evils  of  slavery.  The  miseries  and 
the  horrors  of  the  system  revealed  in  “Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin,” 
went  like  a whirlwind  through  the  North  and  aroused  the 
public  mind  and  helped  create  the  sentiment  that  said: 
“ This  thing  must  not  be.”  Honor  to  her.  The  memory 
of  this  noble  woman’s  life  and  deeds  will  always  be  held 
dear  by  the  people  in  whose  behalf  she  labored  so  faithfully; 
and  history  will  record  for  her  a name  as  one  who  helped  to 
establish  in  America  equal  rights  for  all  men. 

Thaddeus  Stevens,  an  eminent  American  Legislator,  dis- 
tinguished as  an  opponent  to  slavery,  was  born  in  Caledonia 
county,  Vermont,  on  the  4th  of  April,  1793.  He  graduated 
at  Dartmouth  College  in  1814,  removed  to  Pennsylvania,  and 
studied  law.  He  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylva- 
nia in  1833,  and  re-elected  four  times  between  that  date  and 
1841.  In  April,  1835,  he  made  a powerful  speech  for  common 
schools,  and  secured  the  triumph  of  a system  to  which  the 
majority  of  the  Legislature  had  been  hostile.  In  1836,  he  was 
a member  of  the  Convention  which  revised  the  Constitution  of 
the  State.  He  settled  at  Lancaster  about  1842,  and  was  elected 
a member  of  Congress  by  the  voters  of  the  Ninth  District  in 
1848. 

He  acted  with  the  Whig  party  while  that  party  survived, 
and  was  re-elected  to  Congress  in  1850.  About  1855,  he 
joined  the  Republican  party,  which  was  at  first  called  in  Penn- 
sylvania the  People’s  party.  He  represented  the  Ninth  Dis- 
trict, Lancaster  county,  Pennsylvania,  in  Congress  from  1858 
to  1868.  He  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  in  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  1861-63,  and  in  several 
subsequent  terms.  In  December,  1861,  he  offered  a resolution 
that  all  slaves  who  shall  leave  their  Masters  or  aid  in  suppress- 
ing the  Rebellion,  shall  be  declared  free. 

After  the  end  of  the  Civil  War,  he  became  the  most  promi- 
nent and  influential  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  a strenuous  opponent  of  President  Johnson’s  policy.  He 
advocated  the  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the  freed- 


THADDEUS  STE  VENS. 


445 


men,  and  other  measures  of  the  Republican  party.  Mr. 
Stevens  and  Senator  Sherman  were  the  authors  of  the  bill  for 
the  reconstruction  of  the  seceded  States  which  was  passed  by 
Congress  in  the  session  of  1866-67,  and  became  a law  not- 
withstanding the  veto  of  the  President.  By  this  act,  ten  of 
the  Southern  States  were  divided  into  five  military  districts, 
and  each  district  was  subjected  to  the  authority  of  a military 
commander  until  the  people  of  these  districts  should  adopt  a 
new  Constitution  conceding  impartial  suffrage.  Mr.  Stevens, 
who  was  chairman  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  Reconstruction, 
reported  in  February,  1867,  the  original  bill,  which  Senator 
Sherman  modified  by  an  important  amendment.  He  advocated 
the  impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson  in  a speech  on  the  24th 
of  February,  1868,  and  was  a member  of  the  committee  of 
seven,  then  appointed,  to  prepare  and  report  articles  of  im- 
peachment. He  was  also  one  of  the  seven  members  elected 
March  2,  1868,  as  managers  to  conduct  the  impeachment  of 
President  Johnson.  He  was  never  married.  Died  at  Wash- 
ington August,  1868.  He  was  one  of  the  few  who  were  not 
afraid  to  grasp  first  principles  and  lay  hold  of  great  truths,  or 
to  push  them  to  their  remotest  logical  result. 


446  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SOUTHERN  STATES. 

“ One  shining  way  for  all  to  take, 

One  oath,  one  hope,  one  purpose  grand, 

One  flag  for  all  in  all  the  land, 

Upheld  by  all  for  Fredom’s  sake.” 

A ETER  tlie  fall  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  a grave  pro- 
^ ^ position  confronted  the  Country.  Hostilities  between 
the  North  and  South  were  at  an  end  and  the  all  important 
question  arising  was  then,  the  rebuilding  of  the  govern- 
ments of  the  Southern  States.  For  four  years  these  States  had 
been  in  active  resistance  to  the  National  Government  and  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  had  been  set  at  naught  and  entirely 
disregarded.  During  this  period  many  new  laws  had  been 
enacted  by  Congress,  proclamations  issued  by  the  Executive 
department,  and  several  amendments  to  the  Constitution 
adopted,  all  of  which  had  been  entirely  disregarded  by  the 
eleven  seceding  States.  Hence  upon  the  admission  of  these 
States  participating  in  the  National  affairs  it  became  important 
that  they  should  accede  to  these  laws  and  the  several  amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution  and  be  guided  and  governed  by  them. 

The  means  to  be  adopted  to  accomplish  these  ends,  was 
termed  reconstruction.  Many  methods  were  proposed.  After 
the  surrender  of  the  forts  on  the  lower  Mississippi  in  1862, 
President  Lincoln  took  the  first  steps  in  the  direction  of 
reconstruction.  Benjamin  F.  Flanders,  and  Michael  Hahn, 
residents  of  Louisiana,  were  elected  as  representatives  in  Con- 
gress and  were  admitted  to  their  seats  in  that  body  on  February 
9,  1863,  but  no  definite  plan  of  reconstruction  was  then 
adopted.  Mr.  Lincoln’s  object  was  to  restore  harmony  bet- 
ween the  National  government  and  the  loyal  people  in  the 
seceded  States.  But  nothing  further  in  that  direction  was  done 
until  after  the  defeat  of  General  Lee  at  Gettysburg  in  1863. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SOUTHERN  STATES. 


447 


In  December  of  that  year  President  Lincoln  sent  a definite 
plan  to  Congress  and  declared  by  proclamation  a full  pardon 
to  all  persons  who  had  taken  part  in  the  secession  movement 
and  were  willing  to  take  oath  to  henceforth  faithfully  support 
and  defend  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  of  the  States  there- 
under and  to  abide  by  all  laws  and  proclamations  made  during 
the  existing  rebellion,  having  reference  to  slaves  so  long  and 
so  far  as  not  modified  and  declared  void  by  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  Excepting  however  civil  and  diplomatic 
officers  of  the  Confederate  Government,  those  persons  who  left 
Judicial  stations  in  the  United  States  Government  to  aid  in  the 
Rebellion,  military  officers  of  the  Confederacy  above  the  rank 
of  Colonel,  and  naval  officers  above  the  rank  of  Lieutenant,  all 
who  left  seats  in  Congress  to  aid  in  the  Rebellion,  all  who  left 
the  national  Army  or  Navy  to  aid  therein  and  all  who  had 
treated  colored  persons  found  in  the  military  or  naval  service 
of  the  United  States,  otherwise  than  as  prisoners  of  war. 

In  the  plan  proposed  to  Congress  the  President  was  willing  to 
trust  the  authority  of  establishing  a State  Government  to  those 
persons  who  would  submit  to  the  oath,  provided  they  were 
sufficient  in  number  to  cast  a vote  one  tenth  as  large  as  the 
vote  cast  by  the  State  at  the  Presidential  Election  in  the  year 

1860,  and  any  Government  so  established  the  President  de- 
clared, should  be  recognized  as  the  true  government  of  the 
State,  and  the  State  should  receive  thereunder  the  benefits  of 
the  constitutional  provision  which  declares  that  the  United 
States  shall  guarantee  to  each  State  a republican  form  of 
government.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan  on  the  8th  January 

1861,  a large  Free-State  Convention  assembled  in  New  Orleans, 
and  in  accordance  to  the  plan  of  the  Administration  General 
Banks  who  was  in  command  of  the  military  district,  issued  a 
proclamation,  at  the  request  of  the  Convention,  calling  for  an 
election  of  State  officers  to  take  place  on  February  22,  and  the 
officers  chosen,  to  be  installed  on  the  first  of  March  next.  At 
this  election  Michael  Hahn  was  chosen  as  Governor  of  Louisiana 
and  was  duly  installed  on  the  4th  March  ensuing. 

Early  in  April  a Convention  was  called  for  the  purpose  of 


448  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


forming  a Constitution  for  the  State.  The  first  important  step 
taken  by  this  Convention  was  to  adopt  a clause  by  a vote  of 
seventy-six  to  sixteen,  amending  the  Constitution,  declaring 
slavery  forever  abolished  in  the  State.  The  Constitution  as 
thus  amended  was  submitted  to  the  people  of  the  State  on 
the  5th  day  of  September  following,  and  it  was  ratified  by 
a popular  vote  of  6,836  for,  to  1,566  against.  This  being  a 
trifle  over  ten  per  cent,  of  the  vote  of  1860  for  President,  the 
new  State  Government  was  complete. 

Similar  proceedings  were  adopted  in  Arkansas.  Isaac 
Murphy  was  elected  Governor  in  the  spring  of  1864,  and 
Messrs.  Pishback  and  Baxter  were  chosen  to  represent  the 
State  in  Congress,  but  on  the  presentation  of  their  credentials 
Congress  was  unwilling  to  admit  them,  and  it  was  found  that 
Congress  was  not  in  harmony  with  Mr.  Lincoln’s  policy  of 
reconstruction,  and,  indeed,  a conflict  between  the  President 
and  Congress  on  the  subject  seemed  imminent.  And,  on  June 
27,  1864,  the  Senate,  by  a vote  of  twenty-seven  to  six,  declared 
that  the  rebellion  was  not  so  far  suppressed  in  Arkansas  as  to 
entitle  that  State  to  representation  in  Congress,  and  Fishback 
and  Baxter  were  not  admitted  as  Senators.  Similar  resolutions 
were  adopted  by  the  House  as  to  the  Representatives  from  that 
State. 

Following  this,  July  4,  1864,  a bill  was  passed  through 
Congress  in  which  it  was  declared  that  the  President  should 
appoint  a Provisional  Governor  for  each  of  the  States  in  Rebel- 
lion ; that  such  Governor  should  as  soon  as  military  resistance 
to  the  United  States  ceased,  make  an  enrollment  of  the  white 
male  citizens,  submitting  to  each  an  oath  to  support  the  Con- 
stitution, and  if  a majority  of  the  citizens  should  take  such 
oath,  the  Governor  was  to  order  an  election  of  delegates  to  a 
Constitutional  Convention.  The  first  duty  of  the  Convention 
was  to  declare  on  behalf  of  the  people  their  submission  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  to  incorporate  into  their 
Constitutions  these  provisions: 

That  no  one  who  had  held  any  office  under  the  Confederate 
Government,  except  civil  officers,  merely  ministerial  or  military 


REC0NS1R  UCTION  OF  SOUTHERN  STATES. 


449 


officers  below  the  rank  of  Colonel,  should  vote  for,  or  be  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  or  Governor.  That  involuntary 
servitude  should  be  forever  prohibited  and  the  freedom  of  all 
persons  in  the  State  guaranteed.  That  no  State  or  Confed- 
erate debt,  created  in  aid  of  the  rebellion,  should  ever  be  paid. 
In  the  event  a Constitution  should  be  so  adopted  by  a majority 
of  the  popular  vote,  as  ascertained  by  the  enrollment,  the  Gov- 
ernor should  certify  the  fact  to  the  President,  who  should,  with 
the  assent  of  Congress,  recognize  the  State  Government  thus 
reconstructed  as  legitimate  and  Constitutional,  having  author- 
ity to  elect  Senators  and  Representatives  to  Congress,  and  of 
choosing  electors  of  President  and  Vice-President. 

But  this  bill  did  not  receive  the  sanction  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  President,  while  recognizing  it  as  the  expression  of  Con- 
gress on  the  question  of  reconstruction,  felt  willing  to  accord 
it  due  deference,  but  was  not  prepared  to  adopt  it  as  the  only 
method  of  reconstruction.  The  President  was  careful  not  to 
commit  himself  to  any  definite  plan  for  the  rehabiliment  of  the 
Southern  States.  He  navigated  the  stream  cautiously  from 
point  to  point  as  he  could  discern,  always  keeping  in  view  cer- 
tain land  marks.  Dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  Congress 
became  manifest.  The  States  thus  reconstructed  were  satiri- 
cally termed  the  President’s  “ ten  per  cent.  States,”  and  joint 
resolutions  were  passed,  declaring  that  certain  States  were  not 
entitled  to  representation  in  the  Electoral  college. 

In  signing  these  resolutions  the  President  said  he  signed  them 
in  deference  to  the  view  of  Congress  implied  in  their  passage.  But 
in  his  own  view  Congress  had  ample  power  under  Article  12  of 
the  Constitution,  to  exclude  all  electors  deemed  by  them  illegal, 
and  he  disclaimed  all  right  on  the  part  of  the  Executive  in  any 
manner  to  interfere  in  counting  the  Electoral  vote.  But  all  the 
plans  of  Mr.  Lincoln  on  reconstruction  were  crude.  He  had 
no  opportunity  to  test  them,  nor  had  the  proper  occasion  yet 
arrived.  His  main  object  was  the  benevolent  one  of  again 
binding  the  hearts  of  the  people  in  love  and  loyalty  for  the 
Union,  and  to  this  end  his  powers  would  be  exerted,  pursuing 
always  the  best  and  safest  course.  Three  days  before  his  tragic 


450  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


death  he  said,  “It  may  be  my  duty  to  make  some  new  announce- 
ment to  the  people  of  the  South.  I am  considering,  and  shah 
not  fail  to  act  when  satisfied  that  action  will  be  proper.”  But 
just  what  he  was  considering  and  what  announcement  would 
have  been  made,  it  is  not  for  the  historian  to  chronicle.  In  an 
unfortunate  moment  as  appears  to  mortal  view  this  great  and 
good  man  passed  from  the  stage  of  action,  and  assassination 
gloated  over  a crime  that  paralyzed  Christendom.  When  Pres- 
ident Johnson  entered  upon  the  duties  of  office,  to  which  he  was 
so  suddenly  summoned,  he  was  met  at  the  very  threshold  with 
the  problem  of  reconstruction.  While  Yice  President  of  the 
United  States,  Mr.  Johnson  was  acting  as  Military  Governor  of 
Tennessee,  and  had  recommended  the  assembly  of  a Convention 
in  accordance  with  the  plan  proposed  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  Such  a 
Convention  assembled  at  Nashville,  on  February  9,  1865.  Mem- 
bership of  the  body  was  limited  to  persons  who  gave  an  active 
support  to  the  Union  cause,  and  who  never  voluntarily  gave 
aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy.  The  Convention  proposed  an 
amendment  to  the  State  Constitution  forever  abolishing  and 
prohibiting  slavery  in  the  State,  and  took  steps  annulling  all 
legislation  which  the  State  had  enacted  while  under  Confed- 
erate rule,  thus  destroying  the  ordinance  of  secession  and  the 
State  debt  created  in  aid  of  the  war  against  the  Union. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Convention  were  submitted  to  a popu- 
lar vote  on  the  22d  February,  1865,  and  w7ere  ratified  by  a vote  of 
25,293  for,  to  48  against,  and  as  the  total  vote  of  the  State  for 
President  in  1860,  was  145,333,  therefore  the  Constitution  was 
adopted  by  more  than  the  required  one-tenth.  And  on  the  4th 
day  of  March  following,  William  G.  Brownlow  was  chosen 
Governor.  The  new  Legislature  met  at  Nashville,  on  April  3, 
and  on  the  5tli  ratified  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  thus  adding  to  their  State  Con- 
stitution the  National  prohibition  of  slavery,  and  completed 
their  work  by  electing  David  T.  Patterson  and  Joseph  S.  Fow- 
ler to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

This  new  government  of  Tennessee  was  reconstructed  ac- 
cording to  the  plan  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  was,  thus  far,  in  opera 


RECONSTR  JJCTION  OF  SO  TJTHERN  ST  A TES. 


451 


tion  before  bis  death.  But  as  the  plan  was  opposed  by  Con- 
gress, the  crucial  point  arose  when  the  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatiyes  of  this  new  State  Government  would  apply  for  their 
seats  in  Congress. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Johnson  met  the 
question  of  reconstruction  under  circumstances  rendering 
it  unpopular  with  Congress.  Upon  assuming  the  duties  of 
Executive,  he  was,  therefore,  already  committed  to  a policy  in 
opposition  to  Congress.  In  his  inaugural  address,  Mr.  John- 
son said:  “I  desire  to  proclaim  that  Tennessee,  whose  repre- 
sentative I have  been,  is  free.  She  has  bent  the  tyrant’s  rod, 
she  has  broken  the  yoke  of  slavery,  she  stands  to-day  redeemed, 
she  waited  not  for  the  exercise  of  power  by  Congress ; it  was 
her  own  act,  and  she  is  now  loyal.” 

The  first  important  step  taken  by  Mr.  Johnson,  as 
President,  in  the  direction  of  reconstruction,  was,  there- 
fore, the  issuing  of  a Proclamation  of  Amnesty  and  Par- 
don to  all  persons  who  had,  directly  or  indirectly,  parti- 
cipated in  the  rebellion,  upon  condition  that  such  persons 
should  take  and  subscribe  an  oath,  solemnly  declaring, 
thereafter  to  faithfully  support,  protect  and  defend  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  Union  of  the 
States  thereunder,  and  also  abide  by,  and  faithfully  support, 
all  laws  and  proclamations  which  had  been  made  during  the 
Rebellion,  with  reference  to  the  emancipation  of  slaves.  This 
general  proclamation,  however,  contained  large  exceptions,  as 
to  those  persons  engaged  in  the  Secession  movement.  Mr. 
Johnson  was  seconded,  to  some  extent,  in  his  ideas  of  recon- 
struction, by  Mr.  Seward.  But  Congress  was  still  averse  to  it, 
and  another  important  question  now  arose:  upon  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  colored  people,  the  ratio  of  representation  in  the 
Southern  States  thereby  became  raised,  and  those  States  were 
entitled  to  a greater  number  of  Representatives  in  Congress, 
while  the  voting  population  remained  unchanged.  The  result 
here,  would  be  to  give  to  the  States,  lately  in  Rebellion,  an  un- 
due advantage  in  Congress,  an  advantage  to  which  they  were 
not  entitled,  unless  the  right  of  suffrage  should  be  extended  to 


452  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  colored  citizen.  Thus  the  question  of  Negro  suffrage 
became  important. 

But  the  work  of  reconstruction  went  on.  On  May  9,  1865, 
Mr.  Johnson  issued  a proclamation,  appointing  William  H. 
Holden  provisional  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  and  requiring 
him,  at  the  earliest  practical  period,  to  prescribe  such  means  as 
were  necessary  and  proper  for  assembling  a Convention,  com- 
posed of  delegates  who  were  loyal  to  the  United  States,  for  the 
purpose  of  altering  or  amending  the  Constitution,  and  no  per- 
son was  to  be  a delegate  to  this  Convention  who  had  not  taken 
the  required  oath,  and  was  not  eligible  as  required  by  the 
terms  of  the  proclamation,  and  preference  was  to  be  given  to 
qualified  loyal  persons  residing  within  the  district  where  their 
respective  duties  were  to  be  performed.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  was  to  nominate  certain  officers,  assessors  and  col- 
lectors of  internal  revenue  and  such  other  officers  of  the  Treas- 
ury Department  as  were  authorized  by  law.  The  Postmaster- 
General  was  to  re-establish  postoffices  and  Postmasters.  The 
United  States  District  J udges  were  directed  to  hold  the  Courts 
and  the  Attorney-General  to  enforce  the  administration  of 
justice.  June  13,  a proclamation  was  issued  for  the  recon- 
struction of  the  Civil  Government  of  Mississippi,  and  William 
L.  Starkey  was  appointed  provisional  Governor.  On  June  17, 
a proclamation  was  issued  for  the  reconstruction  of  Georgia? 
and  James  Johnson  was  appointed  provisional  Governor.  A 
like  proclamation  was  issued  for  Texas,  with  Andrew  J.  Ham- 
ilton as  provisional  Governor.  On  June  21,  Alabama  followed 
with  Lewis  E.  Parsons  as  provisional  Governor,  and  on  June 
30,  Benjamin  F.  Perry  was  appointed  provisional  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  and  on  July  13,  William  Marvin,  provisional 
Governor  of  Florida. 

All  these  States  proceeded  in  the  matter  of  reconstruction 
upon  a plan  similar  to  that  followed  by  North  Carolina.  “The 
process  was  designed  to  be  complete  by  fully  restoring  every 
connection  existing  under  the  Constitution  between  the  States 
and  the  National  Government.” 

After  Virginia  had  seceded,  and  the  State  of  West  Virginia 


RE  CONS  TR  UC  'T1  ON  OF  SO  UTHERN  ST  A TES.  453 


liad  been  established,  Francis  H.  Pierpont  was  made  Governor. 
He  was  the  head  of  the  loyal  Government  of  Virginia,  and  was 
now  recognized  by  President  Johnson  as  Governor  of  Virginia. 
Louisiana,  Arkansas  and  Tennessee,  were  organized  on  similar 
principles. 

Thus  far  was  reconstruction  completed ; but  the  inherent  de- 
fects of  the  system  soon  became  apparent.  The  colored  popu- 
lation not  having  the  right  of  suffrage,  were  practically  disfran- 
chised, while  the  representative  power  of  the  Southern  States  was 
increased.  Mr.  Johnson  realized  this,  and  wrote  to  several  of  his 
Governors  suggesting  that  suffrage  be  extended  to  the  colored 
people.  But  only  as  a stroke  of  policy  however;  he  did  not 
seem  to  realize  that  to  the  colored  people  the  right  of  suffrage 
would  become  a necessary  means  whereby  they  could  find  pro- 
tection in  their  newly  acquired  freedom,  that  to  emancipate 
the  colored  people  and  then  to  withhold  the  power  with  which 
to  protect  themselves,  would  be  the  merest  mockery. 

The  work  of  the  Legislatures  soon  proved  this ; many  laws 
unjust  and  oppressive  to  the  colored  people  were  passed. 

The  Thirteenth  Amendment  was  ratified ; the  whip,  the  Over- 
seer, and  the  blood  hound  had  become  useless  commodities, 
and  the  ship  of  State,  with  Mr.  Johnson  at  the  helm,  seemed 
now  to  be  sailing  through  placid  waters,  but  the  breakers  soon 
appeared.  The  glory  of  the  old  slave  power  had  not  wholly 
departed. 

This  soon  became  manifest  from  the  work  of  the  Legislatures 
of  the  Southern  States.  Penal  laws  designed  to  enthrall  the  col- 
ored people,  were  passed,  equaling  in  enormity  the  worst  penal 
statutes  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Ireland  during  the  reign 
of  Queen  Anne.  The  laws  of  vagrancy  were  so  changed  as  to 
make  the  poverty  of  colored  people  criminal.  Linder  those 
laws  they  were  fined  and  imprisoned,  and  if  unable  to  pay  the 
fines  imposed,  were  hired  out  for  periods  from  six  to  twelve 
months  to  parties  willing  to  pay  the  fines  and  costs. 

The  children  of  poor  colored  people  were  apprenticed  to 
their  former  masters.  Acts  were  passed  excluding  them  from 
hotels,  inns  and  restaurants,  and  for  a colored  person  to  enter 


454  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


any  religious  or  other  public  assembly  of  white  persons,  or 
any  railroad  car,  or  other  vehicle  set  apart  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  white  persons,  was  declared  a misdemeanor,  for  which 
a fine  was  to  be  imposed,  and  the  offending  party  was  to  stand 
in  the  pillory  one  hour,  and  then  be  whipped  with  thirty-nine 
lashes  on  the  bare  back. 

Colored  people  were  forbidden  to  follow  any  calling,  but 
that  of  husbandry,  without  the  payment  of  exorbitant  licenses, 
and  they  were  not  permitted  to  assemble  together  to  consult 
their  welfare,  under  severe  penalties,  and  were  not  allowed  to  ap- 
pear in  towns  except  in  a menial  capacity.  Were  required  to 
reside  on  and  cultivate  the  soil  without  being  allowed  to  own 
it.  Were  not  permitted  to  give  testimony  in  cases  where  a 
white  man  was  a party.  They  were  excluded  from  performing 
particular  kinds  of  business,  profitable  and  reputable,  and  were 
denied  the  right  of  suffrage. 

If  servants  and  apprentices  should  leave  their  “ Master” 
or  “Mistress,”  no  person  could  furnish  them  food  or  clothing, 
or  render  them  assistance  without  incurring  severe  penalties. 
For  a colored  person  to  keep  arms  of  any  kind  was  made  a heinous 
offense,  with  penalty  usually  of  forfeiture  of  the  property,  one 
hour  in  the  pillory,  and  thirty-nine  lashes  on  the  bare  back. 
Unjust  and  unequal  taxes  were  imposed,  and  extortionary  poll 
and  caption  taxes  exacted.  The  Legislatures  of  Alabama, 
Florida,  Louisiana,  Georgia  and  Texas,  vied  with  each  other 
in  this  unjust  legislation.  But  “whom  the  gods  would  destroy 
they  first  make  mad.”  Such  was  the  case  with  the  Southern 
States.  The  Thirteenth  Amendment,  if  honestly  received  and 
fairly  applied,  would  have  been  enough  to  guard  the  rights  of 
the  Colored  Bace. 

But  it  was  unheeded,  and  this  flagrant  injustice  only 
aroused  the  vigorous  opposition  of  Congress  to  a more  deter- 
mined effort,  and  finally  led  to  the  passage  of  the  several 
Reconstruction  Acts,  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  and  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Then  came  the  difficulty.  Congress  was  not  disposed  to 
ratify  these  Governments  and  accord  to  their  Representatives 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  SOUTHERN  STATES. 


455 


recognition.  Thus  arose  the  division  between  Mr.  Johnson 
and  his  party,  which  resulted  in  his  impeachment  and  almost 
his  deposition  from  office.  But  that  case  having  resulted  in 
his  favor,  Mr.  Johnson  vetoed  most  all  the  Acts  passed  by 
Congress  in  relation  to  reconstruction,  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  Congress  as  resolutely  passed  them  over  his  head. 
March  21,  1867,  Congress  passed  the  first  [Reconstruction  Act, 
declaring  that,  as  “no  legal  State  Government  or  adequate 
protection  for  life  or  property  now  exists  in  the  Rebel  States 
of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Missis- 
sippi, Alabama.  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas  and  Arkansas,  and 
whereas,  it  is  necessary  that  justice  and  good  order  shall  be 
enforced  in  said  States  until  loyal  and  Republican  State  Gov- 
ernments can  be  legally  established. 

“ It  was  therefore  ordered  that  those  States  should 
be  divided  into  Military  Districts  and  made  subject  to 
the  military  authority  of  the  United  States.  For  that  pur- 
pose Virginia  was  made  the  First  District;  North  Carolina 
and  South  Carolina,  the  Second;  Georgia,  Alabama  and 
Florida,  the  Third;  Mississippi  and  Arkansas,  the  Fourth; 
and  Louisiana  and  Texas,  the  Fifth.  The  President  was  to 
appoint  the  necessary  officers  who  were  to  protect  all  persons 
in  their  rights,  and  these  officers  were  given  authority  to  try 
all  offenders  and  pass  sentence,  but  no  sentence  of  death  could 
be  imposed  without  sanction  of  the  President. 

The  Act  further  declared  “that  when  the  people  of 
any  one  of  said  States  shall  have  formed  a Constitution 
of  Government  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  in  all  respects,  framed  by  a Con- 
vention of  delegates  elected  by  the  male  citizens  of 
said  State,  of  twenty-one  years  old  and  upward,  of  what- 
ever race,  color,  or  previous  condition,  who  have  been 
residents  in  said  State  one  year  previous  to  the  day  of  elec- 
tion, except  such  as  may  be  disfranchised  for  participation  in 
the  Rebellion,  or  for  felony  at  common  law,  and  when  such 
Constitution  shall  provide  that  the  elective  franchise  shall  be 
enjoyed  by  all  such  persons  as  have  the  qualifications  herein 


^t5b  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

stated  for  electors  of  delegates,  and  when  such  Constitution 
shall  be  ratified  by  a majority  of  the  persons  voting  on  the 
question  of  ratification,  who  are  qualified  as  electors  for  dele- 
gates, and  when  such  Constitution  shall  have  been  submitted 
to  Congress  for  examination  and  approval,  and  Congress  shall 
have  approved  the  same,  and  when  said  State  by  a vote  of  its 
Legislature,  elected  under  said  Constitution,  shall  have  adopted 
the  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  pro- 
posed by  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  and  known  as  Article 
Fourteen,  and  when  said  Article  shall  become  a part  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  said  State  shall  be 
declared  entitled  to  representation  in  Congress,  and  Senators 
and  Representatives  shall  be  admitted  therefrom,  on  their  tak- 
ing the  oaths  prescribed  by  law,  then  and  thereafter”  would 
the  Governments  of  those  States  be  recognized  as  legitimate. 

This  act  was  followed,  March  23,  by  a supplementary  act 
prescribing  an  oath  as  a qualification  as  to  official  eligibility, 
and  the  right  of  suffrage,  providing  for  an  election  and  for 
a Constitutional  Convention;  the  method  to  be  pursued  in 
canvassing  the  vote,  the  duties  of  the  several  officers,  and  the 
course  to  be  pursued  in  relation  to  the  actions  of  Conventions, 
if  such  were  formed.  This  was  again  followed  by  a further 
supplementary  act,  declaring  that  the  governments  existing  in 
those  States  were  not  legal  State  Governments,  and  if  the  same 
were  continued,  they  were  to  be  subject  to  the  Military  Com- 
manders of  their  respective  districts,  and  the  paramount 
authority  of  Congress. 

The  Act,  also,  made  the  appointments  of  the  Military 
Commanders  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  General  of 
the  Army,  vesting  him  with  powers  of  suspension,  re- 
moval or  appointment  of  any  person,  and  declared  that  no 
person,  on  account  of  race  or  color,  should  be  disfranchised 
from  being  a member  of  the  Legislature.  Thus  was  recon- 
struction legislation  completed.  The  eleven  Southern  States 
gradually  fell  into  line,  in  accordance  therewith,  and  recon- 
struction became  complete,  with  equal  suffrage  as  its  funda- 
mental principle. 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  LIBERIA. 


457 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

THE  REPUBLIC  OF  LIBERIA. 

“ Behold  ! I show  you  a beautiful  land.” 

r I ''HE  Republic  of  Liberia  is  situated  to  the  South  of 
Sierra  Leone,  on  that  part  of  the  West  coast  of  Africa 
called  the  seed  coast  Its  territory  consists  of  a series  of 
settlements,  some  commercial,  others  agricultural,  stretched 
along  the  sea  coast  for  a distance  of  960  kilometres,  and  extend- 
ing back  an  unlimited  distance  into  the  interior.  Its  Capital 
is  Monrovia,  situated  on  the  bay  of  Cape  Masurado,  and  the 
river  of  the  same  name.  It  was,  when  first  founded,  1821-’2, 
merely  a Colony  of  free  Negroes,  which  the  American  Coloni- 
zation Society  (founded  December  31,  1816),  established  to 
procure  for  these  victims  of  color  prejudice,  a better  lot  than  in 
America. 

No  little  difficulty  was  encountered  in  forming  the  Colony, 
as  we  may  notice  in  viewing  the  life  of  Jehudi  Ashmun,  em- 
ployed to  plant  a settlement  of  free  Negroes  in  the  land  of  their 
Fathers.  In  1822,  he  was  appointed  to  take  charge  of  a re- 
enforcement for  their  infant  settlement  in  Africa.  Within 
three  months  after  his  arrival,  when  the  whole  force  of  the 
Colonists  consisted  of  only  thirty-five  men  and  boys,  he  was 
attacked  by  armed  savages.  They  were  repulsed,  but  in  De- 
cember they  returned  with  greatly  increased  numbers,  and 
utter  extermination  of  the  little  Colony  seemed  certain.  Again 
the  savages  were  repulsed,  and  thoroughly  defeated.  For  six 
years,  Mr.  Ashmun  labored  faithfully  there,  with  Lott  Cary,  in 
laying  the  foundation  of  the  Republic  of  Liberia,  but  labor  and 
the  malaria  of  the  lowlands,  made  great  inroads  upon  his 
health,  month  after  month,  until  he  was  compelled  to  return  to 
America  to  recruit.  His  departure  was  a great  grief  to  the 
Colonists,  who  Bow  numbered  1,200  souls.  He  felt  that  the 


458  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


hand  of  decay  was  upon  him,  and  he  expressed  his  belief  that 
he  should  never  return.  Like  the  friends  of  Paul,  they  kissed 
him,  sorrowing  most  of  all  for  the  words  which  he  spake,  that 
they  should  see  his  face  no  more.  They  accompanied  him  to 
the  ship,  and  parted  at  the  shore  with  tears. 

By  additions  from  within  and  without,  the  free  and  Ameri- 
canized population  of  Liberia  amounted,  in  1872,  to  19,000 
souls,  who  exercised  a political  influence  over  700,000  Negroes 
(natives  but  not  savages),  scattered  over  the  territory  that  ex- 
tends from  the  sea  to  the  chain  of  mountains  which  separates 
the  Liberian  territory  from  the  basin  of  the  River  Niger,  in  the 
interior.  The  primitive  Colony,  governed  at  first  by  white 
men,  became,  August  24,  1847,  an  Independent  Republic, 
governed  by  a Black  Head,  and  was  admitted  into  the  family  of 
civilized  Nations.  It  has  been  recognized  by  England,  France, 
Belgium,  Holland,  Prussia,  the  Hanseatic  Cities,  Italy,  Den- 
mark, Portugal,  and,  finally  (in  1861),  by  the  Cabinet  in 
Washington.  Its  relations  with  foreign  Nations  have  been 
regulated  by  a dozen  friendly  treaties. 

The  Constitution  provides  for  a President,  a Yice  President, 
a House  of  Representatives  (thirteen  in  number)  elected  for 
for  two  years,  and  a Senate  (of  eight  members)  elected  for 
four  years.  The  President  may  be  re-elected.  The  first  Pres- 
ident, Roberts,  after  having  administered  the  Government  for 
the  Colonization  Society  during  six  years,  was  elected  when  the 
Republic  was  proclaimed  and  three  times  re-elected  (1848-56) ; 
his  successor,  Stephen  Allen  Benson,  was  re-elected  four  times, 
(1856-64) ; the  third  President  was  D.  B.  Warner  (1864- 
8) ; the  fourth  J.  S.  Payne  (1868-71) ; the  fifth,  who  again 
assumed  the  office  in  1872,  was  J.  J.  Roberts.  Anthony  W. 
Gardner  is  the  present  President. 

This  dignity,  like  other  governmental  offices,  can  be  con- 
ferred only  on  a Negro.  Various  ministers  form  its  executive 
agents.  Suffrage  is  universal. 

The  Judicial  power  is  vested  in  a Superior  Court,  and  two 
Tribunals  established,  as  occasion  requires,  by  the  Legisla- 
ture. 


TEE  REPUBLIC  OF  LIBERIA. 


459 


In  Administrative  matters  the  Repnblic  is  divided  into  four 
Counties:  Monferrado,  Grand-Basso,  Sinoe  and  Maryland, 
■which  are  subdivided  into  districts.  The  Civil  affairs  of  the 
Counties  are  managed  by  four  Superintendents,  chosen  by  the 
President,  with  the  advice  of  the  Senate ; those  of  the  districts 
by  Municipal  Magistrates  elected  by  the  citizens. 

The  Revenues  of  the  Republic  amount  to  about  $120, 000,  of 
which  more  than  $70,000  are  derived  from  customs  duties,  and 
about  $50,000  from  the  various  other  taxes.  The  expenses  are 
a little  less  than  this  sum.  The  public  debt,  contracted  for  the 
erection  of  establishments  of  general  utility,  amounts  to  upward 
of  $600,000,  $500,000  of  which  was  borrrowed  in  London  in 
1871.  Since  1874  no  interest  has  been  paid  on  this  debt. 

Education  is  furnished  in  the  district  schools  and  churches. 
English  is  the  official  language.  Monrovia  has  a college  and 
library.  The  wealthier  families  send  their  children  to  Europe 
to  complete  their  education.  Protestantism  is  the  dominant  relig- 
ion. 

Labor  is  obligatory ; each  inhabitant  is  obliged  to  cultivate 
a piece  of  land. 

The  Liberian  Colony  has  developed,  in  spite  of  the  frequent 
aggressions  of  hostile  Negroes  from  the  adjacent  country;  the 
Liberians  are  faithful  to  the  laws  which  they  have  adopted,  hon- 
est in  their  dealings,  religious  and  moral. 

The  Liberians  have  not,  however,  escaped  all  criticism; 
they  have  been  reproached  wTith  reducing  to  slavery  the  nations 
who  resist  their  power,  and  through  the  complicity  of  their 
citizens,  selling  them  to  the  slave  traders;  but  severe  regu- 
lations imposed  by  the  Legislature  in  the  session  of  1857-8 
upon  this  traffic  and  upon  immigration,  exonerate  the  Republic 
from  all  participation  in  acts,  which,  if  they  have  any  real 
existence,  are  but  the  crimes  of  individuals. 

Besides,  lawful  commerce  affords  ample  opportunity  to  the 
activity  of  the  Liberians ; it  is  carried  on  in  Monrovia  and  in  the 
factories  along  the  coast,  subject  to  moderate  import  and  export 
duties.  The  exports  aggregate  nearly  $600,000,  composed 
principally  of  palm  oil,  logwood  and  ivory;  but  the  variety  of 


460  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

local  products  promises  a more  extended  traffic  in  the  future. 
Rice,  colfee,  sugar,  pepper,  indigo,  peanuts,  arrowroot,  maize, 
etc.,  grow  on  its  fertile  soil.  The  cultivation  of  cotton  is 
encouraged  b y the  Cotton  Spinners’  Association  of  Manchester. 
Iron  is  common,  and  gold  is  not  rare;  there  are  also  indica- 
tions of  coal. 

By  these  varied  sources  of  wealth  which  it  is  developing 
from  day  to  day,  and  still  more  by  the  establishment  of  order 
with  perfect  liberty,  the  little  Republic  of  Liberia  is  a very 
interesting  example  of  what  Negro  communities  may  become. 
Fortunately  exempt  from  the  violent  traditions  which  still 
weigh  heavily  upon  Hayti,  owing  its  foundation  to  the  disin- 
terested devotion  of  whites,  composed  of  freedmen  who  were 
ordinarily  the  best  of  the  slaves,  admitted  into  fraternal  rela- 
tions of  friendship  with  civilized  nations,  it  will  serve  as  a test 
of  what  the  Colored  Race  can  attain  to,  when  left  to  self-gov- 
ernment. Its  progress  thus  far  warrants  the  hope  that  it  will 
continue  worthy  to  rank  by  the  side  of  the  Senegambian  Colo- 
nies which  France  and  England  possess  and  administer  in  the 
same  region  of  Western  Africa. 

William  Coppinger,  Consul  General  of  Liberia  and  Secre- 
tary of  the  Colonization  Society,  referring  to  the  report  that 
there  is  discontent  in  Liberia,  said: 

“ Some  of  the  immigrants  succeed  and  some  fail  just  as  it 
is  with  those  who  come  to  this  country.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  immigrants  are  often  not  of  the  most  energetic 
temperaments  and  they  come  from  a race  whose  attachments 
to  localities  are  very  strong.  Another  boat  load  of  colored 
people  will  be  sent  over  in  the  Autumn,  being  the  third  this 
year.  This  will  make  the  record  a little  larger  than  usual,  for, 
as  a rule,  the  Association  only  send  two  parties  in  a season. 
The  vessel  which  the  Society  owns  is  a small  one  and  its  trips 
to  Liberia  and  return 'occupy  months.  Besides  this  the  work  of 
raising  money  for  transportation  of  Negroes  is  a slow  one.  The 
Association  not  only  sends  them  over,  but  makes  a certain 
allowance,  supposed  to  cover  the  cost  of  living  until  they  can 
begin  to  support  themselves. 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  LIBERIA. 


461 


“Since  it  was  organized  tlie  Society  lias  given  homes  to 
about  20,000  people  in  the  land  o£  their  fathers,  and  we  are 
sending  others  as  fast  as  we  can  raise  the  necessary  funds. 
There  is  no  lack  of  good  material.  I tell  you  we  could  send 
1,000,000  to-day  if  we  had  the  wherewithal  to  do  it.  The 
largest  number  come  from  the  South,  for  the  bulk  of  the 
colored  population  is  in  the  South,  but  I am  receiving  a large 
number  of  appeals  from  the  colored  people  of  Kansas,  many 
of  whom  went  there  during  the  exodus  of  some  years  ago. 
They  did  not  improve  their  condition  as  much  as  they  expected. 
At  any  rate  they  are  very  anxious  to  exchange  Kansas  for 
Africa.  We  are  sending  more  or  less  of  them,  but  cannot 
respond  to  anything  like  the  number  of  appeals  we  get.” 
When  asked:  “ What  seems  to  be  the  reason  for  the  desire  of 
the  colored  people  in  the  North  for  leaving  the  country?”  he 
said:  “ They  feel  that  they  are  not  a part  of  the  dominant 
race,  and  that  they  are  not  properly  recognized  socially  and 
politically  by  the  whites,  and  never  will  be.  The  general 
public  do  not  understand  how  strong  this  feeling  is  with  the 
Negroes,  and  it  will  probably  continue  so.  Many  of  them  feel 
it  very  keenly.  W e hear  it  in  a marked  degree  from  those 
Avho  went  to  Kansas  a few  years  ago.” 

Mr.  Coppinger  added  that  the  majority  of  the  immigrants 
had  houses  of  their  own,  enjoy  personal  and  political  equality, 
and  by  their  intelligence  contribute  largely  to  the  growth  of 
of  civilization  among  African  tribes.  Many  savages  have  been 
absorbed  into  the  Southwest.  They  send  there  children  to  schools 
and  have  adopted  the  methods  of  civilized  life  and  the  use  of 
the  English  language,  so  that  now  an  English  speaking  person 
may  make  himself  understood  at  most  anywhere  on  the  west 
coast  of  Africa. 


462  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


ADVANCEMENT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE. 


“And,”  he  said,  “Who  hears  can  never 
Fear  for  or  douht  you  ; 

What  shall  I tell  the  children 
Up  North  about  you?” 

Then  ran  round  a whisper,  a murmur, 
Some  answer  devising; 

And  a little  boy  stood  up:  “ Massa, 
Tell  ’em  — we’re  rising!” 

0 black  boy  of  Atlanta! 

But  half  was  spoken  : 

The  slave’s  chain  and  the  Master’s 
Alike  are  broken, 

The  one  curse  of  the  races 
Held  both  in  tether: 

They  are  rising, all  are  rising, 

The  black  and  white  together!" 


TD  Y far  tlie  most  important  and  interesting  period  in  the 
^ history  of  this  people,  is  that  which  followed  emancipation 
and  witnessed  their  struggle  for  existence,  their  establishment 
as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  their  advancement  in  num- 
bers, knowledge  and  power. 

The  long,  dark  night  of  oppression  is  past,  and  the  morn- 
ing which  has  dawned,  is  one  of  glorious  promise.  With  the 
sun  of  Truth  rising  so  steadily,  dispersing  mist  and  clouds, 
and  revealing  all  things  in  his  glorious  effulgence,  it  does  not 
take  an  eye  of  great  faith  to  realize  that  the  meridian  will  be 
reached.  We  know  that  nothing  is  more  sure,  than  that  the 
sun,  once  arisen,  must  take  his  undeviating  course,  on  to  the 
fullness  of  the  noonday.  All  pure  and  honest  hearts  raise  their 
glad  hymn  of  praise  at  his  approach ; the  fragrant  blossoms  of 
aspiration  and  lofty  endeavor,  spring  up  in  his  pathway,  and 
all  the  earth  and  air  teem  with  earnest,  joyous  life.  Prowling 
superstition  and  darksome  ignorance  hide  themselves  at  his 
coming,  and  the  poisonous  miasma  of  crime  and  degradation 
cannot  lurk  within  reach  of  his  warm  rays.  Thus  is  day  ad- 
vancing for  the  Colored  Pace! 


AD  VAN  CEMENT  AND  PRO  CRESS. 


463 


In  America,  all  is  open  to  the  rays  of  this  sun  of  Truth, 
and  under  cultivation ; but  in  many  of  the  dark  recesses  of  Africa, 
its  rays  have  been  unable  to  reach.  There  is  need  that  the 
thick  and  noxious  growth  covering  them  should  be  torn  away, 
that  the  light  of  liberty  might  shine  in. 

It  is  our  purpose  now,  however,  to  consider  what  has  been 
accomplished  by  the  colored  people,  and  what  their  possibili- 
ties for  the  future  are  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States. 
This  is  no  inconsiderable  subject.  It  has  occupied  the  pens 
of  the  ablest  waiters  of  our  times,  and  is  still  at  work,  with  its 
ever  varying  forms,  in  their  deepest  consciousness.  It  has 
been  called  a “problem,”  which  needs  “working  out” — espe- 
cially in  its  relation  to  the  white  race,  and  every  thoughtful 
man  and  woman  will  realize  its  magnitude,  and  should  give  it 
a wise  and  unprejudiced  consideration. 

Ih  istory  furnishes  no  example  of  emancipation  under  cir- 
cumstances so  unfavorable,  as  that  of  the  colored  people  in  the 
United  States.  Between  four  and  five  millions  of  people  sud- 
denly thrown  upon  the  world,  ignorant,  poor,  and  without  a foot 
of  land  to  stand  upon, [and  that  too,  not  by  the  voluntary  action 
of  the  people  whose  possessions  they  had  been,  and  among 
whom  they  were  to  live  (and  who  were  thus  rendered,  more  or 
less,  bitter  and  unfriendly  ) ; but  by  those  whose  distant  point 
of  view  gave  them  little  conception  of  their  natures  and  needs, 
and  comparatively  limited  opportunities  for  aiding  them.l  Nev- 
ertheless, these  came  nobly  to  the  rescue,  and  numbers  of  earn- 
est men  and  women  devoted  an  incalculable  amount  of  energy, 
time  and  money,  to  the  work  of  aiding,  uplifting,  and  educating 
those  whose  freedom  they  had  been  instrumental  in  securing.  ^ 

And  this  was  just.  The  people  of  the  South,  impoverished 
by  the  war,  their  lands  over-run,  their  once  beautiful  homes 
now  scenes  of  desolation,  and  obliged  now  to  pay  for  the  labor 
they  could  formerly  compel,  while  more  pecuniarily  unable  to 
do  so,  were  naturally  in  no  mood  or  condition  just  then,  to 
regard  in  a very  high  light  the  duty  they  owed  their  new  made 
neighbor.  Their  own  necessities  were  pressing  too  heavily 
upon  them.  Doubtless  thev  felt  their  own  condition  the  more 


464  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


deplorable  of  tbe  two,  for  their  ex-slaves  were  at  least  inured 
to  the  life  of  toil  and  hardship  before  them,  while  their  own 
muscles  were  untrained  to  work,  and  their  wills  unused  to  dis- 
cipline. 

J ust  here,  that  occurred,  which  in  its  effect  of  retarding  the 
advancement  of  the  colored  people,  and  of  embittering  the 
minds  of  their  former  owners,  was  far  reaching,  and  very  dis- 
astrous to  the  early  establishment  of  peace  and  prosperity.  W e 
refer  to  the  insidious  teachings  of  certain  Northern  enthusiasts, 
in  the  first  flush  of  victory,  or  it  may  have  been  confined  simply 
to  artful  politicians  intent  upon  securing  the  colored  vote,  who 
led  the  then  poor  and  unlettered  freedmen  to  dream  wonderful 
fairy  tales  of  what  the  Government  would  do  for  them.  The 
promise  of  “forty  acres  and  a mule”  to  each  one  has  become  a 
by-word  upon  the  lips  of  the  Nation,  but  to  them  it  was  a real- 
ity. As  has  been  said,  they  looked  for  its  fulfilment  “with  the 
wonder  and  simplicity  of  a child,  watching  for  Santa  Claus  to 
drop  down  the  chimney  on  Christmas  night.  Hundreds  of  igno- 
rant white  people  expected  that  they,  under  some  form  of  law,  if 
not  by  compulsion  without  form,  would  be  called  upon  to  fur- 
nish both  the  mule  and  the  land.”  They  were  also  to  have 
given  them  “provisions  enough  for  one  year,”  with  perhaps  a 
train  of  innumerable  other  blessings,  which  if  not  actually  prom- 
ised, their  own  imaginations,  known  to  be  extremely  fertile, 
could  easily  supply. 

Even  greater  evils  were  intilled  into  their  minds  by  some, 
assuredly  of  an  inferior  class,— the  “ wolves  in  sheep’s  cloth- 
ing,” who  had  stolen  into  the  flock  of  true  and  good  workers — 
who  told  them  that  the  property  of  their  former  owners  right- 
fully belonged  to  them  (the  colored  people),  in  payment  of 
the  debt  due  them  for  over  a hundred  years  servitude,  and  what- 
ever they  could  take  from  them  they  were  justified  in  taking. 
Lands,  houses,  stock,  furniture,  and  even  the  wives  and  daugh- 
ters of  the  white  race  they  might  rightfully  appropriate,  and 
many  actually  made  their  selections,  and  patiently  awaited  the 
signal  for  seizure. 

Such  a state  of  fermentation,  and  such  expectations,  as  long 


ADVANCEMENT  AND  PROGRESS. 


465 


as  indulged  in,  were  a death-blow  to  any  persistent  and  well- 
organized  system  of  work.  If  they  were  to  be  so  bountifully 
provided  for,  there  was  no  need  of  work,  except  just  enough  to 
tide  them  over  the  time  before  these  miracles  in  them  behalf 
should  take  place.  But  when  they  realized  the  imposition 
which  had  been  practiced  upon  them,  and  the  dashing  of  all 
their  hopes,  although  calculated  to  make  them  lose  faith  in 
their  would-be  friends,  their  freedom  from  malice  or  revenge 
manifested  itself,  and  they  accepted  the  situation  with  the  good 
nature  which  had  characterized  them  in  all  their  most  bitter 
experiences,  and,  as  one  has  expressed  it,  “dropped  their 
political  teachers, 

‘ Hung  up  the  fiddle  and  the  bow, 

And  took  up  the  shovel  and  the  hoe,’ 

And  have  won  for  themselves  the  respect  of  all  just  men.” 

Rev.  A.  G.  Haygood,  of  Georgia,  whose  life-long  expe- 
rience among  the  colored  people,  and  whose  continued 
labors  in  their  behalf,  gives  his  words  double  significance, 
thus  writes: 

“ They  have  learned,  or  they  are  fast  learning,  that  they,  as 
well  as  white  men,  are  still  under  the  blessed  ban  of  labor; 
‘blessed,’  although  they  know  it  not.  They  no  longer  look  to 
the  Government  for  ‘rations.’  The  dream  of  forty  acres  and 
a mule  has  faded  from  their  imagination. 

“ These  people  must  work,  ought  to  work,  for  their  living. 
There  is  no  help  for  it,  there  ought  to  be  no  help  for  it.  This, 
necessity  is  not  based  on  their  poverty  only,  and  not  at  all  on 
the  color  of  their  skin.  But  on  their  physical,  mental,  moral, 
and  social  constitution  as  human  beings.  It  is  the  primal  law 
for  all  men,  of  every  color  and  condition.  An  un working  race 
cannot  be  truly  educated,  for  labor  is  itself  a part  of  education. 
If  some  power  could  feed  and  clothe  and  shelter  them,  by  the 
distribution  of  all  things  needful  for  their  bodies,  could  dis- 
miss them  from  their  toils  and  send  the  whole  race  to  school 
for  a term  of  years,  the  problem  of  their  right  education  would 
not  be  solved,  although  every  one  mastered  a liberal  course  of 
studies.  Such  schooling  would  create  new  and  harder  prob- 


466  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


lems ; under  such  conditions  their  moral  and  social  education 
could  not  keep  pace  with  their  mental  development,  and  thus  a 
new  and  deadly  virus  would  be  introduced  into  their  very  blood. 
One  obvious  result  would  be  such  education  would  multiply 
vagabonds  and  sharpers  by  the  million.  For  true  education 
means  far  more  than  ‘book  learning there  must  be  education 
of  the  instincts,  the  feelings,  the  habits,  the  will,  the  con- 
science. 

“A  man  rises,  not  by  the  color  of  his  skin,  but  by  intelli- 
gence, industry  and  integrity.  The  foremost  man  in  these 
excellences  and  virtues  must,  in  the  long  run,  be  also  the 
highest  man.  And  it  ought  to  be  so.  Ignorance,  indolence, 
immorality,  have  no  right  to  rise.  Let  the  white  man  rise  as 
high  as  he  can,  providing,  always,  that  he  does  not  rise  by 
wrongs  done  to  another.  In  such  rising,  there  is  no  real  eleva- 
tion. And  let  every  man  rise  to  his  full  stature,  the  white,  the 
black,  the  red,  and  the  yellow.  No  honest  man,  with  brains  in 
his  head,  doubts,  for  one  moment,  that  it  is  God’s  will  that 
every  man  He  ever  made  of  every  race,  should  make  the  most 
of  the  talents  his  Creator  gave  him.  Therefore,  are  talents 
given,  that  every  man  may  be  just  as  much  of  a man  as  he  can 
be.  The  King  at  His  coming  will  demand  His  own,  with 
usury.  There  is  no  more  sacred  right  than  a man’s  right  to  be 
all  that  God  gives  him  ability  to  be  in  all  good  things.  The 
divine  Magna  Charta  guarantees  this  right.  There  is  no 
higher  duty  than  that  each  human  being  do  his  utmost  to 
realize  the  fullest  possibilities  of  his  life.  Whatever  hinders, 
does  infinite  damage  to  all  concerned.” 

Dr.  Haygood  proceeds  to  say  that  growth  is  from  within, 
and  that  all  help  from  without  cannot,  in  itself,  give  the  freed- 
man  his  right  manhood  and  citizenship.  That  he  must  attain 
it  by  growth,  just  as  the  white  race  have  attained  to  their 
higher  estate.  The  latter  began  low  and  have  taken  a long 
time,  and  are  not  half  grown  yet.  Then  he  adds:  “ Doing 
things  for,  and  giving  things  to,  people  does  not  lift  them  up5 
if  the  doing  and  the  giving  do  not  spring  a new  hope,  a new 
aspiration,  a new  purpose  in  them,  or  in  some  way,  vivify  into 


ADVANCEMENT  AND  PE  OGRESS. 


467 


fruitful  life  some  dormant  good  already  in  their  souls.  The 
test  of  our  usefulness  to  others  is  to  be  found  in  their  charac- 
ter. Do  we  make  them  wiser,  stronger,  braver,  truer  ? Then 
we  have  lifted  them  up  by  helping  them  to  grow  out  of  their 
weakness  and  evil  into  their  strength  and  goodness.  Why  is 
it  better  to  give  a poor  man  a day’s  work,  than  a day’s  rations 
without  the  work?  The  one  gift  lifts  him  up,  the  other  pau- 
perizes him. 

And  then  the  freedman,  while  disappointed  in  receiving  the 
gifts  he  was  led  to  expect,  and  which  received,  would,  perhaps, 
have  only  had  the  effect  to  “pauperize”  him,  did  receive,  in  no 
small  measure,  the  help  which  “ lifts  up  ” and  places  a man  on 
a solid  foundation,  from  whence  he  can  make  his  own  way,  and 
win  for  himself  recognition  in  the  world.  There  is  no  crumb- 
ling of  footholds,  no  falling  back,  in  a position  thus  gained, 
for  every  inch  has  been  strongly  contested  and  hardly  won,  and 
such  ground  is  not  readily  relinquished. 

^With  the  colored  people  it  has,  in  the  very  nature  of  things; 
been  a hard  struggle.  Accustomed,  in  slave  time,  to  depend 
upon  their  owners  for  everything,  not  only  for  food,  clothing 
and  shelter,  but  even  for  the  control  of  themselves  and  their 
children,  they  had  been  taught  none  of  those  elements  of  suc- 
cess,— self  reliance,  a faculty  for  managing,  a realization  of  the 
value  of  money,  and  an  intelligent  use  of  it,  which,  ordinarily, 
would  seem  indispensable.  This  has  been  an  immense  obstacle 
in  their  wayj  While  industrious  and  indefatigable  in  their 
work,  they  have  not,  as  a rule,  saved  their  earnings  or  used 
them  with  strict  economy,  in  providing  themselves  with  homes, 
thus  securing  their  independence.  For  neither  white  man  or 
colored  is  truly  free  and  independent,  while  he  relies  upon  each 
day’s  labor  for  that  day’s  food  and  shelter.  When  possessed 
of  a home,  even  in  a city,  by  using  his  available  ground  as  a 
garden,  he  is  thus  at  once  provided  with  both  food  and 
shelter. 

If,  living  in  the  country,  and  owning  only  a few  acres,  he 
manages  them  with  thrift  and  intelligence,  he  has  not  only 
“ a living  ” for  himself  and  family,  but  produce  for  sale. 


468  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


A great  drawback  to  advancement  among  the  colored  people 
is  the  “ lease”  or  “land  rental  ” system  and  tlie  credit  system 
in  vogue  all  over  the  South.  A considerable  number  of  them 
rent  land  or  rather  work  it  on  shares.  The  general  plan  is  that 
the  landlord  furnishes  the  land,  teams  and  implements,  for 
which  he  is  paid  one  half  the  crop.  In  Alabama  three  bales 
of  cotton  and  one  hundred  bushels  of  corn  is  the  average 
product  to  a “hand”.  His  share  amounts  to  one  hundred 
dollars,  at  the  average  price — not  enough  to  maintain  his 
family  decently.  Of  course  some  do  better.  Where  the  land 
is  more  productive  the  rent  is  higher.  In  East  Carroll  Parish, 
Louisiana,  where  this  is  the  case,  I was  told  the  rent  amounted 
to  about  eight  dollars  per  acre  for  land  worth  from  fifteen  to 
twenty  dollars  an  acre.  A colored  man  with  his  wife  and 
two  children  and  the  use  of  a horse  cultivated  twenty  acres  of 
land.  He  was  a careful  man  and  at  the  end  of  the  year  his 
share  amounted  to  two  hundred  dollars.  But  it  was  all  swal- 
lowed up  in  store  bills.  He  did  not  complain  of  the  planter 
but  of  the  “shark”  store- keepers.  Without  capital  these 

colored  men  have  to  get  credit  from  the  stores  until  the  crops 
are  harvested,  and  they  give  a lien  on  their  share  of  the  crop 
as  security.  The  most  outrageous  prices  are  charged.  In  this 
particular  Parish,  pork,  for  instance,  was  charged  at  twenty 
dollars  a barrel,  thought  selling  in  New  Orleans  at  less 
than  half  that  price.  This  is  practiced  all  through  the  South. 
The  ignorant  colored  man  is  often  charged  for  what  he  does 
not  get,  and  the  prices  are  from  one  hundred  to  three  hundred 
per  cent  more  than  would  be  charged  a white  man  for  cash. 
But  both  planter  and  laborer  are  more  or  less  swindled  in  this 
stor9  credit  system,  so  that,  as  a rule,  neither  is  prospering. 
Of  course  the  landlord  has  the  advantage.  He  generally  takes 
charge  of  the  sale  of  the  cotton,  and  divides  with  the  tenant 
after  it  is  sold.  If  so  disposed  he  can  easily  take  an  unfair 
advantage  in  disposing  of  the  crop.  He  is  protected  by  law. 
In  North  Carolina,  for  instance,  the  tenant  can  not  sell  a thing 
he  has  raised  until  the  rent  is  paid.  If  he  raises  anything  for 
himself  outside  of  that  to  be  shared  with  the  landlord,  he  can- 


ADVANCEMENT  AND  PROGRESS. 


469 


not  sell  it  without  the  consent  of  the  owner  of  the  land.  This 
places  him  at  the  mercy  of  the  landlord. 

We  hope  to  see  these  evils  remedied  soon,  so  that  the 
colored  people  may  advance  more  rapidly  and  if  they  under- 
stand the  evils  of  the  rental  system,  and  dishonest  store 
charges,  there  is  sufficient  enlightenment  among  them  to  as- 
sociate together  and  thus  obviate  the  disastrous  results  this 
credit  system  has  brought  about.  The  colored  people  must 
depend  upon  themselves  to  eradicate  this  evil. 

It  is  an  encouraging  sign  that  so  large  a proportion  of  the 
race  have  since  their  freedom  settled  in  the  rural  districts.  It 
has  been  estimated  that  of  the  sis  and  a half  millions  of  colored 
people,  who  according  to  the  United  States  census  of  1880, 
were  in  the  South,  not  more  than  one  million  lived  in  the  cities. 
This  is  encouraging  for  the  reason  given  by  one  of  the  illustri- 
ous men  of  their  race,  that  “ the  men  who  are  the  tillers  of 
soil  will  under  any  fair  condition  of  things,  eventually  become 
the  proprietors  of  the  soil.”  And  this  is  being  verified,  for  in  the 
South  the  colored  people  are  largely  tillers  of  the  soil,  and  as 
a consequence,  an  ever  increasing  number  are  becoming  pro- 
prietors of  small  farms.  This  is  better  for  the  white  as  well  as 
the  colored  people,  than  the  prevalent  rental  system,  better  for 
the  proper  development  of  the  land.  The  man  who  rents  for 
one  year  has  the  strongest  inducement  to  use  every  means  of 
making  the  present  yield  as  large  as  possible,  irrespective  of 
the  future  good  of  the  land.  The  long  lease  plan  is  better — 
both  for  his  own  good,  and  also  for  the  improvement  of  the 
land.  Owning  the  land  is  preferable  to  either.  There  is  no 
danger,  under  this  regime  that  the  white  farmer  or  planter  may 
not  succeed  in  obtaining  labor,  for  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  a large  number  of  colored  people,  as  is  the  case  also  with 
the  white  people,  will  remain  landless,  sufficiently  to  furnish 
cheap  labor.  And  the  land  thus  divided  up  and  farmed  by 
those  whose  advantage  it  is  that  it  shall  improve,  will  yield  the 
poet’s  pleasing  ideal  of  “the  little  farm  well  tilled.” 

There  seems  to  be  something:  in  the  free  and  healthful  life 
on  the  farm,  that  has  a tendency  to  make  men — men  of  broad 


470  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


views  and  deep  intellects,  men  capable  of  thinking  for  them- 
selves, men  of  such  stuff  as  our  Statesmen  and  Presidents  are 
made  of. 

Nature  must  teach  them  something  of  her  mystic  lore;  the 
independence  of  their  position  frees  them  from  any  necessity 
of  a cringing  or  servile  attitude  toward  any  other  man ; their 
free  life  perhaps,  gives  them  a better  idea  of  what  constitutes 
liberty,  and  the  best  methods  of  promoting  it;  and  they  drink 
deep  of  the  pure  fountain  of  health,  which  adds  strength  and 
tone  to  their  every  other  characteristic. 

This  is  true  of  other  ages  and  Nations  than  ours: 

“ In  olden  times,  the  sacred  plow  employ’d 
The  Kings,  and  ancient  fathers  of  mankind  : 

And  some,  with  whom  compared,  your  insect  tribes 
Are  but  the  beings  of  a summer’s  da3r, 

Have  held  the  scale  of  empire,  ruled  the  storm 
Of  mighty  war,  then,  with  unwearied  hand, 

Disdaining  little  delicacies,  seized 

The  plow,  and  greatly  independent  lived.” 

Our  own  honored  Washington  is  said  to  have  been  “ever 
more  enamoured  of  the  sickle  than  the  sword,  and  unhesita- 
tingly pronounced  agriculture  the  most  healthy,  the  most  use- 
ful, and  the  most  noble  employment  of  man.” 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  colored  people  are  to  become  good 
and  worthy  citizens,  competent  to  vote  for  the  best  interests  of 
the  community  in  which  they  live,  they  must  also  be  tax-paying 
citizens.  Representation  without  taxation  is  scarcely  less  dan- 
gerous, than  “ taxation  without  representation”  is  unjust.  The 
colored  man  is  rapidly  reaching  that  point  where  intimidation, 
bribery,  or  the  buying  of  his  vote,  is  an  impossibility.  He  bo- 
gins  to  feel  the  thrill  of  life  and  power  in  his  veins,  to  realize  his 
responsibility  as  a citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  to  aspire 
to  that  independent  intelligent  use  of  his  privileges,  which 
characterizes  the  free  man,  and  he  will  immediately  stamp  as 
his  enemy  the  man  who  dares  attempt  by  intrigue  or  violence 
to  obtain  his  vote.  However,  self-interest  is  the  surest  safe- 
guard, and  he  who  has  an  acre  or  more  of  his  own,  will  have 
the  strongest  incentive  to  vote  for  the  good  of  the  community 
at  large. 


AD  VANCEMENT  AND  PROGRESS. 


471 


There  is  nothing  that  gives  a naan  a more  thorough  respect 
for  himself,  and  also  for  the  rights  of  others,  than  to  feel,  that 
the  land  he  stands  upon  is  his  own ; that  he  represents  some- 
thing of  value,  no  matter  how  little  that  be;  that  to  this  one 
domain,  at  least,  he  has  an  inestimable  and  indisputable  right, 
and  that  here  he  may  dwell,  “ under  his  own  vine  and  fig-tree,” 
monarch  not  only  of  that,  best  of  all  realms,  home,  but  also 
of  the  homestead. 

A good  farm,  if  properly  managed,  will  soon  pay  for  itself, 
and  if  bought  on  slow  payments,  it  will  be  found  almost  as 
easy,  and  certainly  more  gratifying  to  make  these  payments, 
than  to  pay  the  usual  “ third  ” of  the  crops  for  rent. 

“ Owning  the  land  tends  to  foster  the  virtues  that  make  a 
people  happy,  strong  and  prosperous.  It  economizes  industry 
and  promotes  economy.  It  furnishes  the  right  soil  for  all  those 
affections  and  sentiments  that  are  the  life  and  soul  of  home. 
The  one-year  tenant  has  the  poorest  chance  to  make  a home; 
the  long-lease  tenant  is  in  far  better  case;  the  land-owner, 
though  of  only  a very  small  parcel  of  ground,  is  in  the  best 
case  of  all.  The  best  homes  grow  out  of  ownership  of  the 
soil. 

“It  is  of  very  great  importance  to  make  possible  such  indus- 
trial and  social  development  among  the  colored  people  that 
they  may  become  strong  enough  to  provide  for  the  helpless  of 
their  own  race.  I could  mention  a number  of  cases  where  the 
fact  of  owning  a little  land  enabled  certain  colored  families  to 
assist  others  of  their  race,  less  fortunate,  in  the  hour  of  their 
need.  Within  gun-shot  of  my  own  house  are  several  colored 
families  able  to  make  comfortable  some  old  and  helpless 
‘grandfathers’  and  ‘grandmothers,’  by  'virtue  of  owning 
their  home.  And  they  do  it  creditably  to  themselves,  thus 
honoring  their  own  hearts  and  keeping  their  poor  off  the 
county.” 

White  or  black,  the  best  neighbors,  the  most  useful,  enter- 
prising members  of  a community,  the  most  careful  and  inde- 
pendent voters,  the  best  citizens  of  the  country  at  large,  are 
its  land  owners.  The  welfare  not  only  of  the  colored,  but  also 


472  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


of  the  white  people  of  the  South,  is  dependent  upon  whether 
the  former  shall  remain,  as  they  began,  a landless  people,  mov- 
ing at  the  end  of  each  year,  driven  hither  and  thither  by  every 
wind  that  blows,  whether  from  a financial  or  political  quarter, 
or  whether  they  shall  take  root  in  the  soil  and  grow  up  into  a 
self-reliant,  prudent  and  patriotic  race. 

This  question  is  rapidly  being  answered.  It  is  difficult 
to  obtain  separate  reports  of  the  taxable  property  of  white  and 
colored  owners  in  the  various  States.  In  Georgia,  however, 
they  are  given  separately,  and  this  State  is  probably  little,  if 
any,  above  the  average,  in  proportion  to  population,  in  the 
other  States.  In  this  State  alone,  in  1886,  the  colored  people 
owned  property  to  the  amount  of  $8,655,298,  an  increase  of 
nearly  $6,000,000  over  the  amount  owned  in  1880.  It  is  safe 
to  predict  that  during  the  next  decade  the  advance  will  be  far 
greater.  Chief  among  the  factors  to  accomplish  this  will,  no 
doubt,  be  the  Industrial  schools,  so  recent  a feature,  but  des- 
tined to  become  one  of  such  importance  in  promoting  the 
wealth  of  their  race. 

In  respect  to  the  various  pursuits,  particularly  those  of  a 
mechanical  nature,  which  especially  occupy  the  attention  of 
the  colored  people,  while  a few  among  them  have  been,  and  are, 
skilled  workmen,  the  great  majority  are  only  common  laborers, 
and  in  consequence  command  only  common  wages.  Among 
the  older  ones,  those  who  are  competent  workmen,  received 
their  training,  for  the  most  part,  before  the  war,  and  were  very 
valuable  property  accordingly.  Since  the  war  their  trades 
have  been  as  good,  or  better  for  them,  than  if  small  fortunes 
had  been  bequeathed  them,  for  they  have  thus  been  the  “ archi- 
tects of  their  own  fortunes.” 

Through  the  recent  interest  in  mechanical  training  which 
has  manifested  itself  by  such  practical  effort  and  results  in  all 
the  institutions  of  learning  (in  which  connection  we  shall 
speak  of  it  more  at  length)  a new  mine  of  wealth  has  been 
opened  at  the  feet  of  this  race,  which  needs  only  to  be  taken 
advantage  of,  and  worked  successfully,  to  have  the  effect:  of 
placing  them  upon  a higher  plane  of  industry  with  corres- 


AD  YANCEMENT  AND  PR  OGRESS. 


473 


pondingly  high  wages;  o£  creating  a demand  for  their  labor; 
of  lifting  them  from  the  cabin  to  the  college ; of  making  of 
them  men  among  men  in  business  capacity,  wealth  and 
power. 

Frederick  Douglass,  once  a slave,  but  since  called  “one  of 
the  representative  men  of  the  times,”  in  his  speech  delivered 
in  Elmira,  New  York,  August  1,  1880,  at  a great  gathering  of 
colored  people,  met  to  celebrate  West  India  emancipation,  thus 
speaks  with  rare  sense  and  pathos  of  the  encouraging  outlook 
for  his  people.  This,  one  must  remember,  was  several  years 
ago.  Had  it  been  delivered  yesterday,  there  would,  perhaps, 
have  been  far  less  of  pathos,  and  much  more  of  hope  ringing 
through  it: 

“Taking  all  the  circumstances  into  consideration,  the  colored 
people  have  no  reason  to  despair.  We  still  live,  and  while 
there  is  life  there  is  hope.  The  fact  that  we  have  endured 
wrongs  and  hardships,  which  would  have  destroyed  any  other 
race,  and  have  increased  in  numbers  and  public  consideration, 
ought  to  strengthen  our  faith  in  ourselves  and  our  future.  Let 
us,  then,  wherever  we  are,  whether  at  the  North  or  at  the 
South,  resolutely  struggle  on  in  the  belief  that  there  is  a bet- 
ter day  coming,  and  that  we,  by  patience,  industry,  uprightness 
and  economy  may  hasten  that  better  day.  I will  not  listen 
myself,  and  I would  not  have  you  listen  to  the  nonsense,  that  no 
people  can  succeed  in  life  among  a people  by  whom  they  have 
been  despised  and  oppressed. 

“ The  statement  is  erroneous,  and  contradicted  by  the  whole 
history  of  human  progress.  A few  centuries  ago,  all  Europe 
was  cursed  with  serfdom,  or  slavery.  Traces  of  this  bondage 
still  remain,  but  are  not  easily  visible. 

“ The  Jews,  only  a century  ago,  were  despised,  hated,  and 
oppressed,  but  they  have  defied,  met  and  vanquished  the  hard 
conditions  imposed  upon  them,  and  are  now  opulent  and  pow- 
erful, and  compel  respect  in  all  countries. 

“ Take  courage  from  the  example  of  all  religious  denomi- 
nations that  have  sprung  up  since  Martin  Luther.  Each  in  its 
turn  has  been  oppressed  and  persecuted.  * * * * 


474  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Yet  all  in  turn  have  conquered  tlie  prejudice  and  hate  of  their 
surroundings. 

“ Greatness  does  not  come  to  any  people  on  flowery  beds  of 
ease.  We  must  fight  to  win  the  prize.  No  people  to  whom 
liberty  is  given,  can  hold  it  so  firmly  or  wear  it  so  grandly  as 
those  who  wrench  their  liberty  from  the  iron  hand  of  the  tyrant. 
The  hardships  and  dangers  involved  in  the  struggle  give 
strength  and  toughness  to  the  character,  and  enable  it  to  stand 
firm  in  storm,  as  well  as  in  sunshine. 

“ One  more  thought  before  I leave  this  subject,  and  it  is  a 
thought  I wish  you  all  to  lay  to  heart.  Practice  it  yourselves, 
and  teach  it  to  your  children.  It  is  this:  Neither  we,  nor  any 
other  people,  will  ever  be  respected  until  we  respect  ourselves, 
and  we  will  never  respect  ourselves  until  we  have  the  means  to 
live  respectably.  An  exceptionally  poor  and  dependent  people 
will  be  despised  by  the  opulent,  and  despise  themselves. 

“You  cannot  make  an  empty  sack  stand  on  end.  A race 
which  cannot  save  its  earnings,  which  spends  all  it  makes  and 
goes  in  debt  when  it  is  sick,  can  never  rise  in  the  scale  of 
civilization,  no  matter  under  what  laws  it  may  chance  to  be. 
Put  us  in  Kansas  or  Africa,  and  until  we  learn  to  save  more 
than  we  spend,  we  are  sure  to  sink  and  perish.  It  is  not  in  the 
nature  of  things,  that  we  should  be  equally  rich  in  this  world’s 
goods.  Some  will  be  more  successful  than  others,  and  poverty, 
in  many  cases,  is  the  result  of  misfortune,  rather  than  of  crime ; 
but  no  race  can  afford  to  have  all  its  members  the  victims  of 
this  misfortune,  without  being  considered  a worthless  race. 
Pardon  me,  therefore,  for  urging  upon  you,  my  people,  the  im- 
portance of  saving  your  earnings ; of  denying  yourselves  in  the 
present,  that  you  may  have  something  in  the  future,  of  con- 
suming less  for  yourselves,  that  your  children  may  have  a start 
in  life  when  you  are  gone. 

“ With  money  and  property  comes  the  means  of  knowledge 
and  power.  A poverty-stricken  class  will  be  an  ignorant  and 
despised  class,  and  no  amount  of  sentiment  can  make  it  other- 
wise. This  part  of  our  destiny  is  in  our  own  hands.  Every 
dollar  you  lay  up  represents  one  day’s  independence, — one  day 


ADVANCEMENT  AND  PROGRESS. 


475 


of  rest  and  security  in  tlie  future.  If  the  time  shall  ever  come 
when  we  shall  possess,  in  the  colored  people  of  the  United 
States,  a class  of  men  noted  for  enterprise,  industry,  economy, 
and  success,  we  shall  no  longer  have  any  trouble  in  the  matter 
of  civil  and  political  rights.  The  battle  against  popular  preju- 
dice shall  have  been  fought  and  won,  and  in  common  with  all 
other  races  and  colors,  we  shall  have  an  equal  chance  in  the 
race  for  life. 

“ The  laws  which  determine  the  destinies  of  individuals  and 
Nations  are  impartial  and  eternal.  We  shall  reap  as  we  sow. 
There  is  no  escape.  The  conditions  of  success  are  universal 
and  unchangeable.  The  Nation  or  people  which  shall  comply 
with  them,  will  rise,  and  those  which  violate  them,  will  fall,  and, 
perhaps,  will  disappear  altogether.  No  power  beneath  the  sky 
can  make  an  ignorant,  wasteful  and  idle  people  prosperous,  or 
a licentious  people  happy.  One  ground  of  hope  for  my  people 
is  founded  upon  the  returns  of  the  last  census.  One  of  the 
most  disheartening  ethnological  speculations  concerning  us  has 
been  that  we  shall  die  out;  that,  like  the  Indian,  we  shall 
perish  in  the  blaze  of  Caucasian  civilization.  The  census  sets 
that  heresy,  concerning  us,  to  rest.  W e are  more  than  holding 
our  own  in  all  the  Southern  States.  We  are  no  longer  four 
millions  of  slaves,  but  six  millions  of  freemen.” 

The  present  estimate,  in  1887,  would  be  more  nearly  cor- 
rect at  eight  millions  of  these  freemen.  These  would  be 
startling  figures  for  those  dreamers  who,  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  prophesied  their  extinction.  Their  rapid  rate  of  increase 
has  been  one  of  the  most  remarkable  facts  in  their  history. 
They  have  been  in  this  country  about  two  hundred  and  sixty 
years.  At  first  they  were  few  in  numbers.  By  1784,  they  had, 
by  natural  increase  and  importations  by  slave  ships,  grown  to 
be  about  700,000  strong.  Within  one  hundred  years  after, 
from  1784  to  1884,  they  had  multiplied  themselves  ten  times, 
increasing  from  700,000  to  7,000,000. 

Their  rate  of  increase,  entirely  unaided  by  emigration,  from 
1870  to  1880,  was  37.78  per  cent.  That  of  the  white  popula- 
tion, enormously  augmented  by  foreign  emigration,  was  28.82 


476  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


per  cent.  Of  the  entire  colored  population  in  the  United  States, 
nearly  all  are  located  in  the  old  slave  States,  and  the  District 
of  Columbia;  of  these,  the  majority  are  found  in  eleven  States : 
Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas  and  Vir- 
ginia. In  some  of  these  States,  the  white  and  colored  popula- 
tion is  nearly  equal,  and  in  three  of  them,  Louisiana,  Missis- 
sippi aud  South  Carolina,  the  colored  people  are  in  the 
majority. 

Their  dwelling  place  is  chiefly  between  parallels  of  latitude 
30°  and  40°,  and  of  longitude,  West  of  Washington,  0°  and  25°, 
including  the  choicest  and  most  habitable  portion  of  the 
globe. 

They  are  among  a people  bound  to  them  by  warm  and 
endearing  ties,  in  memory  of  the  time  when  they  were  all 
united  together  in  families.  These  colored  men,  now  their 
fellow  citizens,  were  the  constant  companions  of  their  child- 
hood, the  partners  of  their  youthful  griefs  and  joys,  and  to 
them  they  will  never  seem  anything  else; — only  “boys  grown 
tall.” 

They  also  hold  in  grateful  remembrance  the  time  when 
these  were  left  the  custodians  of  their  homes,  the  protectors  of 
their  wives  and  children,  and  often  their  only  pecuniary  sup- 
port. Loyally  did  they  fulfil  that  trust,  even  while  they  real- 
ized that  the  masters  of  those  homes  were  away  fighting 
against  their  freedom.  Never  was  such  love  and  loyalty  known. 
They  would  have  fought  and  died  to  protect  their  helpless 
charges,  and  they  did  work  and  care  for  and  watch  over  them 
with  the  tenderness  born  of  the  closest  ties  and  highest  sense 
of  chivalry. 

Hence  the  relations  of  the  Southern  whites  and  the  colored 
people  are  those  of  peculiar  attachment,  and  such  as  the  latter 
could  form  nowhere  else,  even  if  it  were  possible  to  organize 
the  much  talked  of  exodus,  and  all  depart  in  a body  to  Liberia, 
or  to  some  isolated  Territory,  or  even  to  some  of  the  Northern 
States. 

“Stay  South,  Young  Man,”  was  the  subject  of  an  essay 


ADVANCEMENT  AND  PROGRESS. 


477 


read  by  Miss  Eliza  H.  Haynes,  a young  colored  woman,  at  the 
Commencement  of  Fisk  University,  Nashville,  in  June,  1887. 
It  was  ably  handled,  and  in  substance  was  as  follows: 

“Every  colored  man  must  answer  the  question,  ‘Where 
shall  I locate?’  Young  man,  stay  South.  The  South  has 
many  attractions.  Her  cotton,  sugar  and  rice  are  demanded 
by  all  the  civilized  world.  Capitalists  are  seeking  her  riches. 
Nor  is  the  South  wanting  in  mineral  products.  The  Mam- 
moth Cave,  Natural  Bridge  and  Lookout  Mountain  are  places 
to  which  thousands  of  tourists  turn  their  attention.  Of  course 
there  are  difficulties  in  the  South,  but  he  is  most  praiseworthy 
who  can  master  difficulties.  The  colored  people  have  a better 
chance  here  than  elsewhere.  In  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
they  have  deposited  $121,936.35.  The  colored  man  thrives  in 
the  swamp  regions,  while  the  white  man  dies  of  malaria.  The 
educated  young  men  are  needed  here,  and  it  is  but  right  and 
just  that  they  give  their  lives  to  so  noble  a work.” 

Alabama,  with  its  rich  mineral  resources;  Georgia,  with  its 
fine  farming  facilities;  Louisiana,  rich  in  sugar  plantations; 
South  Carolina,  in  rice  fields;  Texas,  in  cotton  and  cattle; 
Florida,  in  tropical  fruits ; Mississippi,  in  the  raising  and  man- 
ufacturing of  cotton;  Virginia  and  Tennessee,  with  their  min- 
eral products,  fruit  and  tobacco  crops ; North  Carolina,  rich  in 
tar,  turpentine  and  copper,  also  in  orchards  and  other  agricul- 
tural interests ; Missouri  and  Arkansas,  wit h their  corn,  wheat, 
and,  in  the  latter  State,  cotton;  and  Kentucky,  with  its  stock 
and  tobacco  interests ; all  combine  to  make  the  South  a field 
almost  unequalled  in  wealth  of  resource  and  possibility  of 
development. 

The  great  amount  of  labor  required  in  the  cultivation  and 
harvesting  of  cotton  renders  those  States  in  which  it  is  raised 
a desirable  location  for  the  laboring  class  of  colored  people. 
It  is  one  of  the  chief  products  in  nearly  all  of  the  above  men- 
tioned States. 

The  memorable  speech  by  Mr.  Henry  W.  Grady  of  Georgia, 
editor  of  the  Atlanta  Constitution,  delivered  on  Forefathers’ 
night,  before  the  New  England  Society,  New  York,  at  its  eighty- 


478  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


first  annual  dinner,  contained  an  eloquent  allusion  to  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  the  colored  people  at  the  South: 

“No  section  shows  a more  prosperous  laboring  population 
than  the  colored  people  of  the  South;  none  in  fuller  sympathy 
Avith  the  employing  and  land-owning  class.  They  share  our 
school  fund,  have  the  fullest  protection  of  our  laws,  and  the 
friendship  of  our  people.  Self  interest,  as  well  as  honor,  de- 
mand that  they  should  have  this.  Our  future,  our  very  existence 
depend  upon  our  working  out  this  problem  in  full  and  exact 
justice.  We  understand  that  when  Lincoln  signed  the  Eman- 
cipation Proclamation,  your  victory  was  assured ; for  he  then 
committed  you  to  the  cause  of  human  liberty ; against  which  the 
arms  of  man  cannot  prevail — while  those  of  our  Statesmen  who 
trusted  to  make  slavery  the  corner-stone  of  the  Confederacy, 
doomed  us  to  defeat  as  far  as  they  could,  committing  us  to  a 
cause  that  reason  could  not  defend  nor  the  sword  maintain  in 
the  light  of  advancing  civilization. 

“ Had  Mr  .Toombs  said,  which  he  did  not  say,  that  he  would 
call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  at  the  foot  of  Bunker  Hill,  he  would 
have  been  foolish,  for  he  might  have  known  that  whenever 
slavery  became  entangled  in  war,  it  must  perish,  and  that  the 
chattel  in  human  flesh  ended  forever  in  New  England,  when 
your  fathers — not  to  be  blamed  for  parting  with  what  didn’t 
pay,— sold  their  slaves  to  our  fathers, — not  to  be  praised  for 
knowing  a paying  thing  when  they  saw  it. 

“ The  relations  of  the  Southern  people  with  the  colored  man, 
are  close  and  cordial.  We  remember  with  what  fidelity  for 
four  years,  he  guarded  our  defenseless  women  and  children, 
whose  husbands  and  fathers  were  fighting  against  his  freedom. 
To  his  eternal  credit  be  it  said,  that  whenever  he  struck  a blow 
for  his  own  liberty  he  fought  in  open  battle,  and  when  at  last 
he  raised  his  black  and  humble  hands  that  the  shackles  might 
be  struck  off,  those  hands  were  innocent  of  wrong  against  his 
helpless  charges,  and  worthy  to  be  taken  in  loving  grasp 
by  any  man  who  honored  loyalty  and  devotion.  Ruffians 
have  maltreated  him,  rascals  have  misled  him,  philanthro- 
pists established  a bank  for  him,  but  the  South  with  the 


ADVANCEMENT  AND  PROGRESS. 


479 


North  protest  against  injustice  to  this  simple  and  sincere 
people. 

“ To  liberty  and  enfranchisement,  is  as  far  as  law  can  carry 
the  colored  man.  The  rest  must  be  left  to  conscience  and  com- 
mon sense.  It  should  be  left  to  those  among  whom  his  lot  is 
cast,  with  whom  he  is  indissolubly  connected,  and  whose 
prosperity  depends  upon  their  possessing  his  intelligent  sympa- 
thy and  confidence.  Faith  has  been  kept  with  him,  in  spite  of 
calumnious  assertions  to  the  contrary  by  those  who  assume  to 
speak  for  us,  or  by  frank  opponents.  Faith  will  be  kept  with 
him  in  the  future  if  the  South  holds  her  reason  and  integrity.” 

But  it  is  not  for  us  in  this  work  to  give  the  colored  people 
advice.  Their  conduct  in  the  past  has  been  above  all  praise. 
They  have  been  as  patient  as  the  earth  beneath,  as  the  stars 
above.  They  have  been  law-abiding  and  industrious.  They 
have  not  offensively  asserted  their  rights,  nor  offensively  borne 
their  wrongs.  They  have  been  modest  and  forgiving.  They 
have  in  many  cases  returned  good  for  evil.  When  we  remem- 
ber that  the  ancestors  of  the  white  race  were  in  universities, 
and  colleges,  and  common  schools,  while  the  Colored  Face  were 
on  the  auction  block,  in  the  slave  pen,  or  in  the  field  beneath 
the  cruel  lash,  in  States  where  reading  and  writing  were  crimes, 
we  are  astonished  at  the  progress  they  have  made. 

* All  that  we  can  ask  is  that  they  continue  doing  as  they  have 
done.  Above  all  things — educate  your  children — strive  to  make 
yourselves  independent — work  for  homes — and  whenever  it  is 
possible,  become  masters  of  yourselves^ 


480  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

EDUCATION  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE. 


“ There  is  nothing  great  in  this  world  but  man,  and  nothing  great  in  man  but 
mind.” 

“ Learning  elevates  the  lowest  orders  of  society,  stamps  the  highest  value  on 
nobility,  and  to  Princes  is  the  most  splendid  gem  in  the  Diadem  of  Sovereignty.” 

“ The  key-note  to  the  best  society  is  education  whereby  all  the  avenues  to 
advancement  are  open  to  all  men.  Books  are  our  household  gods.  They  make 
invisible  thoughts  visible.  The  great  of  the  earth  bow  down  to  the  ’genius  of 
literature.” 

I submit  to  your  judgment,  Romans,  on  which  side  the  advantage  lies,  when 
comparison  is  made  between  patrician  haughtiness,  and  plebian  experience. 
* * * Are  not  all  men  of  the  same  species  ? What  can  make  a differ- 

ence between  one  man  and  another  but  the  endowment  of  the  mind  ? 

- — C aius  Marius. 

A S is  well  known  it  was  not  the  policy  of  slave  holders  to 
■*-  ^ educate  their  slaves.  Very  rigid  laws  were  made  to  this 
effect,  and  while  these  were  occasionally  disregarded,  the  major- 
ity with  a quick  eye  to  their  own  interest,  managed  to  keep 
the  law  inviolate.  Therefore,  when  emancipation  turned  over 
to  their  resources  four  millions  of  colored  people,  a very  few 
of  them  could  read.  These  had  been  taught,  chiefly  perhaps, 
by  the  white  children,  their  innocent  and  affectionate  charges, 
who  loved  to  lean  gainst  “Mammy’s”  or  “Uncle’s”  knee,  and 
guide  them  in  their  laborious  task  of  spelling  out  words  in  the 
Bible,  their  chosen  test  book. 

Others  had  kind  hearted  Mistresses,  who  were  willing  in 
their  inexperience  or  unconsciousness  of  its  results  to  devote  a 
portion  of  their  lives  to  this  benevolent  work,  and  who  perhaps 
found  an  interesting  pastime  in  initiating  their  apt  and  droll 
pupils  into  the  rudimentary  steps  of  an  education.  Little  did 
one  think,  that,  as  in  the  case  of  Frederick  Douglass,  this  was 
the  unlocking  of  the  door  of  a mind  which  would  astonish  the 
world  with  its  wealth  of  hidden  treasure. 

Frederick’s  mistress,  pleased  with  the  boy’s  progress,  in 
formed  her  husband  of  his  advancement,  who  instantly  forbade 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


481 


further  instruction,  saying,  in  substance:  You  must  quit 
teaching  him,  for  if  you  teach  him  to  read  and  write,  you 
cannot  control  him.  It  will  never  do  to  educate  the  colored 
people.  If  you  give  them  an  inch  they  will  take  an  ell. 

Mr.  Douglass  had  been  given  the  inch  and  as  he  very 
quaintly  remarks,  he  “took  the  ell.”  The  violation  of  the 
law  in  this  instance,  which  led  to  his  escape,  followed  by  his 
long  and  bitter  tirade  against  slavery,  the  effect  of  which  was 
to  fan  into  hottest  flames,  the  opposition  to  it,  already  smoul- 
dering in  the  minds  of  the  North,  found  that  as  far  as  the 
policy  of  this  regulation  was  concerned,  it  was  incontrovertible. 
Its  humanity  was  a different  question. 

But  in  the  words  of  Ben.  Hill,  delivered  at  Tam- 
many Hall  in  1866,  true  then  and  true  now:  “There  was  a 
South  of  slavery  and  secession- — that  South  is  dead.  There  is 
a South  of  union  and  freedom — that  South,  thank  God,  is 
living,  breathing,  growing  every  honr.”  The  colored  people 
are  enjoying  the  full  benefits  of  this  new  life  and  growth. 
“ They  have  been  made  free,  have  been  made  citizens,  made 
eligible  to  hold  office,  to  be  jurymen,  legislators,  magistrates.” 
The  laws  provide  for  their  citizenship,  just  as  they  provide  for 
that  of  the  white  people.  This  end  was  gained,  not  by  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  but  by  several  amendments  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation  gave  freedom  to  all  those 
in  slavery  in  the  States  which  were  in  Bebellion.  In  the  other 
Southern  States,  the  advance  of  the  Union  armies  practically 
set  their  slaves  free.  This  was  not  enough.  President  Lincoln 
himself  foresaw  its  insufficiency  and  himself  urged  the  amend- 
ment, which  was  made  to  the  Constitution.  That  clause,  which 
gave  legality  to  the  colored  man’s  freedom,  and  made  any 
relapse  into  future  slavery  forever  impossible,  is  found  in  the 
Thirteenth  Amendment,  Article  XIII.,  Sections  1,  and  2. 

The  vital  points  in  regard  to  their  citizenship  are  found  in 
the  Pourteenth  Amendment,  Section  1,  and  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment,  Sections  1,  and  2. 

Citizenship  not  only  entitles  the  colored  people  to  full 


482  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


protection  under  the  laws  in  all  their  rights  of  person  and 
property,  but  also  gives  them  the  right  of  suffrage.  Any 
male  of  legal  age,  not  disqualified  by  crimes,  nor  by  any 
condition  that  would  disqualify  a white  man,  has  the  same 
lawful  right  to  vote  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
has. 

Hence  with  this  power  of  the  ballot  in  the  hands  of  such  a 
large  number,  only  a few  of  whom  could  read,  or  write  their 
own  names,  even  if  they  had  decided  what  those  names  should 
be, — the  old  policy  of  the  slave-holders  that  they  should  not  be 
educated,  was  changed  into  an  urgent  need  that  they  should 
be.  However,  the  thought  of  policy  had  little  to  do  with  the 
mighty  tide  of  action  that  flowed  in  this  direction.  That  was 
borne  in  by  a stronger  and  higher  motive — the  one  of  humanity. 
The  willingness  to  undergo  hardships,  and  accept  sacrifices,  for 
the  sake  of  alleviating  and  enlightening  an  oppressed  and  alien 
race,  is  one  of  those  “touches  of  nature”  which  “makes  the 
whole  world  kin.” 

Noble  and  statesmanlike  are  the  following  words  of  ex- 
President  Hayes: 

1 ‘ The  only  Am  erican  citizens  who  are  in  no  way  responsi- 
ble for  slavery,  are  the  sons  of  Africa.  And  it  is  especially 
these  colored  people  who  now  eagerly,  and  with  uplifted  hands, 
implore  the  Nation  for  that  which  education  alone  can  give, 
and  without  which  they  cannot  discharge  the  duties  which  the 
Constitution  requires  by  making  them  citizens  and  voters.  The 
colored  people  were  set  free  and  made  citizens  and  voters  by 
the  most  solemn  expressions  of  the  Nation’s  will;  and  now, 
therefore,  the  duty  to  fit  them  by  education  for  citizenship  is 
devolved  upon  the  whole  people. 

“To  complete  reconstruction  and  regeneration  in  the  South, 
the  only  force  now  left  the  Government  is  popular  education. 
Let  National  aid  to  this  good  cause  be  withheld  no  longer. 
Let  it  be  given  by  wise  measures,  based  on  sound  principles, 
and  carefully  guarded ; but  let  it  be  given  promptly,  generously 
and  without  stint,  to  the  end  that  the  whole  American  people 
of  every  race,  and  of  every  nationality,  may  be  reared  up  to  the 


ED  UGA  TIOXAL  PE  0 GEESS. 


483 


full  structure  of  manhood  required  for  intelligent  self-govern- 
ment under  our  republican  institutions.” 

It  is  a National  duty  to  aid  the  States  in  educating  these 
millions  of  illiterate  children,  for  National  interests  are 
involved  in  it.  It  is  a National  duty,  for  it  must  be  done;  the 
States  most  deeply  involved  cannot  do  it,  and  the  Nation  can 
easily  do  it.  It  is  a National  duty,  for  the  plain  historical 
reason  that  the  N ation.  as  such,  made  these  millions  of  colored 
people  citizens  and  voters,  possibly  before  they  were  as  a whole 
prepared  for  their  new  duties  and  relations,  and,  in  the  very 
act  of  doing  it  and  by  the  very  method  of  doing  it,  took  from 
those  who  are  now  called  on  to  prepare  them  for  their  new 
duties  and  relations  the  ability  to  do  it. 

The  men  of  the  South  accept  the  issues  of  the  war,  and 
they  well  use  the  language  of  the  Honorable  "W.  E.  Forster, 
of  the  English  Parliament,  in  reply  to  the  radical  wing  of  his 
own  party:  “You  demand  universal  suffrage;  I demand  uni- 
versal education  to  go  with  it.” 

The  people  of  the  North  were  the  pioneers  of  education 
among  the  colored  people,  and  must  ever  be  held  in  grateful 
remembrance  by  those  who  enjoy  the  benefits  gained  for  them 
by  much  toil  and  sacrifice.  Devoted  men  and  women  in  great 
numbers  left  their  pleasant  Northern  homes  and  appreciative 
friends — often,  also,  left  lucrative  and  honorable  positions — 
and  took  upon  themselres  the  position  of  the  lowly,  and  too 
often  despised,  teacher  of  this  race  in  the  South.  In  the  days 
immediately  following  the  war,  the  prejudice  was  strong 
against  them  and  their  work,  and  theirs  was,  indeed,  an  unen- 
viable task  The  glamour  of  romance,  lofty  heroism  and 
devotion,  thrown  around  the  missionary  to  foreign  lands,  was 
lacking  here,  and  ostracised  from  society,  regarded  with  suspi- 
cion, and,  as  the  mildest  treatment,  let  severely  alone,  they 
had  as  their  reward,  only  a high  sense  of  duty  performed,  and 
a love  for  the  elevation  of  humanity. 

"While  this  condition  of  affairs  was  only  natural,  consider- 
ing the  bitterness  that  then  existed  both  in  the  North  and 
South,  and  was  aggravated  by  the  offensive  conduct  of  some 


484  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 

who  came  among,  but  were  not  one  with,  those  teachers,  whose 
only  object  was  to  do  good,  it  was  none  the  less  a trying  place 
for  the  latter,  and  has  so  continued  to  a greater  or  less  extent 
up  to  the  present  time. 

That  this  feeling  is  now  fast  disappearing  is  one  of  the 
most  encouraging  facts  bearing  upon  the  present  condition  of 
the  Colored  Race.  Southern  people  are  beginning  to  take  a 
decided  interest  in  their  education,  and  in  Mobile,  for  instance, 
Southern  ladies  are  engaged  in  teaching  their  schools. 

Some  of  the  wisest  and  best  friends  raised  up  for  the  col- 
ored people  at  the  present  time,  are  Southern  men,  whose  clear 
judgment,  and  success  in  getting  at  the  foundation  of  this  race 
question,  proves  that  upon  the  people  of  the  South,  whose  life- 
long experience  among  the  race  has  fitted  them  for  the  task, 
must  devolve  very  largely  the  solution  of  its  difficulties. 

Though  a little  slow,  perhaps,  in  taking  up  the  educational 
question,  or  rather  in  feeling  the  burden  to  be  their  own,  they 
are  joining  in,  heart  and  hands  now,  with  those  who  long  have 
been  in  the  field.  As  our  ex- President  has  said,  it  is  a National 
question,  and  the  whole  Nation  should  feel  its  responsibility. 

Speedy  results  followed  the  first  enlistment  into  this  work. 
Schools  sprung  up  as  if  by  magic.  The  Freedmen1  s Bureau, 
sreated  by  an  act  of  Congress  in  1865,  was  designed  to  place 
the  freedmen  under  the  direct  care  and  protection  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. One  of  its  special  objects,  and,  perhaps,  the  one 
which  proved  most  successful,  was  the  advancement  of  their 
education.  One  writer  in  referring  to  this  agency,  tells  us 
that  within  two  years,  “fourteen  hundred  schools  had  been  es- 
tablished, with  sixteen  hundred  and  fifty-eight  teachers,  and 
over  ninety  thousand  pupils ; besides  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
two  Sabbath  schools,  with  over  seventy  thousand  pupils and 
that  “the  freedmen  were  then  paying  toward  the  support  of 
these  schools  out  of  their  own  scanty  earnings,  at  the  rate  of 
more  than  eleven  thousand  dollars  a month.”  During  the  five 
years  devoted  to  educational  work,  from  1865  to  1870,  the 
amount  expended  for  this  purpose  can  scarcely  be  overestima- 
ted. It  has  been  rated  as  high  as  $15,000,000. 


LITTLE  ROCK  UNIVERSITY,  LITTLE  ROCK,  ARK 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


485 


This  laid  many  foundations,  and  strengthened  and  made 
permanent  much  of  the  work  which  shows  gigantic  proportions 
to-day.  After  1870,  the  Bureau  suspended  all  operations  of  an 
educational  nature,  and  after  two  years,  ceased  altogether. 

The  Peabody  Fund  has,  as  some  one  has  expressed  it,  been 
“ like  the  dews  of  heaven  distilled  ” among  the  colored  people, 
in  the  effect  it  has  had  in  the  promotion  of  their  education. 

This  is  due  to  the  liberality  of  the  great  philanthropist, 
George  Peabody,  who,  though  a banker  of  London,  was  an 
American  by  birth,  his  native  town  being  Danvers  (now  called 
Peabody)  Massachusetts.  In  1866  and  1869,  while  visiting 
the  land  of  his  nativity,  he  recognized  the  necessities  of  the 
South  occasioned  by  the  disasters  of  the  ~W ar,  and  augmented 
by  the  freeing  of  her  millions  of  unlettered  slaves,  and  true 
to  his  philanthropic  nature,  he  responded  to  her  need  by  giving 
in  all  $3,500,000,  to  be  used  for  the  promotion  of  education  in 
the  Southern  States.  The  colored  people  have  shared,  in  a 
large  degree,  the  benefits  of  this  fund.  Its  disbursements 
from  1868  to  1885  inclusive,  amounted  to  over  a million  and  a 
half  dollars. 

The  policy  of  using  the  appropriations  from  the  Peabody 
Fund,  mainly  for  the  training  of  teachers,  has  been  carried  out, 
as  the  following  report  of  one  year  will  show:  Out  of  a total 
of  $57,705,  the  amount  expended  for  teachers’  institutes,  Normal 
Schools,  and  Nashville  scholarships,  was  $52,305.  The  remain- 
ing $5,400  was  expended  upon  public  schools.  General  Grant 
was  one  of  the  sixteen  original  members  of  the  board  of  trus- 
tees of  this  fund.  They  have  endeavored,  both  by  correspon- 
dence and  public  addresses  of  their  General  Agent,  and  by  the 
direct  use  of  the  income,  to  secure  the  establishment  of  Normal 
Schools  in  every  State. 

The  American  Baptist  Home  Mission  Society,  whose  head- 
quarters are  in  New  York,  has  taken  a notable  part  in  the 
education  of  the  colored  people.  This  Society  was  organized 
as  early  as  1832,  and  had  labored  in  the  South  for  years  before 
the  abolition  of  slavery.  It  then  included  the  Baptists  of  the 
whole  country,  North  and  South.  Their  work  was  confined 


486  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


simply  to  evangelization,  making  no  attempt  to  educate  the 
slaves,  either  preachers  or  people.  Compelled  by  the  agitation 
of  the  times  to  suspend  their  work  in  1845,  they  were  prompt 
to  take  it  up  again,  as  soon  as  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion 
gave  them  opportunity.  Early  in.  1862,  they  began  work 
among  the  fugitive  slaves,  and  in  1^64,  had  laborers  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Caro- 
lina, Tennessee,  Mississippi  and  Louisiana.  During  1865-6, 
ninety-seven  appointees  of  this  Society  worked  exclusively 
among  the  ex-slaves,  and  reported  in  the  schools  under  their 
charge  four  thousand  pupils. 

The  need  of  established  schools  soon  became  apparent. 
School  properties  began  to  be  purchased  as  early  as  1865. 
Roger  Williams  University,  at  Nashville,  Tennessee,  being  the 
first.  In  1879,  they  had  about  seventeen  school  buildings;  in 
1887,  the  number  had  reached  thirty-six.  The  increase  in 
pupils  has  been  in  proportion.  In  1872,  there  were  in  these 
institutions,  eight  hundred  pupils;  in  1879,  one  thousand  and 
forty-one;  in  1886,  three  thousand,  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
six. 

The  total  valuation  of  school  property,  for  colored  people, 
now  held  by  the  Society,  is  $317,000.  The  whole  amount  ex- 
pended for  educational  purposes,  exclusive  of  about  $200,000 
for  general  mission  work  among  them,  is  computed  at  about 
$1,150,000.  This  money  has  been  contributed  both  by  indi- 
vidual offerings  and  by  regular  contributions.  The  Freedman’s 
Bureau  donated  $31,500.  The  Society  has  under  its  care  a 
good  institution  in  every  one  of  the  old  slave  States,  except 
Delaware,  Maryland  and  Arkansas.  In  the  latter  State,  a 
school  at  Little  Rock  is  in  its  incipiency.  Eight  of  these  in- 
stitutions are  at  the  seats  of  State  Capitals,  and  one  at  the 
National  Capital.  They  have  generally  been  committed  to  the 
management  of  Southern  people. 

One  of  the  most  vigorous  agencies  engaged  in  the  education 
of  the  colored  people  in  the  South,  is  the  American  Missionary 
Association.  Its  work  is  sustained  by  the  same  people 
who  back  the  American  Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  with  head- 


ED  UVA  TI  ON  A L PRO  GRESS. 


487 


quarters  at  New  York.  The  American  Missionary  Associa- 
tion, was  the  first  organization  to  take  up  the  educational  work 
among  the  Colored  Eace  in  the  South,  beginning,  September 
17,  1861,  at  Hampton,  Virginia.  “ The  first  teacher,”  says 
Bey.  Dr.  M.  E.  Strieby,  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Asso- 
ciation, “was  Mrs.  Mary  S.  Peake,  a very  intelligent  Christian 
woman,  who  represented  the  white  and  the  colored  races,  and 
who  had,  in  some  way,  obtained  an  education  before  the  war.’ 

To  show  something  of  the  growth  of  this  work,  and  of  the 
character  of  the  people  who  were  engaged  in  it,  we  quote  a par- 
agraph from  an  address  delivered  by  Dr.  Strieby,  at  a meeting 
of  the  National  Educational  Assembly,  at  Ocean  Grove,  New 

“ At  the  end  of  the  war,  the  Association  had  enlisted  the 
sympathies  of  the  people  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean,  and  had 
greatly  enlarged  its  work ; so  that  its  receipts,  which  were  only 
$65,000  for  the  year  before  the  war,  reached  $250,000  for  the 
year  after  the  war,  and  its  teachers  sent  to  the  freedmen,  in 
1866,  numbered  three  hundred  and  twenty.  These  teachers 
deserve  special  mention.  Most  of  them  were  ladies,  and  were 
from  the  best  Christian  families  of  the  North;  many  of  them 
had  won  distinction  in  the  best  schools  there,  and  in  the  spirit 
of  the  highest  Christian  self-sacrifice,  they  left  honored  social 
positions,  the  comforts  and  embellishments  of  refined  homes, 
and  gave  themselves,  sometimes  without  compensation,  and 
always  with  very  meagre  salaries,  to  the  privation,  ostracism, 
and  danger  of  their  new  position.” 

By  1880,  the  Association  was  sustaining  eight  chartered 
institutions,  twelve  High  and  Normal  Schools,  and  twenty -four 
common  schools,  in  the  South,  in  which  the  aggregate  number 
of  pupils  was  7,207,  and  of  teachers,  168.  It  was  then  esti- 
mated that  at  least  150,000  pupils  had  been  taught  by  the 
students  educated  in  these  high  schools  and  Colleges. 

Among  the  schools  under  their  charge,  are  several  of  the 
largest  and  most  successful  institutions  for  the  colored  people 
in  the  South,  managed  with  rare  judgment  and  skill, — Fisk 
University,  at  Nashville,  Tennessee,  Hampton  Normal  and 


488  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Agricultural  Institute,  at  Hampton,  Yirginia,  being  among  the 
number.  One  of  these  institutions,  the  Atlanta  University,  has 
a much  finer  library  than  most  of  the  white  Colleges  in  the 
South.  This  library  has  an  endowment  of  $5,000,  the  gift  of 
a liberal  citizen  of  New  York,  Mr.  It.  It.  Graves,  who  also  gave 
them  the  greater  number  of  their  four  or  five  thousand 
volumes. 

Another  of  the  more  important  organizations  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  education  among  the  colored  people,  is  the  Freed- 
man’s Aid  Society,  “ the  child  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,”  with  headquarters  at  Cincinnati.  This  Society  was 
organized  in  1866.  Previous  to  this  time,  this  Church  had 
joined  with  others  in  an  undenominational  work  among  the 
race,  but  as  the  need  of  more  definite  effort  became  apparent, 
each  gradually  withdrew  into  the  separate  organizations  which 
have  existed  with  unremitting  zeal  until  the  present  time,  and 
will  continue  so  to  exist  until  the  colored  people  reach  a 
position,  where  they  are  self-sustaining,  and  sufficient  unto 
themselves,  in  their  educational  work.  It  is  needless  to  add, 
that  to  the  spirit  and  influence  of  these  earnest  organized  efforts 
in  their  behalf,  as  well  as  to  the  work  accomplished  by  them, 
the  colored  people  are  indebted  for  the  greater  share  of  the 
blessings  which  to-day  they  enjoy. 

The  Freedman’s  Aid  Society,  as  was  the  case  with  the 
others,  commenced  operations  by  relieving  the  temporal  wants 
of  the  ex-slaves,  and  as  soon  as  practicable  the  educational  work 
was  begun  with  primary  study,  which  gradually  advanced, 
until  some  of  the  institutions  of  the  highest  grade  for  the 
colored  people  are  among  those  established  and  sustained  by 
this  Society.  In  these  schools  as  one  remarks,  “ solutions  of 
problems  in  Algebra,  demonstrations  in  Geometry,  and  trans- 
lations of  Classic  Authors,  may  be  heard,  that  would  reflect 
credit  upon  students  of  the  far  famed  institutions  of  our 
country,  in  whose  veins  flow  the  pure  blood  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon.” 

The  first  school  under  their  care,  The  Central  Tennessee 
College,  was  established  at  Nashville,  in  1866.  Twenty  years 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


489 


later,  in  1886  they  had  twenty-four  institutions  for  colored 
people,  established  and  maintained  at  a cost  of  $1,250,000,  and 
located  at  central  points  thoughout  the  South.  One  hundred 
teachers  on  an  average  have  been  sustained  in  the  field  for 
twenty  years.  It  is  estimated  that  one  million  pupils  have  been 
instructed  by  their  students.  The  Central  Tennessee  College 
alone,  has  sent  out  one  thousand  teachers. 

The  permanent  school  property  owned  by  the  Society 
amounts  to  half  a million  dollars.  This  includes  a few  white 
Colleges.  The  buildings  of  the  colored  institutions  are  for  the 
most  part,  large  and  beautiful  structures.  Clark  University, 
at  Atlanta,  Georgia,  includes  besides  Clirisman  Hall,  a beauti- 
ful residence  for  the  President,  a pretty  cottage  for  a professor, 
workshops  for  students,  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of 
land  overlooking  the  city. 

Other  denominations  have  done  earnest  work  for  the  educa- 
tion of  the  colored  people.  The  Presbyterian  Church  (in  its 
various  branches)  has  established  one  University,  the  Biddle, 
at  Charlotte,  North  Carolina  ; also,  three  Theological  schools, 
seven  Secondary  Schools,  and  three  Normal  Schools.  The  Epis- 
copalians have  two  Normal  Schools,  and  seven  institutions  for 
secondary  instructions.  The  Friends  have  an  important  Normal 
School  at  Jonesboro,  Tennessee,  and  also  one  at  Maryville,  in 
the  same  State.  The  Roman  Catholics  have  a school  for  colored 
people  at  Baltimore. 

The  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  has  been  an 
important  factor  in  promoting  the  educational  interests  of  their 
race,  and  merits  the  highest  praise.  This  organization  has 
been  instrumental  in  establishing  three  institutions  for  supe- 
rior instruction:  The  Wilberforce  University,  at  Wilberforce, 
Ohio;  Allen  University,  at  Columbia,  South  Carolina;  and 
Livingstone  College,  formerly  called  the  Zion  Wesley  College, 
at  Salisbury,  North  Carolina.  There  is  a Normal  School  and 
a School  of  Theology  connected  rvitli  each  of  these  three  Uni- 
versities, and  Allen  University  has,  in  addition,  a School  of 
Law. 

Besides  these  Universities,  the  African  Methodist  Episco- 


490  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


pal  Church  has  established  St.  James  Academy  and  Indus- 
trial Seminary,  at  New  Orleans,  Louisiana,  and  Paul  Quin 
College,  Waco,  Texas. 

Three  of  the  teachers  in  the  latter  College  are  graduates 
of  Wilberforce  University.  The  property  of  the  College, 
which  consists  of  real  estate  (twenty  acres)  and  improvements, 
together  amounting  to  $20,000,  was  paid  for  by  the  colored 
people  of  Texas,  and  they  have  sustained  the  school  from  the 
beginning.  The  grounds  are  well  cultivated  by  the  male  stu- 
dents, each  boy  being  required  to  work  an  hour  each  day. 
Without  the  products  of  this  student  labor,  the  school  could 
not  have  been  maintained.  The  teaching  is  said  to  be  admira- 
bly done.  Situated  in  the  central  part  of  the  great  State  of 
Texas,  and  under  a management  calculated  to  inspire  confi- 
dence, it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  endeavors  of  the  founders  of 
Paul  Quin  College  to  make  it  an  institution  of  high  character, 
will  meet  with  marked  success. 

In  addition  to  the  Paul  Quin  College,  mentioned  above> 
Texas  has  the  following:  New  Hope  Academy,  Alto;  Jones’ 
Male  and  Female  Institute,  Goliad;  Hearne  Academy,  Hearne; 
Bishop  College,  Marshall;  Wiley  University,  Marshall; 
Paris  School,  Paris;  and  Tillotson  Collegiate  and  Nor- 
mal Institute,  Austin;  all  well  managed  institutions. 
The  latter  was  organized  in  1881  by  the  American  Missionary 
Association.  The  property  is  valued  at  $30,000.  Officers  and 
teachers,  1885-86,  11;  pupils,  113;  officers  and  teachers, 
1886-’87,  11 ; pupils,  125.  Of  the  John  F.  Slater  appropria- 
tion, $600.00  is  used  each  year  by  this  institution  for  student 
aid  for  work  done.  A vigorous  work  in  industrial  training  is 
carried  on,  and  the  sewing  department  is  well  organized. 

When  the  colored  people  throughout  the  United  States  are 
able  thus  to  take  all  their  institutions  of  learning  under  their 
own  management,  it  will  have  been  a long  step  towards  inde- 
pendence and  power. 

The  non-sectarian  institutions  are  very  numerous,  and  of 
high  grade.  Of  these  there  are  six  Universities,  four  Secon- 
dary institutions,  seventeen  Normals,  and  one  School  of  The* 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


491 


°l°gy,  one  of  Law,  and  one  of  Medicine;  the  three  latter 
connected  'with  Howard  University,  at  TT ashington. 

To  summarize:  there  were,  in  1885,  for  the  colored  people, 
at  the  end  of  their  first  twenty  years  of  freedom,  twenty -two 
Universities  and  Colleges,  with  two  hundred  and  twenty-two 
instructors,  and  three  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety -nine 
pupils;  forty-seven  Secondary  Schools,  with  two  hundred  and 
fifty-two  instructors,  and  nine  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
ninety-four  pupils;  fifty-eight  Normal  Schools,  with  four  hun- 
dred and  five  instructors,  and  eight  thousand  three  hundred  and 
ninety  pupils ; twenty-eight  Schools  of  Theology,  with  ninety- 
five  instructors,  and  nine  hundred  and  fifty  pupils;  four  Schools 
of  Law,  with  sixteen  instructors,  and  ninety-six  pupils ; three 
Schools  of  Medicine,  Dentistry  and  Pharmacy,  with  twenty -four 
instructors,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  pupils. 

Public  schools  are  also  established  all  through  the  South, 
which  enables  every  colored  youth  to  acquire  a common-school 
education.  These  are  liberally  supported  by  the  different 
States,  as  we  will  see  later  on. 

The  enrollment  of  colored  youth  in  the  Public  schools 
throughout  the  South  is  given  in  the  United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education’s  report  for  1884-5,  as  follows: 


Alabama,  90,872  Arkansas,  37,568 
Florida,  32,410  Georgia,  110,150 
Louisiana,  40,909  Maryland,  32,690 
Missouri,  27,687  N.  Carolina,  112,941 
Tennessee,  80,888  Texas,  56,160 
"W.  Virginia,  4,607  District  Columbia, 


Delaware,  4,226 
Kentucky,  31,832 
Mississippi,  149,373 
S.  Carolina,  99,565 
Virginia,  109,108 
9,486 


And  scattering  in  other  States,  making  a total  enrollment  of 
1,086,000  pupils,  taught  in  19,712  Public  schools.  There  are 
also  a great  number  of  Private  schools  for  colored  youth,  so 
that  their  education  is  well  provided  for. 

This  rapid  advancement  is  unprecedented  on  the  pages  of 
history.  Considering  the  recent  provision  for  their  education, 
the  colored  people  have  made  remarkable  progress.  Twenty- 
three  years  ago,  if  a school  book  was  found  in  the  house  of  a 


492  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


slave,  lie  received  nine  and  thirty  lashes  forit.  And  yet,  accord- 
ing to  the  census  of  1880  of  the  colored  adult  males  in  the 
United  States,  thirty-one  per  cent,  could  read  and  write. 

Ex-Governor  Pinchback,  of  New  Orleans,  says  in  regard  to 
his  race:  “ It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  after  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years  of  bondage  and  barbarism,  that  in  twenty-three 
years  the  colored  people  would  be  able  to  hold  their  own  with 
their  white  brethren.  While  I am  so  hopeful  of  the  future  of 
this  people,  candor  compels  me  to  confess  that  their  condition 
in  every  respect  is  not  just  what  it  ought  to  be,  but  it  is 
immeasurably  better  than  it  was  twenty -three  years  ago,  and 
getting  better  and  better  every  year.” 

The  Honorable  D.  A.  Straker,  a prominent  colored  man  of 
South  Carolina,  says:  “At  the  close  of  the  war  we  were  in 
ignorance,  and  without  experience  that  would  enable  us  to  care 
for  ourselves.  Colored  school  houses  can  now  be  found  all  over 
the  South.  There  are  colored  school  teachers,  and  we  have 
many  schools  established,  controlled  and  taught  by  members  of 
our  own  race.  We  have  trained  lawyers,  doctors,  journalists, 
and  artists,  scientists,  and  even  inventors.  We  have  a maga- 
zine of  literature,  published  at  Philadelphia,  and  edited  by  an 
eminent  colored  scholar,  Kev.  B.  T.  Turner.  We  have  church 
edifices,  the  aggregate  cost  of  which  amounts  to  millions 
of  dollars.  Much  remains  to  be  done  in  the  way  of  education, 
and  particularly  we  need  to  have  the  doors  of  trades  opened 
to  us.  We  need  education  of  the  hand  as  well  as  of  the  head. 
A race  prejudice  has  denied  us  admission  into  the  work-shop  or 
the  practical  school  of  art  and  science.  What  progress  we  have 
made  in  those  directions  has  been  under  great  difficulties.  In 
the  short  space  of  twenty  years  we  are  found  in  Georgia  pay- 
ing taxes  on  ten  million  dollars  worth  of  property,  and  owning 
six  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land ; in  Louisiana,  much  more ; 
in  the  whole  South,  one  hundred  million  dollars.  In  no  one  of 
the  several  States  of  the  Union  have  we  failed  to  acquire  prop- 
erty. What  we  need  most  is  the  opportunity  to  learn  trades 
and  engage  in  industrial  pursuits.  Our  capacity  to  learn  can 
no  longer  be  doubted.  In  Congress  and  in  several  States  mem- 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


493 


"bers  of  our  race  have  shown  their  capacity  to  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  Government.  The  few  artisans  we  have  are  growing 
less  by  death,  and  there  are  none  to  fill  their  places.  The  pol- 
icy which  seeks  to  educate  our  children,  without  giving  them 
the  means  of  employing  their  education,  is  foolish  and  full  of 
harm.” 

The  need  of  industrial  training  in  the  colored  schools, 
referred  to  by  Mr.  Straker,  has  recently  obtained  universal  rec- 
ognition, and  it  has  within  the  past  few  years  been  made  an 
important  feature  of  nearly  all  their  best  institutions  of  learn- 
ing. 

The  liberality  of  Mr.  JohnF.  Slater  of  Norwich,  Connecticut, 
in  bestowing  $1,000,000,  designed  in  his  own  words  “for  the 
Christian  education  of  the  lately  emancipated  people,  and  of 
their  descendants  in  the  Southern  States,”  has  through  its  wise 
disbursement  by  Dr.  Haygood,  the  General  Agent  of  the  fund, 
been  largely  instrumental  in  the  establishment  of  these  indus- 
trial departments  in  the  various  institutions. 

The  primary  object  of  these  industries  is  to  furnish  to  tho 
student  an  opportunity  to  earn  in  the  labor  department  a part 
or  all  of  his  or  her  expenses,  while  pursuing  the  studies 
of  the  literary  department.  Very  nearly  all  the  mechanical 
pursuits  are  represented  in  the  Industrial  Schools,  and  the  stu- 
dent can  here,  under  a competent  instructor,  receive  thorough 
training  in  almost  any  one  direction  in  which  his  talents  may 
lead  or  taste  dictate.  So  that  while  the  first  object  is  as  stated, 
a still  more  practical  benefit  to  the  student  derived  from  the 
industrial  system  is  the  opportunity  given  to  each  one  of  be- 
coming a skillful  artisan,  thus  preparing  him  for  more  import- 
ant and  remunerative  positions  in  after  life  than  colored 
laborers  have  been  accustomed  to  fill. 

The  education  of  the  hand,  as  well  as  brain,  has  had  a 
reflex  influence  for  good  upon  the  latter,  as  the  habits  of  indus- 
try,  method  and  precision  acquired  in  the  manual  training,  are 
found  to  be  an  excellent  discipline  in  the  pursuance  of  the  lit- 
erary branches.  To  the  question  whether  students  have  lost  or 
gained  in  the  thoroughness  of  their  literary  work,  since  the 


494  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


introduction  of  industrial  training,  it  is  invariably  answered 
that  they  have  decidedly  gained.  Mr.  W.  B.  Patterson,  Presi- 
dent of  Lincoln  Normal  University,  at  Marion,  Alabama,  in 
which  institution  the  industries  are  very  successfully  carried 
on,  says:  “The  training  of  the  eye  and  hand  has  developed 
their  general  intelligence,  cultivated  their  powers  of  observa- 
tion, and  given  more  precision  to  their  work.”  He  here  refers 
to  the  Academic  department. 

The  great  success  of  the  Hampton  Normal  and  Agricultural 
Institute  of  Yirginia,  which  has  the  largest  enrolment  of  any 
colored  institution,  is  largely  attributed  to  the  able  manage- 
ment of  the  industrial  department,  and  the  special  attention 
given  to  training  for  the  conduct  of  the  practical  affairs  of  life. 
It  will  be  interesting  to  notice  briefly  the  industries  connected 
with  this  school: 

The  one  earliest  established  was  the  farm.  There  are  two 
of  these,  the  Home  and  the  Hemenway  farms.  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  each  department  is  under  a competent  manager. 
The  Home  farm  has  494  acres  under  cultivation,  including 
garden  and  orchard.  The  Hemenway,  about  five  miles  distant, 
has  541  acres  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  corn,  wheat,  oats, 
clover,  and  two  hundred  acres  of  pasture  land.  Those  students 
who  are  employed  on  the  farms  work  during  the  day,  and  at- 
tend night  school.  A certain  number  have  the  care  of  the 
stock,  which  on  the  two  farms  amounts  to  over  four  hundred 
head,  besides  the  poultry.  Besides  the  regular  work  students, 
boys  are  detailed  from  the  day  school,  who  go  in  squads  of 
five,  and  work  on  an  average  of  one  and  a half  days  per  week 
in  good  weather.  The  farms  are  of  great  advantage  to  the 
school,  besides  giving  employment  to  the  students,  as  they 
furnish  the  boarding  department  with  almost  all  needful  sup- 
plies. 

The  Huntington  Industrial  Works  present  a busy,  bustling 
scene.  The  buzzing,  whirring  saws,  and  the  flying  wheels  and 
hands,  indicate  the  character  of  the  work  here  performed.  The 
departments  of  these  Works  are:  The  saw-mill,  which  has  em- 
ployed regularly  fourteen  students,  besides  fourteen  boys  from 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


493 


the  day  school,  who  worked  two  days  in  the  week ; and  the  wood- 
working shop,  which  does  practical  house-building.  The  three 
years  course  covers  every  department  of  the  trade  of  wood- 
working and  house  carpentry. 

Stone  Industrial  Hall,  a large  and  handsome  building, 
furnishes  room  for  the  printing,  sewing  and  knitting  depart- 
ments. The  Printing  Office  and  Bindery  contains  an  improved 
Campbell  press  of  latest  design.  Nine  students  and  three  ex- 
students and  graduates,  have  been  employed  steadily.  In  the 
Girls’  Industrial  Boom,  where  plain  sewing,  tailoring  and 
dress-making  are  taught,  twelve  girls  have  sewed  regularly 
eveiy  day,  besides  sixty,  from  the  day  schools  in  squads,  work- 
ing one  or  two  days  a week.  Some  of  the  regular  workers  ap- 
prentice themselves  for  two  years,  to  learn  the  tailoring  trade ; 
others  work  at  the  dress-making  trade,  and  look  after  the  gen- 
eral sewing  of  the  department,  with  a view  to  managing  a sim- 
ilar business  of  their  own,  elsewhere ; others  are  shirt-makers. 
The  Knitting  Boom  is  supplied  with  a machine  that  will  make 
a pair  of  mittens  in  about  twelve  minutes.  This  is  done  by  the 
boys ; while  in  the  finishing  room,  girls  sew  or  crochet  up  the 
ragged  ends,  assort,  and  bind  them  into  packages  for  shipment. 

The  Engineer’s  Department  has  five  boilers,  with  a total 
capacity  of  over  260  horse  power.  These  supply  heat  for 
fifteen  buildings,  and  power  for  the  Printing  Office,  Gas  Works, 
Laundry,  Pumping  Station,  and  for  Cooking. 

The  Pierce  Machine  Shop  has  facilities  to  do  general  ma- 
chine and  tool  work.  Seven  night  students  are  employed  reg- 
ularly, besides  day  students  working  two  days  per  week.  Five 
apprentices  work  at  night,  in  charge  of  the  boiler,  gas  and 
water-works.  This  department  also  has  charge  of  the  sanitary 
and  fire  departments. 

The  Harness  Shop  turns  off  fine  sets  of  harness.  The 
students  take  pride  in  good  work.  They  like  to  see  a hand  • 
some  harness  growing  under  their  hands.  One  student,  who 
finished  his  apprenticeship  at  Hampton,  taught  a year  for  the 
money  to  purchase  tools,  and  now  has  gone  to  Lynchburg  to 
open  a shop  for  himself  there. 


496  BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IB  AMERICA. 


The  Shoe  Shop,  within  a year  from  July  1,  1886,  made  six 
hundred  and  five  pairs  of  new  shoes,  besides  repairing  twelve 
hundred  and  eighty-nine  pairs  of  old  ones. 

The  Tin  Shop,  in  the  same  year,  filled  a contract  for  over 
two  thousand  pieces  of  tinware,  made  and  repaired,  all  required 
by  the  school,  and  put  on  six  thousand  square  feet  of  tin 
roofing. 

The  Paint  Shop  does  all  the  painting,  varnishing,  kalso- 
mining  and  glazing,  required  by  the  many  buildings  belonging 
to  the  University.  Of  these,  the  most  imposing  are  Virginia 
Hall,  Memorial  Chapel,  Academic  Hall  and  Stone  Industrial 
Hall.  The  Huntington  Industrial  Works,  also  occupy  a very 
large  building. 

The  Wheelright  and  Blacksmith  Shops  do  all  kinds  of 
blacksmithing/  and  manufacturing  of  carts  and  wagons. 

The  Household  Work- — making  a home  for  over  six 
hundred  people — includes  the  work  of  the  Students’  Boarding 
Department,  the  Laundry,  the  Cooking  Class  and  the  Diet 
Kitchen,  which  latter  provides  food  for  the  sick  or  conva- 
lescent. 

Through  the  Department  of  the  Green  House,  a lucrative 
business  is  carried  on.  Some  of  the  gardens  and  grounds  are 
cared  for  by  the  workers  in  this  department. 

The  Girls’  Garden  contains  two  acres,  and  is  laid  out  in 
vegetables,  sweet  herbs,  fruits  and  flowers.  The  purpose  of 
this  industry  is  two-fold:  First,  to  furnish  an  employment 
for  needy  girls,  at  the  same  wages  as  boys  receive  for  the  same 
work;  second,  to  give  them  practical  instruction  in  this  very 
important  line  of  industry. 

The  Principal’s  Beport  of  this  school,  for  the  year  ending 
June,  1887,  after  referring  to  the  opportunity  given  the  stu- 
dent of  meeting  expenses,  while  acquiring  a literary  education 
through  these  industries,  thus  continues: 

“Industrial  training  has  a broader  signifiance,  reaching 
beyond  the  term  of  school  life,  and  giving  to  boys  and  girls 
trades  which  will  be  a means  of  future  support  and  independ- 
ence. Besides  this,  the  habits  of  industry  thus  acquired,  the 


RUST  UNIVERSITY,  HOLLY  SPRINGS.  MISS 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


497 


ideas  of  the  dignity  of  labor  thus  instilled,  will  be  lessons  of  no 
less  value,  than  those  learned  in  the  Academic  course.  The 
disciplinary  effort  of  the  system  is  also  valuable.  The  ‘ work 
for  idle  hands  ’ is  reduced  to  a minimum,  and  the  time  spent 
in  study  is  better  appreciated.” 

The  Hampton  Normal  and  Agricultural  Institute  is  an 
illustration  of  what  is  being  accomplished  to  a greater  or  less 
extent,  in  all  the  institutions  of  learning  for  the  colored  people, 
to  promote  education  in  its  practical  as  well  as  in  its  highest 
literary  form. 

Claflin  University,  at  Orangeburg,  South  Carolina,  is  note- 
worthy in  this  respect,  including  all  of  the  most  important  in- 
dustries, and  with  a boarding  department  managed  entirely 
by  the  students  themselves,  and  this  so  successfully,  that  they 
provide  a satisfactory  bill  of  fare  at  the  cost  of  only  seventy- 
five  cents  per  week  to  each  student.  Other  schools  are  adopting 
their  method  with  success. 

We  could  mention  one  or  . more  institutions  in  every 
Southern  State,  which  are  giving  new  and  special  attention  to 
technical  training,  some  of  which  are  most  fully  equipped,  and 
doing  remarkable  work.  The  cottages  on  the  school  grounds 
built  by  the  pupils,  and  the  brick  for  the  more  imposing 
buildings  all  made  by  their  hands,  besides  the  outside  orders 
filled  by  them,  all  testify  to  the  extreme  practicability  of  this 
instruction. 

At  Clark  University,  Atlanta,  Georgia,  a young  man,  not  yet 
twenty,  who  held  his  own  in  his  text-book,  learned  carpentry 
so  well,  that  he  could  not  only  use  with  skill  the  ordinary 
tools  of  his  trade,  but  he  could  “lay  off  work”,  plan  a cottage, 
“ make  out  a bill  of  lumber,”  and  calculate  the  expense  of 
building.  "What  is  more,  he  actually  built  several  cottages 
and  did  his  work  well.  Ur.  Haygood,  who  gives  this  instance, 
says:  “ If  he  holds  on  in  discourse,  he  will  be  a sort  of  an 
Apostle  among  his  people  and  a very  useful  Apostle  too.  It  is 
not  desirable  that  all  young  men  educated  in  Church  schools 
should  become  teachers  and  preachers.  There  must  be  some- 
body to  support  the  teachers  and  preachers.” 


498  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


As  one  very  noticeable  result  of  this  training  we  may 
expect  at  no  distant  day  to  see  the  rudely  built  cabin,  which 
has  so  long  been  the  abode  of  the  colored  man,  transformed 
into  the  tasteful  cottage.  These,  managed  by  women  trained 
in  all  the  useful  and  ornamental  arts  of  housekeeping,  their 
work  facilitated  by  the  needful  appliances,  leaving  time  and 
heart  for  the  mental  and  moral  culture  of  themselves  and  chil- 
dren, present  a picture  most  pleasing  to  contemplate.  The 
husband  and  father,  skilled  in  some  useful  trade,  in  the  words 
of  President  Braden,  of  Central  Tennessee  College,  “becomes 
capable  of  earning  more  than  a bare  living ; he  has  hope  of 
accumulating  property,  which  he  knows  will  command  respect. 
Intellectual,  moral  and  social  development  will  follow.” 

The  opinion  of  a man  of  so  great  experience  upon  the  gen- 
eral subject  of  industrial  training  as  President  Braden,  com- 
mands confidence.  He  also  says:  “As  the  Negro  becomes 
capable  of  earning  and  caring  for  a good  income,  he  leaves  off 
many  of  the  evil  habits  which  are  a result  of  his  former  condi- 
tion, and  his  ignorance  of  what  freedom  implied.  As  I study 
this  problem,  I do  not  see  any  one  thing  tending  more  to  a 
happy  solution  of  its  great  difficulties  and  dangers,  aside  from 
religion,  than  this  industrial  training.” 

Industrial  training  is  solely  for  instruction.  While  it  seeks 
as  far  as  possible  to  produce  useful  articles,  and  thus  reduce 
expenses,  it  is  no  present  pecuniary  help  to  the  student,  except 
in  the  matter  of  reducing  his  expenses,  and  is  costly  to  the 
school  in  teachers’  salaries.  These  schools  are- more  expensive 
than  the  non-industrial,  instruction  being  as  important  as  pro- 
duction, and  much  of  the  wages  being  paid  for  non-productive 
labor,  such  as  that  of  the  household  workers,  and  that  required 
for  repairs,  improvements  and  other  school  purposes. 

By  a thorough  training  in  some  one  of  the  mechanical  pur- 
suits, acquired  while  pursuing  the  literary  course  of  study,  the 
student  is  prepared  either  to  start  in  a remunerative  business 
for  himself,  or  is  in  demand,  at  good  salary,  by  others.  He 
thus  places  himself  in  a position  to  enjoy  his  education,  and 
use  it  for  his  own  and  society’s  good. 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


499 


“The  riches  of  the  Commonwealth 
Are  free,  strong  minds,  and  hearts  of  health ; 

And  more  to  her  than  gold  or  grain, 

The  cunning  hand  and  cultured  brain.” 

A man  who  has  a good  trade  at  his  fingers’  ends  is  more 
independent  than  the  majority  of  people.  The  wealth  of  the 
capitalist  may  take  wings  and  fly  away — his  trade  cannot. 

Once  his,  it  is  his  forever.  For  this  reason,  a generation 
back,  it  was  considered  very  essential  that  a young  man  should 
endure  what  was,  at  that  time,  a very  rigorous  and  hard 
apprenticeship  to  some  master — often  a very  cruel  one — for 
a number  of  years,  in  order  to  fit  him  for  an  occupation  in 
after  life. 

This  the  schools  are  doing  for  the  colored  people,  and  are 
combining  it  so  happily  with  the  cultivation  of  their  mental 
powers,  that  the  work  of  the  one  effects  the  espense  of  the  other. 
Thus  has  the  cost  of  acquiring  an  education  among  them  been 
reduced  to  such  a low  figure,  and  the  advantages  contained  in 
that  educating  been  so  increased,  that  the  brightest  outlook  for 
their  future  may  be  based  on  this  alone. 

That  many  of  them  have  realized  their  privileges  in  this 
direction,  is  evidenced  by  the  large  enrolment  of  those  insti- 
tutions where  this  training  is  made  a specialty.  That  a much 
larger  number  should  inform  themselves  as  to  these  opportuni- 
ties, is  also  very  evident.  In  all  departments  of  business,  both 
among  the  white  and  the  colored  people,  the  many,  are  only  the 
ordinary  and  indifferent  followers  of  their  vocations — the  few, 
are  the  skilled  and  thoroughly  educated  for  their  work,  so  that 
the  demand  for  the  latter  is  always  great,  and  the  renumera- 
tion proportionately  so.  Mere  book  learning,  unaccompanied 
by  the  means  of  gratifying  the  tastes,  or  following  the  aspira- 
tions by  it  awakened,  would  prove  only  an  additional  source  of 
unhappiness.  Education  is  only  a success,  as  it  increases  pro- 
ductive power.  When  it  does  not  bring  with  it  the  power  to 
better  one’s  surroundings,  if  those  surroundings  are  not  in 
accord  with  the  feelings  it  inculcates,  it  not  only  tends  to 
make  people  unhappy,  it  tends  to  make  them  dishonest.  It 
also  tends  to  break  down  virtue.  Sad  is  his  case  whose  tastes 


500  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


demand  expenditures  liis  skill  cannot  provide!  Bitter  is  the 
fruit  of  the  tree  of  knowledge,  when  there  lacks  the  harvests 
that  follow  industry! 

When,  however,  these  are  brought  together,  as  is  now  the 
case  in  the  colored  schools,  they  are  made  one  to  serve  the 
other.  The  education  of  the  mind  increases  mechanical  skill, 
just  as  truly  as  mechanical  training  provides  for  the  enjoyment 
of  mental  culture. 

Manufacturers  find  intelligent,  educated  mechanics  more 
profitable  to  employ,  even  at  high  wages,  than  those  who  are 
uneducated.  We  have  never  met  anyone  who  had  much  expe- 
rience in  employing  large  numbers  of  men,  who  did  not  hold 
this  opinion,  and  as  a general  rule  those  manufacturers  are 
most  successful,  who  are  most  careful  to  secure  intelligent  and 
skilled  workmen. 

W e recently  read  of  a weaving  room  filled  with  girls  above 
the  average  in  character  and  intelligence,  and  there  was  one 
girl  among  them  who  had  been  highly  educated.  Though 
length  of  arms  and  strength  of  muscle  are  our  advantages  in 
weaving,  and  though  this  girl  was  short  and  small,  she  always 
wove  the  greatest  number  of  pieces  in  the  room,  and  conse- 
quently drew  the  largest  pay  at  the  end  of  every  month.  Edu- 
cation had  so  quickened  all  her  faculties  that  its  effort  was 
noticeable  even  in  the  manual  labor  which  she  daily  performed. 

Through  the  introduction  of  mechanical  training  into  insti- 
tutions of  learning,  intelligence  is  made  to  wait  upon  industry 
and  industry  upon  intelligence,  together  building  a character 
full  of  symmetry  and  abounding  in  usefulness. 

The  Honorable  Commissioner  of  Education  in  his  Annual 
Report  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1885,  says: 

“ Industrial  training,  in  its  simpler  forms,  was  a feature  of 
the  earliest  schools  for  the  colored  people,  but  its  supreme  im- 
portance as  a means  of  their  development  is  of  recent  recogni- 
tion. So  important  do  I consider  the  industrial  part  of  the 
educational  work  among  the  colored  people,  especially  since 
the  tendency  of  some  trades-unions  to  exclude  colored  citizens 
from  industrial  training  and  employment,  has  become  manifest, 


ED  UCA  TIONAL  PR  0 GRESS. 


501 


that  I would  urgently  recommend  all  persons  and  organizations, 
State,  local  or  corporate,  having  colored  institutions  in  charge, 
to  promote  industrial  training  by  every  means,  both  as  a sub- 
stitute for  trade-apprenticeship,  when  it  is  denied  them,  and 
as  the  most  effective  means  of  preparing  the  working  people  of 
the  South  for  the  new  and  remunerative  occupations  which 
must  inevitably  diversify  and  round  out  the  social  require- 
ments and  industrial  development  of  the  future  of  that 
region.” 

The  colored  people  also  have  the  benefit  of  the  public 
school  system,  and  share  the  school  fund.  In  Delaware,  in 
addition  to  the  school  tax  from  colored  citizens,  the  Legisla- 
ture appropriates  annually  five  thousand  dollars  from  the  State 
Treasury  for  educating  colored  children ; in  Maryland  there  is 
a biennial  appropriation;  the  District  of  Columbia  sets  aside 
one-third  of  the  school  fund  for  colored  public  schools;  in 
South  Carolina,  school  moneys  are  distributed  in  proportion  to 
average  attendance,  without  regard  to  race;  and  in  all  the  re- 
maining Southern  States,  the  school  fund  is  divided  in  propor- 
tion to  the  school  population,  not  regarding  race. 

The  necessity  of  more  and  better  educational  facilities  in  the 
South  may  be  appreciated,  when  we  consider  that  nearly  half  a 
million  white,  and  over  a million'  colored,  voters  there,  cannot  read 
the  ballots  which  they  cast.  This  startling  fact  brings  forcibly  to 
mind  the  warning  words  of  James  Madison  in  1826:  “A  pop- 
ular government  -without  popular  information,  or  the  means  of 
acquiring  it,  is  but  the  prologue  to  a farce,  or  tragedy,  or  both.” 
TTith  a knowledge  of  these  statistics  of  illiteracy,  no  one  will 
be  surprised  to  learn  that  in  the  census  period  of  1870  to  1880, 
there  was  a net  loss  in  property  valuation  in  ten  Southern 
States  of  $411,475,090.  Three  only  of  the  Southern  States — 
Texas,  Xorth  Carolina  and  Georgia — -showed  a'gain  in  that 
period.  The  United  States  Senate,  in  view  of  such  facts, 
passed  what  is  known  as  the  Blab’  Educational  Bill — defeated 
in  the  House — to  appropriate  $77,000,000  to  be  distributed 
over  a period  of  eight  years,  to  aid  in  the  temporary  support 
of  comrqon  schools  in  the  South.  The  absence  of  schools  and 


502  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


tlie  lack  of  education,  undoubtedly  explain  in  part  why  prop- 
erty depreciated  in  those  States. 

Adding  together  the  gifts  of  Northern  philanthropists  and 
the  appropriations  from  Southern  taxation,  it  has  been  esti- 
mated that  since  the  War  over  $50,000,000  have  been  spent  on 
colored  education.  Of  this,  the  greater  portion  has  come 
through  taxation,  nearly  all  of  it  being  paid  by  the  Southern 
white  people. 

In  many  of  the  Southern  States  the  white  and  colored  pop- 
ulation is  nearly  equal,  in  Mississippi  and  South  Carolina,  the 
colored  exceeding  that  of  the  white.  In  these  instances  the 
white  people,  as  yet,  owning  by  far  the  greater  amount  of  tax- 
able property,  pay  more  for  the  public  school  education  of  the 
colored  children  than  for  that  of  their  own  children. 

In  1882,  the  per  capita  of  white  child  of  legal  school  age, 
and  of  colored  child  of  legal  school  age,  was  made  the  same, 
this  giving  them  equal  advantages  in  the  common  school  fund 
of  the  State.  The  school  age  varies  in  the  different  Southern 
States,  averaging  from  six  to  nine  years. 

The  U.  S.  Commissioner’s  Report  for  1884-’85,  in  a sum- 
mary of  all  Public  Schools,  Normal  Schools,  Secondary  Schools 
and  Colleges,  for  the  instruction  of  the  Colored  Race  in  the 
South,  gives  a total  of  19,222  schools,  and  1,053,963  pupils. 
This  was  an  increase  of  1,455  schools  and  27,844  pupils  in  one 
year. 

While  walking  down  the  streets  of  Florence,  Alabama,  a 
few  days  ago,  a little  white  boy  came  trotting  along  at  my  side. 
We  easily  fell  into  conversation.  “How  old  are  you?  ” I said. 
“ Nine  years  old,”  he  replied.  “What  reader  do  you  read  in?  ” 
“ I never  read  in  no  reader.”  “ Do  you  go  to  school  ? ” “ No, 

sir.”  “ Can’t  you  read?  ” “I  can  pick  out  some  words  right 
smart.”  This  is  the  exact  testimony  of  a Southern  white  boy 
of  the  middle  class  of  society  to-day!  A few  rods  farther 
down  the  street  of  the  same  village,  a little  colored  boy  over- 
took me.  I invited  conversation  with  him,  with  the  following 
result:  “ How  old  are  you ? ” “Nine  years  old,  boss.”  “Go 
to  school?”  “Oh,  yes,  sir;  been  going  to  school  for  a long 


ED  UCA TIONAL  PR  0 GRESS. 


503 


time.”  “"What  reader  are  you  in?”  “The  Second,  sir.” 
“ Can  you  read  right  along  in  the  Bible  'without  any  trouble  ? ” 
“Yes,  sir;  I don’t  haye  any  trouble  in  reading  most  any 
thing.”  This  incident  is  true  to  the  letter.  It  is  not  very  ex- 
ceptional. The  colored  children  are  improving  faster  than  the 
■white  children  in  the  South.  If  this  state  of  things  continues 
very  long,  the  Southern  people  ■will  be  obliged  to  hire  colored 
young  men  and  women  to  teach  their  white  schools.  Think  of 
it!  “In  New  York  State,  fifty  ■ -five  white  men  in  a thousand, 
and  in  Massachusetts,  sixty-two  in  each  thousand,  make  their 
mark  when  they  sign  a document,”  says  the  New  York  Post, 
while  in  Kansas,  only  thirty-one  in  a thousand,  and  in  Ne- 
braska, only  thirty  in  a thousand  are  so  illiterate.  But  in 
Kentucky,  173  white  men  in  a thousand  cannot  write  their  own 
names!  ” The  schools  in  the  South  are  seeking  to  correct  this 
appalling  state  of  things.  They  not  only  educate,  but  they  in- 
spire, also,  a desire  for  education  in  those  reached  by  their 
influences.  It  is  unfortunate  that  their  influences  are  mostly 
confined  to  the  colored  people,  but  that  is  not  because  the 
whites  are  excluded  from  school  privileges.  “None  are  so 
blind  as  those  who  will  not  see,” — none  are  so  hopelessly  igno- 
rant as  those  who  do  not  desire  to  learn. 

As  a rule,  the  colored  public  schools  are  taught  by  colored 
teachers.  The  tenth  census  shows  that  in  the  United  States, 
in  1880,  there  were  16,800  separate  schools  for  colored  children ; 
there  were,  also,  according  to  this  census,  15,831  colored 
teachers.  Many  colored  teachers  were  left  out  of  this  enumer- 
ation, so  that  there  were  comparatively  few  of  their*  schools 
taught  by  white  people.  The  tendency  to  this  adjustment  is 
not  confined  to  the  Southern  States ; outside  of  the  late  slave 
States,  there  were,  in  1880,  382  separate  schools  for  colored 
children,  and  316  colored  teachers.  It  is  worthy  of  notice, 
that  nearly  two-thirds  of  these  colored  teachers  are  men ; as, 
according  to  the  same  census,  10,520  colored  men,  and  5,311 
colored  women,  were  engaged  in  teaching  the  public  schools. 

In  a report  to  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  Slater  Fund,  in 
1885,  Dr.  Haygood  writes  as  follows: 


504  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


“ The  history  of  education  among  the  colored  people  dur- 
ing the  last  twenty  years,  and  all  the  facts  now  observable, 
lead  to  the  certain  conclusion  that  common  schools  for  colored 
children  must  depend  upon  colored  teachers.”  In  referring  to 
those  already  employed,  he  says:  “Not  a few  of  them  do 
admirably  well ; some  do  their  work  so  efficiently  and  usefully 
as  to  justify  the  belief  that  the  colored  people  are  capable  of 
furnishing  fit  material  for  making  teachers  of  the  most 
approved  quality.  The  defects  of  these  colored  teachers  are 
so  great  as  to  create  an  urgent  necessity  for  training  better 
ones;  their  excellences  and  their  successes  are  sufficient  to 
justify  the  best  hopes  of  success  in  the  effort,  and  to  vindicate 
the  judgment  of  those  who  make  large  investments  of  money 
and  service  to  give  to  colored  students  opportunity  of  thor- 
oughly preparing  themselves  for  the  task  of  teaching  the  chil- 
dren of  their  people.” 

Again  after  speaking  of  the  many  institutions  for  higher 
instruction,  founded  for  the  most  part  by  Northern  churches 
and  benevolent  associations,  and  especially  of  the  Normal 
Schools  for  the  training  of  colored  teachers,  he  continues: 

“It  is  particularly  worthy  of  mention  that  among  the 
teachers  engaged  in  these  Southern  training  schools  for  col- 
ored teachers,  are  a number  of  colored  men  and  women  who 
have  successfully  prepared  themselves  for  their  work  at  the 
older  and  better  schools  established  for  their  people  in  the 
South.  Among  these  teachers  are  graduates  of  Hampton 
Institute,  the  Atlanta,  Fisk,  Howard,  and  other  Universities. 

“ The  success  of  these  colored  Principals  and  Professors 
demonstrates  the  capacity  of  colored  students  to  become  the 
efficient  leaders  of  education  among  their  people  when  time 
and  opportunity  have  enabled  them  to  show  what  they  can  do. 
This  is  most  important ; for  if  it  was  found  that  the  race  could 
not  furnish  its  own  educators,  it  would  be  found  that  the  race 
never  could  be  educated.  But  it  has  been  proved  that  the 
Negro  race  in  the  Southern  States  is  capable  of  furnishing  its 
own  teachers.” 

Even  before  the  close  of  the  Civil  W ar  attention  was  turned 


EDUCATIONAL  PR 0 CRESS. 


505 


toward  the  necessity  of  providing  for  the  training  of  colored 
teachers  and  preachers  to  become  the  leaders  of  their  people. 
Although  there  are  now  fifty-eight  Normal  Schools  for  the 
colored  people,  there  is  an  ever-increasing  demand  for  well- 
trained  and  competent  teachers  for  their  race.  The  demand 
for  thoroughly  trained  teachers  will  be  difficult  to  supply  for 
years  to  come.  However,  much  is  being  accomplished  toward 
this  end. 

The  Normal  Schools  are  sending  out  annually  large  num- 
bers of  graduates,  all  of  whom  must  teach  for  a stated  length 
of  time,  and  many  of  whom  enter  upon  teaching  as  a life  work 
- — that  work  upon  which  alone,  according  to  the  ancient  Greek 
fable,  the  gods  were  disposed  to  pronounce  their  blessing. 

Coming  down  to  modern  ages,  it  is  still  regarded  among 
the  noblest  of  all  the  professions.  No  one  commands  more 
respect  than  the  teacher,  consecrated  to  the  highest  and  best 
development  of  his  pupils ; one  who  is  not  only  their  instructor 
in  all  the  various  branches  that  make  up  the  scholastic  year, 
but  who  is  himself  to  them  a living  inspiration  toward  all  that 
is  true,  elevating  and  good.  The  teacher  should  be  more  than 
a learned  scholar — possessed  of  even  more  than  the  capability 
to  elucidate  and  make  plain  his  knowledge  to  others ; he  should 
also  be  a man  of  noble  character,  of  lofty  aspirations,  and  pos- 
sessed of  an  absorbing  interest  in  the  well-being  of  his  pupils, 
with  the  power  to  lift  them  up  to  his  own  high  plane  of 
thought  and  action. 

“Thou  must  be  true  thyself, 

If  thou  the  truth  wouldst  teach ; 

Thy  soul  must  overflow,  if  thou 
Another’s  soul  wouldst  reach  ; 

It  needs  the  overflowing  heart 
To  give  the  tongue  full  speech.” 

Eev.  H.  M.  Tupper,  President  of  Shaw  University, 
said  in  1885,  that  more  than  a thousand  of  his  former  pupuls 
were  engaged  in  teaching.  At  the  same  time  over  four  hundred 
who  had  gone  out  from  Eust  University  were  in  this  work. 
Many  of  the  advanced  pupils  of  the  higher  grade  institutions, 
teach  during  the  vacations,  thus  earning  funds  to  continue  their 
own  studies. 


506  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


In  1883  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  students  attending 
Fisk  University,  had  been  teachers  in  the  public  schools,  and 
more  than  that  number  taught  during  the  vacation  that  fol- 
lowed. In  Atlanta  University  that  year  there  were  two  hundred 
of  these  teacher  students. 

In  Central  Tennessee  College,  seven-eighths  of  the  advanced 
pupils  were  teaching  while  pursuing  their  own  studies.  More 
than  twelve  hundred  men  and  women  from  this  College  are 
teachers  of  the  children  of  their  people. 

In  the  same  year,  1883,  the  President  of  Howard  University, 
Rev.  W.  W.  Patton,  said  that  ninety  per  cent  of  his  graduates 
and  advanced  pupils,  were  teachers. 

The  requirement  at  Hampton,  that  each  student  should 
teach  one  year  before  finishing  his  course  at  that  Institute,  is 
attended  by  most  beneficial  results.  The  senior  class  returns 
to  its  work  with  a more  definite  purpose,  and  a clearer  idea  of 
the  needs  of  those  to  whom  they  are  to  go,  as  teachers,  than 
they  ever  before  possessed. 

The  men  and  women  who  have  been  students  of  those  and 
other  high  grade  schools,  including  the  Normals,  are  by  far  the 
best  colored  teachers  now  in  the  South.  They  understand,  and 
follow  the  most  approved  methods,  and  are  doing  more  to  over- 
come illiteracy  among  their  people  than  any  other.  They  bring 
also  the  high  ambitions  and  strongest  of  purpose  with  them, 
that  their  own  college  life  inculcated,  and  are  enthusiastic  in 
their  endeavors  to  reach  others  with  the  same  ladder  of  inspir- 
ation. 

A striking  example  of  what  can  be  done  by  colored  teachers 
for  their  own  race  is  shown  by  the  State  Normal  School,  Tus- 
kegu,  Alabama.  The  Principal,  Mr.  B.  T.  "Washington,  is  a 
graduate  of  Hampton  Institute,  both  he  and  all  his  teachers 
being  colored  people.  This  school  was  established  by  act  of 
the  Legislature  of  Alabama,  in  1880,  and  was  opened  July  4, 
1881,  with  one  teacher  and  thirty  pupils.  Alabama  appropri- 
ates $3,000  annually  to  the  support  of  this  school.  This  sum  is 
used  almost  entirely  for  tuition,  making  the  tuition  free  to  the 
students.  The  money  for  the  buildings  were  obtained  by  the 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


507 


Principal  from  friends,  North  and  South.  The  able-bodied 
students  work  out  part  of  their  board  bill,  which  is  small,  each 
month.  To  quote  the  words  of  the  Principal:  “Work  is 
required  of  all  for  purposes  of  discipline  and  instruction,  and 
of  teaching  the  dignity  of  labor.”  Those  who  have  no  money 
work  all  day,  and  attend  night  school,  after  the  manner  of 
Hampton  Institute,  whose  spirit  Mr.  Washington  endeavors  to 
inculcate  as  far  as  his  situation  allows. 

A new  building  has  recently  been  erected  for  girls’  dormi- 
tories, called  Alabama  Hall.  It  is  of  brick,  four  stories,  and 
cost  $9,000.  The  brick  are  all  made  on  the  place  by  the  stu- 
dents, who  also  supply  nearly  all  the  brick  used  in  Tuskegu 
and  vicinity. 

The  various  industries  vigorously  carried  on,  are  Carpentry, 
House-painting,  Brick-making,  Brick-laying,  Printing  and 
Farming  for  the  boys;  Cutting,  Sewing,  Laundry  work,  and  all 
departments  of  Household  work,  for  the  girls. 

The  special  objects  to  be  kept  in  view,  according  to  the 
Principal,  are: 

“ 1st.  To  give  the  best  mental  training,  with  a view  of 
turning  out  efficient  common-school  teachers. 

“ 2d.  To  furnish  the  student  labor  that  will  be  valuable  to 
the  school.  It  must  be  valuable,  because  students  are  credited 
on  their  bills  with  work  done,  and  it  enables  many  of  the  poorer 
ones  to  obtain  their  education. 

“ 3d.  In  all  things  we  try  to  make  them  see  beauty  in 
labor,  rather  than  degradation.  When  our  students  graduate, 
they  are  not  ashamed  to  work  with  their  hands.” 

The  number  of  teachers  and  officers  in  1886,  were  thirteen; 
number  of  students,  two  hundred  and  five. 

Mr.  John  H.  Burrus,  President  of  Alcorn  Agricultural  and 
Mechanical  College,  Bodney,  Mississippi,  is  also  a colored  man 
— a graduate  of  Fisk  University  of  the  class  of  1875.  One  of 
his  professors  and  one  tutor  are  also  graduates  of  Fisk.  The 
large  enrolment  of  Alcorn  University  testifies  to  its  popularity- 

We  subjoin  a list  of  the  twenty-two  Universities  and  Col- 
leges, and  their  respective  locations.  “ Education  is  the  bul- 


308  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


wark  of  freedom  and  free  government.’'  And  these  are  her 
temples : 


Philander  Smith  College, 
Atlanta  University, 

Clark  University, 

Berea  College, 

Leland  University, 

New  Orleans  University, 
Southern  University, 
Straight  University, 

Bust  University, 


Little  Bock,  Arkansas 
Atlanta,  Georgia 
Atlanta,  Georgia 
- Berea,  Kentucky 
New  Orleans,  Louisiana 

- New  Orleans,  Louisiana 
New  Orleans,  Louisiana 

- New  Orleans,  Louisiana 
Holly  Springs,  Mississippi 


Alcorn  Agricultural  and  Mechanical  College, 

Bodney,  Mississippi 
Charlotte,  North  Carolina 
- Baleigli,  North  Carolina 

Salisbury,  North  Carolina 
Wilber  force,  Ohio 
Lincoln  University,  Pennsylvania 
Columbia,  South  Carolina 
Clifton  University  and  College  of  Agriculture, 

Orangeburg,  South  Carolina 
Central  Tennessee  College,  - - Nashville,  Tennessee 

Pisk  University,  ...  Nashville,  Tennessee 
Boger  Williams  University,  - Nashville,  Tennessee 

Hampton  Normal  and  Agricultural  Institute, 

Hampton,  Yirginia 

Howard  University,  - - Washington,  District  Columbia 


Biddle  University, 

Shaw  University, 
Livingstone  College, 
Wilberforce  University, 
Lincoln  University, 
Allen  University, 


These  institutions,  being  largely  supported  by  the  liberal- 
ity of  individuals,  or  organizations,  the  expense  borne  by  the 
pupil  is  comparatively  small,  amounting  to  little  over  the  price 
of  board  and  incidentals,  and  these  also  are  reduced  to  such 
low  figures,  that  without  the  help  of  the  industrial  department, 
the  wages  of  a few  months  work  will  cover  a year’s  tuition, 
board  and  incidental  expenses,  at  the  best  Universities. 

That  this  can  be  and  has  been  accomplished,  and  that  the 
students  are  capable  of  the  industry  and  sacrifice  required, 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


509 


may  be  seen  by  the  following  incidents  which,  occurred  in  the 
schools  under  the  charge  of  the  American  Missionary  Associ- 
ation. Many  more  such  incidents  illustrating  an  earnest  de- 
sire for  an  education,  and  a willingness  to  work  for  it,  might 
be  cited: 

An  orphan  gild,  about  eighteen  years  old,  so  desired  an 
education,  that  by  hard  work  and  careful  saving  through  the 
summer,  she  earned  enough  to  keep  herself  in  school  a year. 
At  the  close,  however,  of  the  first  month,  she  took  her  books 
to  her  teacher’s  desk,  saying  she  would  have  to  leave  at  once; 
and  breaking  down,  she  wept  bitterly.  Little  by  little,  the 
the  sympathetic  teacher  learned  her  story.  Her  aunt  had  been 
sick,  and,  she  had  given  her  the  earnings,  hoarded  for  the  year’s 
tuition,  and  she  had  not  money  enough  to  meet  even  one 
month’s  demands.  She  had  resolved  to  go  into  the  country, 
where  she  could  earn  a little  by  picking  up  potatoes,  and  by 
hard  work  she  helped  to  save  enough  to  return  to  school  by 
Christmas.  This  was,  perhaps,  before  the  introduction  of  the 
industrial  system  which  would  have  obviated  all  her  difficulties. 
She  was,  however,  told  that  she  might  remain,  for  the  present, 
with  free  tuition,  and  she  took  her  place  again,  very  grateful 
and  studious,  offering  to  give  up  her  desk  when  the  room  be- 
came full,  and  herself  take  a stool  or  chair. 

This  is  the  preparation  for  a career,  which  can  but  be  one 
of  usefulness  and  honor.  The  fruition  of  her  present  toil  and 
sacrifice,  will  undoubtedly  appear  in  a noble  life  in  after 
years. 

Another  instance,  equally  interesting,  is  that  of  a young 
man,  nearly  thirty-five  years  of  age,  in  an  advanced  class. 
In  the  spring  he  thought  he  should  not  be  able  to  return  to 
school  the  next  fall,  for  lack  of  money.  He  went  out,  however, 
resolved  never  to  spend  an  idle  day,  he  would  work  even  if 
wages  were  low.  Whenever  he  failed  to  secure  better  work, 
he  went  to  the  woods  splitting  rails.  Days  and  days  he  worked 
there  through  the  heat,  and  found  that  by  arduous  labor,  he 
could  clear  exactly  thirty-five  cents  a day.  “ I should  have 
kept  on,”  said  he,  “ had  it  been  but  twenty-five.”  The  result 


510  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


of  his  summer’s  work  was  that  he  found  himself,  at  school 
time,  with  more  money  saved  than  at  any  previous  Fall, 

Perhaps  it  did  not  occur  to  him  that  this  summer’s  work 
was  in  itself  the  best  kind  of  education.  He  has  learned  one  of 
life’s  most  important  lessons,  that  a simple,  steady,  industry 
will  win  in  the  end  far  greater  results,  than  will  any  number 
of  fitful,  though  brilliant  successes.  He  has  also  gained  the 
strength  and  self  respect,  which  accompanies  systematic  effort 
with  a noble  purpose  in  view,  and  the  restraint  put  upon  self 
for  self’s  highest  good;  thus  accomplishing  what  years  of 
schooling,  which  cost  no  forethought  or  self-denial,  never  could 
have  done. 

Those  students  who  complete  the  advanced  course  at  the 
various  Universities,  occupy  exceptionally  prominent  places  in 
the  history  of  the  times,  and  in  the  progress  of  their  people. 
Among  the  Alumni  of  Fisk  University  are  a President,  Pro- 
fessors and  Teachers  in  other  Universities;  Principals  of 
Normal  Schools,  High  Schools,  and  various  Public  Schools, 
editors  of  newspapers ; lawyers — one  practicing  in  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  another  pursuing  his  studies  still  further  at  Yale 
College,  Connecticut ; a member  of  the  Tennessee  Legislature ; 
and  of  the  young  women,  all,  almost  without  exception,  filling 
important  positions  as  teachers,  musicians,  etc. 

Two  of  Hampton  Institute’s  graduates  are  editors  of  papers, 
one  in  Boston,  the  other  in  Kansas  City.  Another  is  connected 
with  a paper  in  Staunton,  Virginia,  and  three  more  publish  the 
Alumni  Journal,  once  a month,  at  Hampton.  Another  occupies 
a lucrative  Government  position,  and  at  the  same  time  is  taking 
a course  in  Pharmacy,  at  Howard  University,  Washington. 

By  far  the  greater  number  of  these  are  teachers.  The 
colored  schools  in  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth  are  largely  under 
the  care  of  Hampton  graduates,  and  in  Lynchburg,  in  which 
city  alone,  are  1,150  colored  children  in  the  schools,  Hampton 
is  well  represented  among  the  teachers.  Of  the  twenty-six 
teachers  in  Gloucester  County,  Virginia,  all  but  nine  are  from 
this  University.  Preaching,  practicing  law,  store-keeping, 
and  farming  are  the  occupations  of  others. 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


511 


One  favored  son  of  Hampton  has  been  singing  bis  way 
around  the  world,  and  when  last  heard  from  was  enjoying  the 
wonderful  beauty  of  New  Zealand  scenery.  A native  African, 
who  graduated  in  1884,  writes  back  from  Sierra  Leone,  that 
after  teaching  a while,  he  wishes  to  return  to  America  to  fit 
himself  for  greater  usefulness. 

These  two  institutions  only  serve  to  illustrate  what  each  of 
the  twenty-two  Universities  are  accomplishing  through  those 
who  persevere  until  they  finish  the  advanced  course  of  in- 
struction, and  enter  into  the  charmed  circle  of  those  thoroughly 
prepared  for,  and  capable  of  entering  upon,  the  highest  walks 
of  life. 

The  centres  of  education  for  the  colored  people,  it  will  be  seen, 
are  Atlanta,  New  Orleans  and  Nashville.  Besides  the  Univer- 
sities already  referred  to  at  these  educational  centres,  Atlanta 
has:  Spellman  Seminary  for  Girls  and  Women,  Storr’s  school 
and  Atlanta  Baptist  Seminary,  Schools  of  Secondary  instruction ; 
Theological  schools: — Atlanta  Baptist  Seminary  and  Grammar 
school  of  Theology,  the  latter  connected  with  Clark  University. 

New  Orleans  has,  besides  the  previously  mentioned  Uni- 
versities: Peabody  Normal  School  for  colored  students,  and 
Normal  Departments  of  Straight  and  New  Orleans  Universities; 
St.  James  Academy  and  Industrial  Seminary,  School  of 
Secondary  instruction ; Schools  of  Theology  connected  with 
Straight,  Leland  and  New  Orleans  Universities,  and  a School 
of  Law  connected  with  Straight  University. 

At  Nashville,  besides  the  Universities  mentioned,  are  Nor. 
mal  and  Theological  Schools  in  connection  with  each  of  tha 
three  Universities;  a School  of  Law,  and  one  of  Medicine,  con- 
nected with  Central  Tennessee  College,  and  a colored  depart- 
ment in  the  Tennessee  School  for  the  Blind. 

About  March  1,  1887,  a number  of  colored  people  held  a 
meeting  in  New  Orleans,  to  complain  of  the  lack  of  sufficient 
school  accommodations  for  the  colored  children  of  the  city. 
They,  at  the  same  time,  organized  a club  known  as  the  J ustice, 
Protective  and  Educational  Club,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
these  additional  privileges,  and  generally  to  advance  the  edu- 


512  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


cation  of  the  colored  people.  The  movement  originated  en- 
tirely among  the  Negroes,  and  grew  out  of  their  own  ideas  and 
aspirations,  and  is  probably  the  first  distinctly  Negro  move- 
ment of  that  kind  in  the  South. 

The  club  has  been  laboring  energetically  since,  and  has 
succeeded  beyond  its  expectations.  It  has  secured  the  promise 
of  a number  of  subscriptions  tc  the  fund  it  is  raising  for  an  ad- 
ditional school  house  for  colored  youth,  and  will  soon  begin  to 
construct  the  building  and  to  tender  it  to  the  city. 

It  will  also  be  in  a financial  condition  to  establish  what  has 
been  another  pet  scheme  of  the  Society,  a down-town  library 
for  the  benefit  of  the  colored  people  of  the  lower  district. 
Most  of  the  leaders  in  the  club,  are  of  the  class  of  colored 
people  known  as  Creoles,  whose  native  tongue  is  Trench. 

Another  evidence  of  the  educational  advance  of  the  colored 
people  in  Louisiana,  is  shown  in  the  opening,  at  about  the 
same  time,  in  New  Orleans,  of  the  Southern  University.  The 
College  is  assisted  by  the  State,  and  under  State  control.  The 
building,  which  is  located  on  the  corner  of  Magazine  and  Ser- 
nat  Streets,  in  the  centre  of  the  most  fashionable  quarter  of  the 
city,  is  one  of  the  handsomest  educational  buildings  in  the 
South,  occupying  an  entire  square  of  ground. 

The  College  opened  with  400  colored  youth  in  attendance. 
The  opening  ceremonies  showed  a mingling  of  whites  and 
blacks,  such  as  is  seldom  seen  there.  The  principal  address 
was  delivered  by  Dr.  B.  M.  Palmer,  of  the  First  Presbyterian 
Church,  the  most  ardent  ecclesiastical  supporter  of  slavery  in 
ante-bellum  times,  while  Governor  McEnery,  ex-Governor 
Pinchback,  and  others,  spoke. 

The  four  Universities  in  New  Orleans  have  an  aggregate 
attendance  of  over  two  thousand  students.  The  buildings  of 
these  high  grade  institutions  are  handsome  structures.  A 
four-story  brick  building,  belonging  to  New  Orleans  Uni- 
versity, has  recently  been  completed.  The  property  belonging 
to  Leland  University  is  rated  at  $125,000.  The  endowments 
amount  to  $95,000,  which  place  the  institution  upon  a solid 
basis.  Straight  University  is  well  equipped  for  University 


JUBILEE  HALL-  FISK  UNIVERSITY,  NASHVILLE.  TENN 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


513 


work,  and  lias  a large  enrolment.  The  industrial  system  has 
recently  received  an  added  impetus  in  these  institutions,  and 
each  year  sees  it  more  thoroughly  established  and  perfected. 

The  Primary  schools  in  New  Orleans  have  been  insufficient 
and  defective.  This,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Educational  Club 
is  endeavoring  to  correct,  and  no  doubt  ample  quarters  will 
soon  be  provided  for  them. 

The  “Jubilee  Singers”  of  Fisk  University,  at  Nashville, 
have  made  a name  for  themselves  and  their  University  on  two 
Continents,  and  by  seven  years  of  almost  continuous  labor, 
from  the  proceeds  of  their  concerts  in  this  country  and  in 
Europe,  succeeded  in  purchasing  the  present  site  of  the  Uni- 
versity, and  built  Jubilee  Hall,  to  which,  in  1876,  the  Uni- 
versity proper  was  transferred.  It  is  an  elegant  and  commo- 
dious structure,  five  stories,  and  situated  upon  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  commanding  locations  about  Nashville.  General 
Clinton  B.  Eisk,  for  whom  the  University  is  named,  was  form- 
erly connected  with  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau.  He  still  takes  a 
great  interest  in  the  University,  and  with  his  wife  and  children 
dttends  its  Commencement  exercises. 

The  “Tennesseeans”  were  also  a popular  troupe  of  gifted 
singers  connected  with  Central  Tennessee  College.  They 
delighted  many  audiences  all  over  the  land,  and  from  the  pro- 
ceeds of  their  concerts,  built  a commanding  four  story  brick 
edifice,  one  of  the  five  attractive  buildings  belonging  to  this 
institution. 

The  musical  ability  of  the  colored  people,  as  a race,  is 
indisputable,  and  few  songs  thrill  and  delight  an  audience  so 
completely  as  their  peculiar  and  inimitable  melodies. 

It  may  be  asked,  what  is  the  character  of  the  literary  work 
done  in  the  Universities  for  the  colored  people,  and  what  they 
study.  We  copy  from  the  catalogue  of  1886-87  the  course  of 
study  of  Atlanta  University,  and  let  it  speak  for  itself.  This 
is  a worthy  and  fair  representation  of  other  schools  of  similar 
grade  throughout  the  South: 

COLLEGE  COURSE. 

For  admission  to  this  course,  students  must  pass  a thorough  examination  in 


514  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  common  English  branches,  and  also  in  the  studies  of  the  Preparatory  Course 
or  their  equivalent. 

The  degree  of  B.  A.  is  given  to  graduates  of  this  course. 

FRESHMAN  CLASS. 

Greek — Grammar,  Hadley;  First  Lessons,  Boise;  Xenophon’s  Anabasis, 
Three  Books,  Boise. 

Latin — Cicero,  On  Old  Age  and  Friendship,  Chase  and  Stuart;  Livy,  His- 
tory, Chase  and  Stuart;  Latin  Prose,  Jones. 

Mathematics — Algebra,  Peck;  Plane  Geometry,  Bradbury. 

SOPHOMORE  CLASS. 

Greek — Xenophon's  Anabasis,  Three  Books,  Boise;  Xenophon’s  Memora- 
bilia, Winans;  Homer’s  Odyssey,  Merry. 

Latin — Livy,  History,  Chase  and  Stuart;  Tacitus,  Germany  and  Agricola 
Greenough;  Horace,  Odes,  Chase  and  Stuart. 

Mathematics — Solid  and  Spherical  Geometry,  Bradbury;  Trigonometry 
and  Surveying,  Bradbury. 

-English — Literature,  Rhetoric,  Kellogg. 

junior  class. 

Greek — Olynthiacs  and  Phillipics  of  Demosthenes,  Tyler;  Testament; 
Gorgias  of  Plato,  Woolsey. 

Latin — Cicero,  Tusculan  Disputations,  Chase  and  Stuart. 

Science — Natural  Philosophy,  Peck’s  Ganot;  Astronomy,  Lockyer;  Chem- 
istry, Steele;  Geology,  Dana. 

senior  class.  <■ 

Mental  Philosophy — Haven. 

Logic — Jevons. 

Political  Economy — Wayland. 

Moral  Philosophy — Fairchild. 

Evidences  of  Christianity — Hopkins. 

History — History  of  Civilization,  Guizot. 

Natural  Theology — Chadbourne. 

German — Whitney’s  Grammar  and  Reader,  or  Civil  Liberty  and  Lec- 
tures on  Art. 

The  Southern  States  are  not  behind  in  contributions  toward 
the  higher  education  of  the  colored  people.  Maryland  appro- 
priates two  thousand  dollars  annually  for  the  support  of  a 
Normal  School  for  the  training  of  colored  teachers;  out  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  Land  Scrip  Fund  donated  by  Congress — Vir- 
ginia gives  ten  thousand  dollars  for  the  school  at  Hampton ; 
South  Carolina  gives  seven  thousand  dollars  to  Claflin  Uni- 
versity ; Georgia  out  of  her  own  treasury,  pays  eight  thousand 
dollars  for  Atlanta  University;  Mississippi  pays  for  the  higher 
education  of  her  colored  youth  an  average  of  ten  thousand 
dollars ; the  Constitution  of  Louisiana  provides  for  the  same 
purpose,  an  annual  appropriation  of  not  less  than  five  thousand 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


515 


dollars  nor  more  than  ten  thousand  dollars ; Missouri  appropri- 
ates five  thousand  dollars  per  annum  to  the  Lincoln  Institute, 
a school  for  the  training  of  colored  teachers. 

Thus  have  been  opened  to  the  colored  people,  so  recently 
unprovided  for,  opportunities  for  the  highest  intellectual  cul- 
ture. During  the  course  of  an  address  of  welcome  delivered 
at  a large  meeting  of  leading  colored  men,  assembled  at  Bren- 
ham,  Texas,  in  1886,  by  Professor  T.  J.  Harris,  a colored  man, 
he  forcibly  remarks: 

“We  are  passing  from  the  ignorance  and  superstition 
brought  on  and  fostered  by  years  of  thraldom,  to  the  intelligence 
which  freedom  predicates ; from  the  immorality  of  two  hundred 
and  forty  years,  to  that  higher  standard  of  morality  which 
ever  characterizes  the  daily  life  of  the  highest  social  and  scho- 
lastic circles;  from  the  muscle  and  sinew  power  of  the  past  to 
the  multitudinous  appliances  of  the  improved  machinery  of  the 
present.  We  are  living  in  a grand  and  awful  time.  We  are 
measured,  not  by  the  number  of  pounds  which  we  are  able  to 
lift  from  the  earth,  but  by  that  other  power  whch  is  required 
to  move  the  world.  Man’s  importance  has  been  most  beau- 
tifully delineated  by  Dr.  Watts,  who  says: 

‘Were  I so  tall  to  reach  the  pole, 

Or  mete  the  ocean  with  my  span, 

I must  be  measured  by  my  soul, 

The  mind’s  the  standard  of  the  man.' 

“This  being  true,  let  us  go  to  nobler  works  and  bolder  theo- 
ries, and  remember  the  higher  we  fix  our  standard,  the  greater 
will  be  the  measures  of  attainments.” 

A few  ex-slaves  learned  to  read  after  they  were  made  free, 
much  to  their  praise,  but  all  of  them,  almost  without  excep- 
tion, have  zealously  given  to  their  children  the  advantages 
which  in  early  life  were  denied  to  themselves.  In  the  poorest 
families,  where  the  work  is  most  laborious,  the  children,  with 
commendable  determination,  are  kept  at  school. 

It  is  said  a little  learning  is  a bad  thing,  and  so  it  has 
many  times  proved,  so  that  parents,  friends  and  society  at  large, 
are  sometimes  disposed  to  question  its  advisability  altogether, 


516  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


when  embodied  to  disadvantage  in  some  once  lovable  form. 
Rev.  A.  P.  Miller — also  a colored  man — a graduate  of  Fisk 
University,  in  an  Alumni  Address  delivered  to  the  class  of  1887, 
spoke  as  follows: 

“The  temptation  to  which  we,  as  young  men  and  women, 
who  are  graduated  from  our  Southern  institutions  and  sent  out 
as  leaders  unto  our  people,  are  exposed,  is  that  of  ignoring  the 
race  which  we  by  Providence  are  called  upon  to  lead  to  some- 
thing higher  and  better  in  mental  and  moral  worth  and  culture. 

“Many  a father  and  mother  has  since  the  late  Civil  War 
been  cut  to  the  very  heart  because  a little  education  received 
at  College,  has  so  puffed  up  the  heart  and  head  of  a once  obe- 
dient and  affectionate  son  and  daughter,  that  father  and  mother 
are  no  longer  objects  of  veneration  and  respect.” 

This  tendency  of  theirs  has  been  observed,  not  only  in  the 
family  circle,  but  in  the  entire  community,  to  such  an  extent 
that  many  short-sighted  ones  have  cried  out  against  the  edu- 
cation of  the  colored  people,  declaring  it  unfitted  them  for  any 
walk  in  life,  and  rendered  them  odious  both  as  individuals  and 
citizens.  This,  we  must  remember,  is  the  effect  of  a “little 
learning,”  and  instead  of  being  an  argument  against  education, 
is  rather  one  in  favor  of  as  thorough  and  rapid  advancement  as 
possible.  No  one  ever  heard  of  objecting  to  a baby’s  learning 
to  walk,  because  the  inevitable  first  falls  rendered  it  dangerous. 
So  is  it  just  as  unreasonable  to  object  to  an  education,  on  the 
grounds  that  the  first  steps  are  so  often  accompanied  by  an 
inflated  idea  of  one’s  own  importance,  and  an  equally  con- 
tracted opinion  of  that  of  others. 

It  is  everywhere  observed  that  the  truly  educated  and 
most  cultivated  are  the  most  unassuming,  and  this  truth  is 
illustrated  among  the  colored  people  who  have  attained  to  this 
higher  degree  of  culture. 

“ He  that  thinks  himself  the  happiest  man,  is  really  so;  but 
he  that  thinks  himself  the  wisest,  is  generally  the  greatest 
fool.” 

“A  wise  man,”  says  Seneca,  “is  provided  for  occurrences  of  any 
kind:  The  good  he  manages,  the  bad  he  vanquishes;  in  pro- 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


517 


priety  he  betrays  no  presumption,  and  in  adversity  he  feels  no 
despondency.” 

Education  of  every  kind  has  two  values: — value  as  knowl- 
edge, and  value  as  discipline.  Daniel  Webster  says  : 
“ Knowledge  does  not  comprise  all  which  is  contained  in  the 
large  term  of  education.  The  feelings  are  to  be  disciplined, 
the  passions  are  to  be  restrained;  true  and  worthy  motives  are 
to  be  inspired;  a profound  religious  feeling  is  to  be  instilled, 
and  pure  morality  inculcated  under  all  circumstances.  All  this 
is  comprised  in  education.” 

By  education,  the  whole  being  is  enlarged  and  exalted;  the 
scope  of  view  is  widened;  the  objects  of  interest  are  increased ; 
the  subjects  of  thought  are  multiplied;  life  is  more  filled  with 
emotion,  and  the  man  is  raised  in  the  scale  of  creation. 

Our  chief  talents  and  our  best  powers  lie  dormant  until 
they  are  awakened  by  cultivation,  and  by  it  are  nourished, 
pruned  and  trained,  until  they  grow  into  means  of  usefulness 
and  adornment. 

One  may,  by  earnest  application  and  the  wise  improvement 
of  every  moment,  accomplish  much  toward  his  own  mental  cul- 
ture, even  though  deprived  of  school  privileges,  and  obliged  to 
spend  the  greater  part  of  each  day  in  efforts  to  obtain  a liveli- 
hood. We  are  not  lacking  in  illustrious  examples  of  this. 
Some  of  our  greatest  men,  in  fact  nearly  all  who  have  attained 
special  eminence,  have,  through  their  own  untiring  exertions, 
arisen  from  the  humblest  positions, — conspicuous  among  whom 
is  the  colored  man’s  benefactor,  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the 
colored  man’s  own  representative,  Frederick  Douglass;  the 
latter,  who,  when  a slave,  used  to  carry  a copy  of  Webster’s 
spelling  book  in  his  pocket,  and  when  sent  on  errands  was  ac- 
customed to  step  aside  among  his  white  boy  friends  and  take 
from  them  a stealthy  lesson  in  spelling.  These  stolen  inter- 
views, the  hoarded  earnings  which  went  to  purchase  books,  and 
the  manifold  trials  necessitated  by  the  environments  of  this 
young  enquirer  after  knowledge,  are  in  strange  contrast  to  the 
rich  opportunities  for  an  education  now,  not  only  offered  to,  but 
appealing  for,  the  acceptance  of  the  colored  youth  of  our  land. 


518  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


The  contrast  of  to-day  with  the  past,  in  the  respect  of  edu- 
cational facilities  for  the  colored  people,  is  yet  more  forcibly 
shown  in  the  story  of  Canterbury  Green,  Connecticut.  The 
following,  let  us  keep  in  mind,  occurred  in  a Northern  State, 
at  a no  more  remote  date  than  1881,  and  serves  to  illust  .ata 
the  race  prejudice  existing  in  that  section  also,  only  r,  few 
years  before  it  arose  in  arms  against  Southern  customs,  and  in 
condemnation  of  Southern  feeling.  According  to  the  account 
drawn  from  a history  of  Windham  County,  Connecticut,  and 
published  in  the  editorial  column  of  Scribner’s  Magazine, 
December,  1880: 

“It  appears  that,  in  1881,  Miss  Prudence  Crandall,  a spir- 
ited, well  known,  and  popular  resident  of  the  County,  started  a 
school  for  girls  at  Canterbury  Green.  The  school  was  popular, 
and  was  attended  not  only  by  girls  from  the  best  families  in  the 
immediate  region,  but  by  others  from  other  Counties  and  other 
States.  Among  these  pupils  she  received  a colored  girl.  She 
was  at  once  told  by  the  parents  of  the  white  children  that  the 
colored  girl  must  be  dismissed,  or  that  their  girls  would  be 
withdrawn  from  her  establishment.  Miss  Crandall  must  have 
been  a delightfully  plucky  women,  for  she  defied  her  patrons, 
sent  all  their  children  back  to  them,  and  advertised  her  schqol 
as  a boarding  school  for  ‘ young  ladies  and  little  misses  of  color.’ 
Of  course  the  people  felt  themselves  to  be  insulted,  and  they 
organized  resistance.  They  appointed  a committee  of  gentle- 
men to  hold  an  interview  with  Miss  Crandall,  and  to  remon- 
strate with  her.  But  that  sturdy  person  justified  her  course, 
and  stood  by  her  scheme,  as  well  she  might.  It  was  her  busi- 
ness and  it  was  none  of  theirs.  The  excitement  in  the  town  was 
without  bounds.  A town  meeting  was  hastily  summoned  to 
devise  and  adopt  such  means  as  would  effectually  avert  the 
nuisance,  or  speedily  abate  it,  if  it  should  be  brought  into  the 
village. 

“In  1833,  Miss  Crandall  opened  her  school,  against  the  pro- 
test of  an  indignant  populace,  who  after  the  usual  habit  of  a 
Yankee  town,  called  and  held  another  town  meeting,  at  which 
it  was  resolved:  ‘That  the  establishment  or  rendezvous  falsely 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


519 


denominated  a school  was  designed  by  its  projectors  as  the 
theater  * * * * to  promulgate  their  disgusting  doctrines 

of  amalgamation,  and  their  pernicious  sentiments  of  subverting 
the  Union.  These  pupils  were  to  have  been  congregated  here 
from  all  quarters,  under  the  false  pretense  of  educating  them, 
but  really  to  scatter  fire-brands,  arrows,  and  death  among 
brethren  of  our  own  blood.’ 

“ Let  us  remember  that  all  this  ridiculous  disturbance  was 
made  about  a dozen  little  darkey  girls,  incapable  of  any  sedi- 
tious design,  and  impotent  to  do  any  sort  of  mischief.  Against 
one  of  these  little  girls  the  people  leveled  an  old  vagrant  law, 
requiring  her  to  return  to  her  home  in  Providence,  or  give  secu- 
rity for  her  maintenance,  on  penalty  of  ‘being  whipped  on 
the  naked  body.’  ” 

At  this  time,  as  the  author  says:  “ Canterbury  did  its  best 
to  make  teacher  and  scholars  uncomfortable.  Non-intercourse 
and  embargo  acts  were  put  in  successful  operation.  Dealers  in 
all  sorts  of  wares  and  produce  agreed  to  sell  nothing  to  Miss 
Crandall,  the  stage  driver  declined  to  carry  her  pupils;  and 
neighbors  refused  a pail  of  fresh  water,  even  though  they  knew 
their  own  sons  had  filled  her  well  with  stable  refuse.  Boys 
and  rowdies  were  allowed  unchecked,  if,  not  openly  encouraged, 
to  exercise  their  utmost  ingenuity  in  mischievous  annoyance, 
throwing  real  stones  and  rotten  eggs  at  the  windows,  and  fol- 
lowing the  school  with  hoots  and  horns,  if  it  volunteered  to 
appear  in  the  street. 

“ Miss  Crandall’s  Quaker  father  was  threatened  with  mob 
violence,  and  was  so  terrified  that  he  begged  his  daughter  to 
yield  to  the  demands  of  popular  sentiment,  but  she  was  braver 
than  he,  and  stood  by  herself  and  her  school.  Then  Canterbury 
appealed  to  the  Legislature,  and  did  not  appeal  in  vain.  A 
statute,  designed  to  meet  the  case,  was  enacted,  which  the 
inhabitants  received  with  pealing  bells,  and  booming  cannon, 
and  every  demonstration  of  popular  delight  and  triumph.  This 
law  was  brought  to  bear  upon  Miss  Crandall’s  father  and 
mother  in  the  following  choice  note  from  two  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  : 


520  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

‘Mr.  Crandall:  If  you  go  to  your  daughter’s,  you  are  to 
be  fined  one  hundred  dollars  for  the  first  offense,  two  hundred 
dollars  for  the  second,  and  double  it  every  time.  Mrs.  Crandall, 
if  you  go  there,  you  will  be  fined,  and  your  daughter  Almira 
will  be  fined,  and  Mr.  May,  and  those  gentlemen  from  Provi- 
dence (Messrs.  George  and  Henry  Benson)  if  they  come  here, 
will  be  fined  at  the  same  rate.  And  your  daughter,  the  one  that 
has  established  the  school  for  colored  females,  will  be  taken 
up  the  same  way  as  for  stealing  a horse,  or  for  burglary.  Her 
property  will  not  be  taken,  but  she  will  be  put  in  jail,  not 
having  the  liberty  of  the  yard.  There  is  no  mercy  to  be  shown 
about  it.’ 

“ Soon  afterward,  Miss  Crandall  was  arrested  and  taken  to 
jail.  Her  trial  resulted  in  her  release,  but  her  establishment 
was  persecuted  by  every  ingenuity  of  cruel  insult.  * * * * 

Religious  services  held  in  her  own  house  were  interrupted  by 
volleys  of  rotten  eggs  and  other  missiles.  The  house  was 
then  set  on  fire.  The  fire  was  extinguished,  and  in  1834,  on 
September  9,  just  as  the  family  was  going  to  bed,  a body  of 
men  surrounded  the  house  silently,  and  then,  with  iron  bars> 
simultaneously  beat  in  the  windows.  This,  of  course,  was  too 
much  for  the  poor  woman  and  girls.  Miss  Crandall  herself 
quailed  before  this  manifestation  of  ruffianly  hatred,  and  the 
brave  woman  broke  up  her  school  and  sent  her  pupils  home. 
Then  the  people  held  another  town  meeting,  and  passed  reso- 
lutions justifying  themselves  and  praising  the  Legislature  for 
passing  the  law  for  which  they  had  asked.” 

This,  as  the  writer  remarks,  reads  like  a romance  of  the 
dark  ages,  nevertheless  it  is  an  actual  fact  and  occurred  just  as 
here  related.  Connecticut  girls  now  go  South  to  teach  the 
colored  people,  and  their  action  is  now  perhaps  as  strongly 
endorsed  by  public  opinion  in  their  State,  as  that  of  Miss 
Crandall  was  one  condemned. 

This  great  revulsion  of  feeling  in  so  short  a time  may  well 
cause  thoughtful  people  to  contemplate  what  wonderful  vari- 
ations in  customs  and  opinions  may  take  place  during  the  next 
half  century,  and  compels  them  to  feel  that  in  all  which 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


521 


concerns  tlie  Colored  Race  in  America,  that  lapse  of  time  will 
solve  many  problems  and  witness  a radical  change. 

To  the  onward  march  of  progress  and  education  serious 
obstacles  often  present  themselves,  as  has  been  the  case  in 
Georgia.  During  the  last  session  of  her  Legislature  a bill 
was  passed  making  it  a penal  offense  to  teach  children  of  both 
races  in  the  same  school.  There  is  a striking  similarity  in 
this  Act  of  the  Georgia  Legislature  to  that  of  Connecticut 
thirty-four  years  ago,  as  just  related  in  the  story  of  Prudence 
Crandall.  She  was  the  victim  of  an  ignorant  fanaticism,  and 
it  is  possible  that  the  shameful  scenes  then  enacted  would  be 
again  produced  if  some  one  having  the  same  opinions  should 
venture  to  teach  a school  of  children  of  both  races.  “ The 
mills  of  the  gods  grind  slowly,  but  they  grind  exceeding 
fine.”  The  Legislature  of  Connecticut  has,  during  its  last 
session,  passed  a bill  granting  an  annuity  to  Prudence  Crandall 
of  $400  for  the  remainder  of  her  life.  She  is  now  eighty-four 
years  old  and  in  poor  circumstances.  Probably  the  time  will 
come  when  Georgia  will  be  as  ashamed  of  this  law  as  Connec- 
ticut is  now  of  the  one  she  passed  before  the  Civil  War. 

What  heights  may  be  reached  by  those  unencumbered  by 
the  weights  which,  in  the  past,  have  tended  to  drag  them  down ; 
what  rapid  progress  made  by  those  to  whom  the  path  of  knowl- 
edge is  now  rendered  so  inviting  and  easy  of  access,  we  cannot 
forecast.  The  history  of  their  advancement  rests  now  with 
them,  rather  than,  as  in  the  past,  upon  the  will  and  wishes  of 
a dominant  race.  The  latter  have,  since  the  colored  man's 
freedom,  seemed  to  feel  that  upon  them  rested  the  entire  bur- 
den of  his  future,  as  well  as  immediate  welfare,  and  have  dis- 
charged their  duty  toward  him  with  an  earnestness  and  just- 
ness which  seemed  to  desire  to  atone  for  all  their  share  in  his 
darker  past.  This  burden  must  gradually  fall  from  their 
shoulders  upon  his  own,  and,  as  he  joyfully  accepted  his  free- 
dom, so  must  he  wisely  accept  its  attendant  responsibility,  and 
win  for  himself  a position  among  men. 

Dr.  Haygood,  in  his  inimitable  work,  “Our  Brother  in 
Black,”  published  in  1881,  thus  wrote  of  his  higher  culture: 


522  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


“Let  tlie  schools  and  colleges  make  out  of  him  the  utmost 
that  is  in  him  to  make.  Then  let  the  world  measure  him  by 
what  he  does.  If  any  fear  that  he  will,  when  at  his  fullest 
growth,  be  too  great  a man,  let  them  grow,  or  organize  an  ‘ exo- 
dus,’ and  find  a place  where  they  will  be  free  from  his  over- 
shadowing greatness.  My  argument  concerns  his  education  in 
the  three  ‘R’s.’  If  anything  in  this  world  is  settled,  it  is 
settled  that  he  can  learn  to  read,  to  write,  and  to  ‘cipher.’ 
And  he  learns  well  and  rapidly.  I want  no  proof  beyond  what 
I have  seen  with  my  own  eyes,  and  heard  with  my  own  ears. 
He  can  learn  a great  deal  more,  but  these  parts  of  knowledge 
he  must  learn  for  his  safety  and  ours.  These  are  the  keys ; 
give  them  to  him,  and  let  him  unlock  all  the  doors  of  wisdom 
he  can.  This  is  fair;  it  is  wise;-  it  is  necessary;  it  is  right.” 

There  is  little  doubt  but  when  once  furnished  with  these 
“keys,”  the  Colored  Race  are  capable  of  reaching  and  unlock- 
ing all  the  doors  accessible  to  any  other  people.  We  do  not 
need  to  dip  into  the  future  for  the  law  of  higher  inheritance  to 
note  examples  of  this  truth,  or  even  to  depend  entirely  upon 
the  present,  with  its  increased  facilities  to  this  end,  but  may 
go  back  and  take  an  instance  from  the  dark  days  of  slavery, 
and  of  one  direct  from  the  wild  life  of  Africa.  We  refer  to 
Phillis  Wheatley,  who,  though  a “child  of  Africa,”  was,  for 
her  literary  talent  and  virtue,  accorded  the  highest  distinction 
and  honor  both  in  the  United  States  and  in  Europe.  It  seems 
that  she  was  brought  over  to  this  country  in  a slave  vessel, 
from  Africa,  when  a little  child.  The  following  from  her 
biography  by  Benson  J.  Lossing,  L.  L.  D.,  will  be  interesting: 

“The  wife  of  a respectable  citizen  of  Boston,  named  Wheatley, 
went  to  the  slave  market  in  that  city,  in  1761,  to  purchase  a 
child-Negress,  that  she  might  rear  her  to  be  a faithful  nurse  in 
the  old  age  of  her  mistress.  She  saw  many  plump  children, 
but  one  of  delicate  frame,  modest  demeanor,  and  clad  in 
nothing  but  a piece  of  dirty  carpet  wrapped  about  her,  attracted 
her  attention,  and  Mrs.  Wheatley  took  her  home  in  her  chaise, 
and  gave  her  the  name  of  Phillis.  The  child  seemed  to  be 
about  seven  years  of  age,  and  exhibited  remarkable  intelligence 


> 


ED  UCA TIONAL  PR 0 GRESS. 


52S 


and  apt  imitative  powers,  Mrs.  Wheatley’s  daughter  taught 
■ the  child  to  read  and  write,  and  her  progress  was  wonderful. 
She  appeared  to  have  very  little  recollection  of  her  birth-place, 
but  remembered  seeing  her  mother  pour  out  water  before  the 
sun  at  its  rising.  With  the  development  of  her  intellectual 
faculties,  her  moral  nature  kept  pace;  and  she  was  greatly 
loved  by  all  who  knew  her  for  her  amiability  and  perfect  docil- 
ity. She  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  men  of  learning;  and 
as  Phillis  read  books  "with  great  avidity,  they  supplied  her. 
Piety  was  a ruling  sentiment  in  her  character,  and  tears  born 
of  gratitude  and  love  for  her  mistress,  often  moistened  her 
eyes.  As  she  grew  to  womanhood,  her  thoughts  found  expres- 
sion through  her  pen,  sometimes  in  prose,  but  more  frequently 
in  verse ; and  she  was  often  an  invited  guest  in  the  families  of 
the  rich  and  learned,  in  Boston.  Her  mistress  treated  her  as 
a child  and  was  extremely  proud  of  her. 

“At  the  age  of  about  sixteen  years,  Phillis  became  a mem- 
ber of  the  ‘ Old  South  Church,’  then  under  the  charge  of  Dr. 
Sewall;  it  was  about  this  time  she  'wrote  the  poem  of  which 
the  verse  appended  below,  is  an  extract.  Earlier  than  this  she 
had  written  poems,  remarkable  for  both  vigor  of  thought  and 
pathos  in  expression.  Her  memory,  in  some  particulars,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  extremely  defective.  If  she  composed  a 
poem  in  the  night,  and  did  not  write  it  down,  it  would  be  gone 
from  her  forever  in  the  morning.  Her  kind  mistress  gave  her 
a light  and  writing  materials  at  her  bedside,  that  she  might 
lose  nothing,  and  in  cold  weather  a fire  was  always  made  in  her 
room  at  night.  In  the  Summer  of  1778,  her  health  gave  way, 
and  a sea  voyage  was  recommended.  She  accompanied  a son 
of  Mr.  Wheatley  to  England,  and  there  she  was  cordially  re- 
ceived by  Lady  Huntingdon,  Lord  Dartmouth  and  other  people 
of  distinction.  While  there,  her  poems,  which  had  been  col- 
lected and  dedicated  to  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon,  were  pub- 
lished, and  attracted  great  attention.  The  book  was  embel- 
lished "with  a portrait  of  her,  from  which  our  picture  was 
copied.  She  was  persuaded  to  remain  in  London  until  the  re- 
turn of  the  Court,  so  as  to  be  presented  to  the  King,  but,  hear- 


524  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ing  of  the  declining  health  of  her  mistress,  she  hastened  home. 
That  kind  friend  was  soon  laid  in  the  grave,  and  Phillis  grieved 
as  deeply  as  any  of  her  children.  Mr.  Wheatley  died  soon 
after,  and  then  his  excellent  daughter  was  laid  by  the  side  of 
her  parents.  Phillis  was  left  destitute,  and  the  sun  of  her 
earthly  happiness  went  down.  A highly  intelligent  colored 
man,  of  Boston,  named  Peters,  offered  himself  in  marriage  to 
the  poor  orphan,  and  was  accepted.  He  proved  utterly  un- 
worthy of  the  excellent  woman  he  had  wedded,  and  her  lot  be- 
came a bitter  one,  indeed.  Misfortune  seems  to  have  expelled 
her  Muse,  for  we  have  no  production  of  her  pen  bearing  a later 
date  than  those  in  her  volume  published  in  1773,  except  a po- 
etical epistle  to  General  Washington,  in  1775,  and  a few  scraps 
written  about  that  time.  Washington  replied  to  her  letter  on 
the  28th  of  February,  1776.  His  letter  was  written  at  his 
headquarters,  at  Cambridge: 

“ Miss  Phillis : — -Tour  favor  of  the  26th  of  October,  did  not 
reach  my  hands  till  the  middle  of  December.  Time  enough, 
you  will  say,  to  have  given  an  answer,  ere  this.  Granted.  But 
a variety  of  important  occurrences,  continually  interposing  ta 
distract  the  mind  and  withdraw  the  attention,  I hope  will 
apologize  for  the  delay,  and  plead  my  excuse  for  the  seeming, 
but  not  real  neglect.  I thank  you  most  sincerely  for  your  po- 
lite notice  of  me,  in  the  elegant  lines  you  enclosed,  and  how- 
ever undeserving  I may  be  of  such  encomium  and  panegyric, 
the  style  and  manner  exhibit  a striking  proof  of  your  poetical 
talents ; in  honor  of  which,  as  a tribute  justly  due  to  you,  I 
would  have  published  the  poem,  had  I not  been  apprehensive 
that,  while  I only  meant  to  give  the  world  this  new  instance  of 
your  genius,  I might  have  incurred  the  imputation  of  vanity. 
This,  and  nothing  else,  determined  me  not  to  give  it  a place  in 
the  public  prints.  If  you  should  ever  come  to  Cambridge,  or 
near  headquarters,  I shall  be  happy  to  see  a person  so  favored 
by  the  Muses,  and  to  whom  nature  has  been  so  liberal  and  be- 
neficent in  her  dispensations. 

“I  am,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

“Geo.  Washington.” 


ED  EC  A TIONAL  PR  0 GRES, S. 


525 


A few  years  of  misery  shattered  the  golden  bowl  of  her 
life,  and  in  a wretched  apartment,  in  an  obscure  part  of  Boston, 
that  gifted  wife  and  mother,  whose  youth  had  been  passed  in 
ease,  and  even  luxury,  was  allowed  to  perish,  alone!  She  died 
on  the  5th  of  December,  1794,  when  she  was  about  forty-one 
years  of  age. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  one  of  her  poems  previ- 
ously referred  to: 

“ ’Twas  mercy  brought  me  from  my  pagan  land, 

Taught  my  benighted  soul  to  understand 
That  there’s  a God — that  there’s  a Saviour  too; 

Once  I redemption  neither  sought  nor  knew.” 

Among  other  noticeable  features  in  this  touching  story,  we 
find  that  the  great  George  Washington — “ First  in  war,  first 
in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen” — did  not 
hesitate  to  speak  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  genius  of  this 
gifted  colored  woman,  nor  to  pay  her  an  honor  which  might 
well  be  coveted  by  the  greatest  intellects  of  our  land  to  day. 

Among  the  illustrious  names  of  the  Colored  Bace  in  more 
recent  times,  the  colored  Congressmen,  Mr.  Bruce  and  Mr. 
Bevels  in  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Bapier,  Mr.  Lynch  and  Mr. 
Bainey  in  the  House  of  Bepresentatives,  brought  credit  to  their 
own  names,  and  honor  to  their  race,  by  their  wisdom  and  abil- 
ity as  representatives  of  their  people. 

When  the  question  was  under  discussion  in  regard  to  the 
admission  of  colored  people  to  the  rights  of  citizensihp,  as  an 
unanswerable  argument  by  the  opposition,  the  question  was 
frequently  raised:  “Do  you  want  to  see  them  in  Congress!” 
It  was  replied,  that  their  right  to  sit  in  Congress  was  not  de- 
pendent upon  the  feelings  or  desires  of  other  States  or  districts, 
but  was  a matter  to  be  left  entirely  to  the  judgment  of  that 
State  or  district  which  should  in  a fair  election  decide  to  send 
them  there.  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  in  his  celebrated  work, 
“ Twenty  Tears  in  Congress,”  says:  “ The  colored  man  freed 
from  slavery,  attained  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  in  due  season 
was  sent  to  Congress.  Did  harm  result  from  it  ? Nay,  was  it  not 
the  needed  demonstration  of  the  freedom  and  justice  of  a Be- 
publican  Government?  If  it  be  viewed  simply  as  an  experi- 


526  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ment,  it  was  triumphantly  successful.  The  colored  men  who 
took  seats  in  both  Senate  and  House,  did  not  appear  ignorant 
or  helpless.  They  were,  as  a rule,  earnest,  ambitious  men, 
whose  public  conduct,  as  illustrated  by  Mr.  Revels  and  Mr. 
Bruce  in  the  Senate,  and  by  Mr.  Rapier,  Mr.  Lynch  and  Mr. 
Rainey*  in  the  House,  would  be  honorable  to  any  race.  Coals 
of  fire  were  heaped  on  the  heads  of  their  enemies  when  the 
colored  men  in  Congress  heartily  joined  in  removing  the  disa- 
bilities of  those  who  had  been  their  oppressors.” 

Edward  W.  Blyden,  L.  L.  D.,  a full  blooded  Negro, 
President  of  the  Liberia  College,  and  Minister  from  the  Repub- 
lic of  Liberia  to  the  Court  of  St.  James,  has  been  called  “ one 
of  the  ripest  scholars  of  the  age.” 

Moses  A.  Hopkins,  Principal  of  Albion  State  Normal  School, 
Pranklinton,  North  Carolina,  a colored  man  of  great  ability 
was  appointed  by  President  Cleveland,  United  States  Minister 
to  Liberia. 

And  thus  we  might  multiply  instances  of  those  colored  people 
who  have  arisen  above  their  surroundings,  and,  especially  of 
late,  taking  advantage  of  the  new  era  of  opportunity  open  to 
them,  have  given  to  the  world  no  feeble  expression  of  the  cul- 
ture of  minds  and  richness  of  thought  that  are  within  the  pos- 
sibility of  their  attainment  when  “ intelligence,  the  handmaid 
of  liberty,”  loosens  their  shackles. 

Under  the  best  conditions  it  is  an  uphill  road  to  knowledge, 
and  many  faint  and  cease  their  climbing.  These  are  not  allowed 
to  keep  even  the  vantage  ground  they  have  gained ; but  must 
step  aside  and  make  room  for  others  who  are  pushing  forward; 
for  still  forever, 


^Columbia,  S.  C.,  Aug.  3. —Joseph  H.  Rainey,  the  well-known  ex-Congress- 
man  of  South  Carolina,  died  at  his  residence  in  Georgetown,  on  Monday  night, 
of  congestive  fever,  after  an  illness  of  five  days.  He  leaves  a widow  and  four 
children. 

Mr.  Rainey  was  one  of  the  most  intelligent  representatives  of  the  Colored 
Race  in  the  South.  He  was  a barber  by  trade,  when  soon  after  the  War  he  en- 
tered politics.  He  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1870,  and  again  in  1872,  but  was 
defeated  in  1874  by  John  S.  Richardson.  He  was  a conservative  citizen,  and  a 
man  of  quiet  and  dignified  manners  and  prepossessing  appearance.  Though 
the  period  during  which  he  served  in  Congress  was  one  of  extraordinary  corrup- 
tion in  public  affairs  in  the  State,  no  reproach  has  ever  attached  to  his  character 
or  conduct  in  political  or  other  matters. 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


527 


“ Some  grand  leader  will  be  there 
Pushing  upward  to  the  summit — 

Pushing  upward  toward  clear  air  ; 

You  may  stay  in  lower  darkness, 

Clasping  close  your  clanking  chain; 

Some  one  yet  will  strike  it  from  you, 

Making  free  the  heart  and  brain  ! ” 

The  recent  Commencements  at  the  various  colored  Colleges 
have  shown  in  an  interesting  manner,  how  many  there  ar®  who 
have  their  eyes  fixed  upon  the  heights,  and  their  feet  pressing 
hard  upon  the  path  which  leads  to  them.  The  addresses,  orations, 
and  essays,  reveal  many  sprightly  lines  of  thought  as  well  as 
depth  of  research  and  loftiness  of  purpose.  The  graduates 
have  now  gone  out  into  the  world,  many  of  them  to  answer  the 
urgent  call  for  teachers,  and  thus  to  bear  to  others  the  inspira- 
tion of  their  own  ennobled  thoughts  and  aims.  Some  have 
sought  other  callings,  but  all  have  gone  forth  bearing  precious 
seed,  and  upon  their  wise  and  judicious  “sowing,”  will  the  har- 
vest to  their  race  largely  depend.  “ Doubtless  many  will  come 
again  rejoicing,  bringing  their  sheaves  with  them.” 

As  a race  the  colored  people  are  religious.  They  perhaps 
surpass  every  other  race  in  this  respect.  Their  religion  is 
their  most  striking,  important,  and  formative  characteristic.  It 
is  a reality  to  them.  It  has  done  more  to  correct  those  evil 
tendencies  entailed  upon  them  by  a life  of  ignorance  and 
bondage,  and  to  instill  morality  and  purity  into  their  lives 
than  has  any  other  influence.  As  yet  the  evil  is  not  all  erad- 
icated— much  yet  remains  to  be  done,  but  Christianity  must 
continue  to  be  the  most  effective  and  important  element  in 
accomplishing  their  complete  elevation. 

The  object  of  their  strongest  love  and  enthusiasm  is  the 
Church.  To  engage  in  worship  and  keep  its  sacraments 
they  hold  as  their  highest  privilege  as  well  as  duty.  One  can 
but  be  impressed  with  the  power  of  their  church  organizations. 
They  have  a hold  upon  the  people.  Colored  people  have  been 
known  to  walk  many  miles  to  attend  one  of  their  meetings. 
They  are  possessed  of  not  only  an  individual,  but  a congre- 
gational enthusiasm,  which  is  a strong  inspiration  to  any 
pastor. 


528  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN'  AMERICA. 


Their  Church  is  the  centre  of  their  social  as  well  as  religious 
life.  To  all  races  of  Christians,  their  church  ties  and  asso- 
ciations are  no  less  endearing  than  those  of  the  home.  We 
might  say  this  is  especially  true  of  the  colored  people.  It  is  a 
well  known  fact  that  after  days  of  tiresome  labor  they  will  go 
night  after  night  and  long  into  the  night,  to  their  protracted 
meetings,  keeping  them  up  for  weeks,  with  unremitting  zeal. 

During  slave  time  many  of  them  were  earnest  Christians, 
some  having  the  brightest  experience,  and  being  a power  for 
good  not  only  to  their  own  people,  but  a blessing  to  their 
master’s  family.  Many  now  living  can  bear  testimony  to  the 
reality  of  their  Christianity.  In  the  storm  and  stress  of  war, 
in  the  troubled  days  which  followed,  in  their  lives  as  citizens, 
and  in  their  lack  of  malice  or  revenge,  we  see  the  influence  of 
that  faith  which  has  been  their  strongest  incentive  and  our 
most  perfect  safe-guard. 

In  the  days  of  slavery  they  had  their  colored  preachers 
also,  and  it  has  been  erroneously  said  that  they  averaged  better 
than  to-day.  The  nearer  Nature’s  own  teaching  a race  are,  the 
more  untrammelled  is  thought,  the  more  ardent  their  religious 
nature.  Tet,  while  there  is  danger  incidental  to  education,  it  is 
not  remedied  by  abridging  it,  but  by  enlarging  and  bettering 
it.  There  is  no  cure  for  the  evils  attending  education,  except  by 
more  education.  If  a young  preacher  is  vainly  ambitious  and 
inclined  to  abuse  his  power,  educate  other  and  better  ones. 
They  will  either  reform  him,  or  effectually  prevent  him  doing 
any  evil.  ' 

With  few  exceptions,  the  colored  preachers  before,  during, 
and  after  the  war,  were  a great  blessing  to  the  South,  keeping  on 
the  side  of  law  and  order,  and  encouraging  in  their  people  that 
marvelous  patience  and  fidelity  which  has  gained  the  wonder 
and  admiration  of  all.  The  pastors  have  great  influence  with 
their  people.  The  pulpit  has  been  the  great  educator  among 
the  colored  people.  From  it  they  have  received  their  best 
instructions,  and  purest  teachings.  Multiplied  thousands  are 
preaching.  The  number  in  the  South  is  almost  incredible. 
Some  are  thoroughly  trained,  eloquent,  and  doing  a vast  amount 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


529 


of  good.  As  yet  the  majority  are  simply  exporters,  but  tlie 
Colleges  are  fitting  them  for  more  thorough  work.  They  have 
a great  passion  for  public  speaking,  and  considerable  native 
talent.  Some  preach  with  great  ability.  They  transact  the 
business  of  the  Church,  write  reports,  make  speeches,  and 
preach  sermons  that  would  be  a credit  to  any  people.  They 
prefer  their  own  organizations  separate  from  the  white  people. 
When  united  together,  as  was  the  case  after  the  war,  every- 
thing was  done  to  make  them  forget  their  difference  of  color, 
even  to  a careful  wording  of  their  reports  and  church  books. 
As  soon  as  they  have  a sufficient  number  to  start  a Church  for 
themselves  they  everywhere  drifted  apart,  and  into  a distinct 
Church  of  their  own.  This  feeling  was  so  strong  that  they  even 
refused  in  one  instance,  a white  man,  who  applied  for  admit- 
tance into  their  organization.  They  prefer  their  own  officers 
and  Church  government,  and  the  Methodist  Church  has  finally 
secured  its  own  Bishops,  who  are  educated  and  competent  for 
the  high  office  they  fill.  Nine-tenths  of  the  colored 
church  members  are  Methodists,  and  Baptists.  All  have 
followed  this  instinct  for  race  separation  as  soon  as  they 
had  sufficient  numbers  to  organize  themselves  into  a 
Church. 

No  Church  has  as  great  a hold  upon  the  money  question — 
unless  we  except  the  Roman  Catholics.  They  give  more  in 
proportion  to  their  numbers  to  church  work  than  white 
members  do,  and  many  instances  have  been  known  where  they 
have  aided  their  white  brothers  in  their  work. 

They  show  their  interest  in  education  by  their  efforts  to  help 
themselves.  Every  colored  Church  in  the  South  is  committed  to 
the  cause  of  education,  and  is  building  with  great  wisdom  and 
liberality,  Schools  of  their  own.  They  are  trained  to  system- 
atic giving.  They  make  regular  assessments  on  their  members 
for  education,  and  a larger  proportion  of  members  give  to  this 
cause,  than  in  the  white  churches.  If  the  collection  be  large 
or  small,  nearly  all  are  represented  in  it. 

Wherever  the  school  is  created,  the  general  tone  of  society 
is  changed.  The  spirit  of  improvement  affects  the  parent  as 


530  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


well  as  children.  It  is  manifested  in  cleanliness,  dress,  manners 
and  morals. 

Christian  education,  develops  the  heart  as  well  as  intellect, 
promotes  morality,  while  it  gives  training  in  the  sciences,  and 
is  a stimulus  for  the  attainment  of  a noble  character.  Nothing 
else  can  free  the  Colored  Race  from  the  disabilities  of  the  past, 
or  counteract  the  dangers  of  the  present,  or  form  their  hope 
for  the  future.  The  schools  educate  men  for  the  ministry, 
who  in  turn  labor  among  the  people  for  the  promotion  of  their 
highest  development.  Working  together  they  purify  and  build 
up  the  best  interest  of  the  Nation. 

“ Nor  heeds  the  skeptic’s  puny  hands, 

While  near  her  school  the  church-spire  stands  : 

Nor  fears  the  blinded  bigot’s  rule, 

While  near  the  church-spire  stands  the  school.” 

Missionary  societies  exist  in  the  colored  schools,  and  Africa 
is  the  Continent  toward  which  all  are  looking.  These  institu- 
tions are  the  great  hope  of  Africa’s  evangelization  by  her  chil- 
dren in  America.  Only  when  one  takes  this  Continent  into 
consideration,  can  we  understand  God’s  dealing  with  this  peo- 
ple in  bringing  them  from  Africa’s  dark  shores,  preserving 
them  a distinct  race,  multiplying  them  so  rapidly,  giving  them, 
in  the  close  contact  with  the  white  people  which  slavery 
brought  about,  a moral  and  Christian  training,  and  civilizing 
influences  which  could  not  have  been  accomplished  if  they 
had  been  turned  loose  upon  their  arrival  here,  to  struggle  and 
gain  a foothold  for  themselves. 

Finally,  their  glorious  emancipation,  and  wonderful  provi- 
sions made  for  their  advancement  and  education,  by  those  who 
owed  them  a debt  for  their  bondage,  all  points  to  an  All  Wise  plan 
for  Christianizing  the  dark  Continent.  Some  hearts  are  already 
burning  with  zeal  at  the  thought  of  their  brethren  in  Africa, 
and  with  a desire  to  help  them.  Some  have  already  gone  from 
the  Universities  to  Africa,  and  some  will  go  as  soon  as  they 
complete  their  present  course  of  study.  In  nearly  all  schools 
there  is  a Biblical  department.  The  Theological  Schools  ac- 
knowledge their  interest  in  Africa,  as  well  as  a preparation  for 
ministry  here,  to  be  a part  of  their  motive  for  work.  Who 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


531 


can  read  or  think  upon  their  history  without  feeling  that  in 
Africa's  redemption  shall  this  long  wondered  at  Providence  of 
God  be  understood  ? In  educating  any  race,  help  must  come 
through  their  own  ranks.  All  permanent  prosperity  among  the 
colored  people  must  come  from  those  having  an  identity  of  in- 
terest and  destiny. 

In  speaking  on  this  subject  Dr.  Hay  good  says:  “He  who 
can  not  see  God’s  hand  in  it  all,  in  their  arriving  in  this  coun- 
try, in  their  slavery,  in  their  Emancipation,  cannot  understand 
the  history  of  the  children  of  Israel  in  Egypt,  or  any  other  his- 
tory. I do  not  mean,  recognize  God’s  Providence  in  all  things; 
a Providence  masterful,  comprehensive,  over-ruling,  all-wise 
and  good.”  If  we  compare  the  condition  of  the  colored  people 
in  America  to-day  with  that  of  the  race  in  Africa,  as  we  now 
find  them,  we  cannot  but  think  that  these  years  of  bondage, 
of  toil  and  grief,— if  necessary  to  the  result  obtained,  have 
been  a blessing, — instead  of  a curse.  We  must  acknowledge 
that: 

“ God  moves  in  a mysterious  way, 

His  wonders  to  perform.” 

“ His  ways  are  true  and  righteous  altogether.”  A morning 
star  of  Hope  for  the  millions  in  Africa  who  have  yet  learned 
nothing  of  Christianity,  nor  taken  the  first  lessons  of  civiliza- 
tion, shines  over  the  lowly  cabins  of  their  brothers  in  America. 

We  desire  here  to  call  our  reader’s  attention  to  slavery  in 
Brazil.  Says  a writer:  “ When  a Nation  undertakes  to  free 
its  slaves  by  the  gradual  process  of  allowing  so  many  to  go  free 
every  year,  it  is  evident  that  the  public  conscience  is  not  alive 
to  the  crime  of  slavery.  In  Brazil  the  Government  has  been 
trying  to  emancipate  its  slaves.  Only  15,000  are  liberated 
every  year,  and  there  are  in  Brazil,  1,330,000  slaves.  Under 
this  slow  process  death  will  be  the  only  liberation  that  can 
come  to  thousands.  It  seems  an  outrage  on  civilization  to  see 
so  many  human  shackles  and  to  know  that  they  are  breaking 
so  deliberately  and  slowly.” 

Upon  which  ex-Governor  Eskridge  of  Kansas,  says: 

“ The  comment  of  the  writer  is  well  put,  and  calls  attention 


532  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


to  a fact  that  has  received  but  little  notice  in  this  country — that 
the  barbarism  of  human  slavery  is  permitted  to  exist  in  this 
age  of  advanced  civilization  and  in  a country  so  near  to  the 
United  States  as  to  be  regarded  as  its  near  neighbor.  Despite 
the  occasional  legal  enactments  and  the  constant  agitation  toward 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  Brazil,  the  monstrous  institution  is 
maintained  in  that  irresolute  Monarchy  with  incredible  barbar- 
ity and  heinous  cruelty.  It  would  seem  from  the  records  that 
the  slave-owners,  immeasurably  more  brutal  and  fiendish  than 
their  North  American  prototypes,  are  inspired  with  the  devilish 
desire  to  crowd  into  the  period  between  now  and  the  culmina- 
tion of  the  Emancipation  Act  every  species  of  torture  that  will 
serve  as  a protest  against  freedom. 

“ A Brazilian  newspaper  some  time  ago  gave  a series  of 
sketches  which  depicted  the  horrors  Brazilian  slaves  have  to 
endure,  how  they  are  whipped  to  death  with  lashes  bathed  in 
vinegar  and  sand,  how  they  have  been  thrust  alive  into  incan- 
descent furnaces  or  plunged  into  caldrons  of  boiling  water,  and 
beaten  until  they  are  incurably  disfigured  and  deformed.  These 
sketches  were  declared  to  be  based  on  actual  occurrences  in 
every  instance,  and  yet  fell  short  of  the  cruelties  practiced 
upon  the  unfortunate  human  creatures  held  as  slaves  under  the 
laws  of  the  Government 

“As  the  American  people  are  the  chief  customers  of  Brazil, 
and  as  the  ignominy  of  slavery  was  drenched  from  this  coun- 
try by  the  blood  of  freemen,  there  is  especial  reason  why  the 
people  of  the  United  States  should  look  with  horror  upon  the 
perpetuation  of  this  crime  in  Brazil.  The  Government  of  Bra- 
zil, under  the  urgent  influence  of  its  humane  Emperor,  Dom 
Pedro,  has  in  various,  though  impotent  ways,  endeavored  to 
wrestle  with  this  stupendous  iniquity  without  offending  the 
slave-owning  and  least  numerous  though  most  indolent  class. 
The  result  has  been  a series  of  time  laws,  so-called  Emancipa- 
tion Acts,  by  the  operation  of  which  it  is  possible  that  at  the 
end  of  fifty  years  the  institution  of  slavery  may  be  blotted 
out. 

“Not  only  the  slow  process  but  the  practical  inefficiency  of 


EDUCATIONAL  PROGRESS. 


533 


the  laws  which,  have  been  enacted  in  this  direction  is  made 
disgracefully  manifest  by  the  fact  that  in  the  free  province  of 
Ceara,  where  the  formal  liberation  of  every  slave  was  cele- 
brated two  years  ago,  slaves  are  now  owned  and  subjected  to 
all  the  abuses  practiced  in  undisturbed  slave  provinces.  How 
much  real  force  there  is  in  the  Emancipatory  Law  of  Brazil  may 
be  determined  from  the  fact  that  in  1873,  when  the  movement 
was  inaugurated,  there  were  1,533,000  registered  slaves  in 
Brazil,  and  now,  as  the  writer  gives  it,  there  are  1,330,000,  an 
actual  decrease  of  only  203,000  in  fourteen  years,  including 
162,000  deaths,  the  legal  manumissions  being  only  41,000, 
The  rapid  extinction  of  the  institution  is  not  desired  by  the 
Government,  and  at  the  present  rate  of  progress  it  will  take 
something  like  fifty  years  to  eradicate  it. 

“ The  only  hope  for  relief  to  the  million  and  a half  of  out- 
raged humanity  rests  upon  the  possibility  of  stirring  up  a 
lethargic  public  to  an  appreciation  of  the  degrading  crime 
against  nature  which  makes  Brazil  odious  to  the  civilization  it 
affects  to  respect  and  cultivate.  The  sincerity  and  trust- 
worthiness of  the  Brazilian  oeople  are  rapidly  coming  into 
discredit  through  the  juggling  of  its  Chief  Bepresentatives  with 
this  question  of  earnest  humanity.” 

Bight  here  lies  a duty  that  our  colored  citizens  of  the 
Enited  States  owe  to  their  brothers  in  Brazil.  Can  it  be  pos- 
sible they  have  so  soon  forgotten  that  their  own  people  were 
recently  slaves  in  this  country?  Will  they  rest  with  folded 
hands,  satisfied  with  their  own  liberation  from  this  debasing 
and  cruel  system,  while  their  people  are  suffering  untold  mise- 
ries in  Brazil  ? Have  they  forgotten  the  half  million  lives 
that  were  sacrificed  here  that  they  might  be  free  ? If  not,  why 
is  not  some  movement  inaugurated  by  our  representative  col- 
ored citizens  to  abolish  slavery  in  Brazil  ? Their  influence  is 
great,  and  if  rightly  prosecuted  will  inaugurate  a movement 
that  in  the  near  future  will  obliterate  this  disgrace,  not  only  in 
Brazil,  but  in  every  country  where  it  exists  on  the  face  of  the 
earth.  It  is  your  affair,  my  Brother  in  Black,  and  for  the  sake 
of  common  humanity,  which  “makes  the  whole  world  kin,”  agi- 


534  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN'  AMERICA. 

tate  the  question  of  slavery  in  Brazil  until  not  a vestige  of  this 
debasing  system  is  left. 

Neither  should  we  be  blinded  by  the  dogma  of  “gradual 
emancipation.”  We  remember  that  by  an  Act  of  our  Congress 
the  Foreign  Slave  Trade  was  to  be  abolished  in  the  year  1808 
— was  it  so  abolished?  Nay!  On  the  contrary,  it  was  revived 
and  became  a more  flourishing  business  than  ever  before. 
Neither  is  gradual  emancipation  a success  in  Brazil,  as  Mr. 
Eskridge  has  clearly  shown.  Slavery  will  never  cease  in 
Brazil  until  the  Government  is  compelled  to  act  and  imme- 
diate emancipation  proclaimed  by  Proclamation,  or  Imperial 
Decree.  The  evil  of  slavery  is  of  such  a nature  that  it  takes 
“ might  to  make  right.”  Brazil  is  not  such  a powerful  Nation 
that  we  need  to  quail  and  cower  before  her,  or  be  turned  from 
our  duty  by  promises  of  future  emancipation.  If  the  thing  is 
evil  within  itself,  why  should  it  be  permitted  to  endure  fifty 
years  or  even  a day  longer?  Let  such  men  as  ex-Governor 
Pinchback,  Frederick  Douglass,  Mr.  Smalls,  Bruce,  Turner, 
and  a host  of  others,  agitate  this  question  of  humanity,  and  we 
will  soon  see  the  last  vestige  of  this  inhuman  traffic,  this 
degrading  of  man,  made  in  the  image  of  God,  swept  from  the 
face  of  the  earth. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


535 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 

“ 0,  Law,  fair  form  of  liberty, 

God’s  light  is  on  thy  brow, 

O,  Liberty,  thou  soul  of  law, 

God’s  very  self  art  thou. 

0,  daughter  of  the  bleeding  past, 

0,  Hope  the  Prophet  saw; 

God  give  us  law  in  liberty, 

And  liberty  in  law,” 

Government  : — 

The  necessity  of  government  is  furnished  in  man’s  social 
and  moral  nature.  As  a reasonable  and  dependent  being,  he  is 
fitted  for  society  and  law.  Law  is  a rule  of  action.  Govern- 
ment is  the  embodiment  of  the  defender,  and  the  enforcer  of 
the  law. 

Eights: — 

A right  is  either  a just  claim  or  a just  and  lawful  claim. 
Eights  are  political  and  civil. 

Political  rights  are  those  which  belong  to  the  citizen  in  his 
relation  to  the  government. 

Civil  rights  are  those  which  are  not  political,  and  which  are 
often  termed  natural  and  inalienable. 

First. — They  include 

Absolute  rights,  and 
Second. — Eelative  rights. 

First. — Absolute  civil  rights  are  those  which  man  possesses 
as  an  individual,  in  his  relation  as  a member  of  society,  to 
other  members  of  society. 

Two  classes  of  these  are  often  termed  personal  rights,  or 
the  rights  of  persons. 

They  embrace: — 

First. — The  rights  of  personal  security, — the  right  from 
injury  to  life,  bodv.  health,  reputation. 


">36  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Second. — The  rights  of  personal  liberty, — the  right  to  go 
where  one  chooses. 

The  other  two  classes  of  absolute  rights,  are: 

First. — The  right  of  private  property, — the  right  to  ac- 
quire property  and  enjoy  it  without  molestation. 

Second. — Religious  rights,— the  rights  of  men  to  worship 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  consciences. 

Second. — Relative  Civil  rights  are  those  which  man  posses- 
ses in  a relation  to  particular  persons  or  classes; — these  are 
either  public  or  private. 

Public  Civil  rights  are  those  man  possesses  in  his  relations 
to  the  government  (except  the  right  to  participate  in  it).  It 
includes  the  right  of  the  government  and  its  officers,  to  our 
respect  and  obedience. 

Private  Civil  rights  embrace  those  in  relation  of: 

First Husband  and  wife. 

Second. — Parent  and  child. 

Third. — Guardian  and  ward. 

Fourth. — Employer  and  employed. 

Liberty  : — 

Liberty  is  the  freedom  man  possesses  to  enjoy  his  rights. 
It  embraces: 

First. — Natural  Liberty. 

Second. — Political  Liberty. 

Third. — Civil  Liberty. 

Fourth. — Religious  Liberty. 

Law: — 

The  object  of  law  is  to  defend  and  secure  man  in  the  en- 
joyment of  his  right. 

It  embraces: 

First. — Political  Law. 

Second. — Civil  and  Municipal  Law. 

The  moral  law  prescribes  man’s  duties  to  his  fellowman 
and  to  God.  It  is  contained  in  the  Ten  Commandments,  to 
love  God  with  all  our  hearts,  and  our  neighbor  (nothing  said 
about  color),  as  ourselves.  It  is  broader  and  more  compre- 
hensive than  political  or  civil  law. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


537 


Declabation  of  Independence: — 

The  leading  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
are  these : That  all  men  are  created  equal ; that  all  have  a 
natural  right  to  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that 
human  governments  are  instituted  for  the  sole  purpose  of  se- 
curing the  welfare  of  the  people;  that  the  people  have  a 
natural  right  to  alter  their  government  whenever  it  becomes 
destructive  of  liberty ; that  the  despotism  of  the  King  and  his 
Ministers,  could  be  shown  by  a long  list  of  undisputed  proofs, 
and  the  proofs  are  given ; that  time  and  again  the  Colonies  had 
humbly  petitioned  for  a redress  of  grievances ; that  all  their 
petitions  had  been  spurned  with  derision  and  contempt;  that 
the  King’s  irrational  tyranny  over  his  American  subjects  was 
no  longer  endurable;  that  an  appeal  to  the  sword  is  preferable 
to  slavery ; and  that,  therefore,  the  United  Colonies  of  America 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  Free  and  Independent  States. 
To  the  support  of  this  sublime  declaration  of  principles,  the 
members  of  the  Continental  Congress  mutually  pledged  their 
lives,  their  fortunes  and  their  sacred  honor, 

ANALYSIS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

Having  in  the  preceding  pages  traced  the  History  of  the 
Colored  Kace  from  the  earliest  period  to  the  present  time, 
noting  the  rise,  progress  and  decline  of  the  Slave  Power 
on  this  Continent  to  its  final  overthrow  in  the  United  States  by 
the  great  Civil  Mar  and  also  the  improvement  and  advancement 
made  by  those  people,  in  knowledge  and  self-government, 
since  then,  under  the  blessings  of  liberty,  it  remains  for  us 
now  to  examine  that  system  of  Government  by  which  those 
liberties  are  preserved  and  to  learn  of  those  institutions  and 
safeguards,  under  which  we  live. 

slavery  in  the  United  States,  it  may  be  said,  received  its 
death  blow  from  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  of  President 
Lincoln,  January  1,  1863.  Yet  this  is  only  in  a measure  true. 
That  justly  celebrated  instrument  was  but  the  prelude  to  what 
must  follow.  Like  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  it  was  but 
the  manifestation  of  the  public  will — the  vox  populi,  of  that 


538  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


period,  effective  only  in  so  far  as  that  sentiment  remained,  liable 
however  to  fluctuate  and  change  at  each  revolution  of  the  wheel 
of  fortune.  Thus  one  administration  could  proclaim  freedom 
while  the  succeeding  might  declare  in  favor  of  slavery. 
Statesmen  therefore  saw  that  to  retain  the  precious  boon  of 
freedom,  it  must  be  securely  anchored  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
adverse  winds  of  political  fortune.  This  led  to  the  adoption, 
December  18,  1863,  July  28,  1868,  and  March  30,  1870,  of 
the  Thirteenth,  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Amendments  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  whereby  the  question  of 
human  slavery  was  finally  and  forever  put  at  rest  in  this 
country,  and  both  civil  and  political  liberty  secured  to  the 
colored  citizen  by  constitutional  guaranty  part  of  the  funda- 
mental and  supreme  law  of  the  land,  thereby  placing  at  the 


same  time  in  his  hands  the  means  with  which  to  defend 


From  the  very  nature  of  the  case  it  becomes  a most  important 
matter,  if  not  an  imperative  duty  that  we  understand  some- 
thing of  the  functions  of  that  Government  under  which  we  live 


and  of  our  rights  under  that  instrument  upon  which  its  found- 


ations rest. 

From  the  nature  of  the  Federal  compact  which  unites  the 
several  States  of  the  Union  under  one  National  Government, 


each  State  retains  to  a certain  extent  its  independent,  individual 


sovereignty,  termed  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States — those 
rights  enjoyed  by  the  States  prior  to,  and  not  surrendered  upon 
entering  into  the  Union.  The  citizens  of  each  State  are  there- 
fore at  the  same  time  subject  to  the  authority  of  two  distinct 
governments,  administered  by  two  separate  classes  of  agents: 
The  Legislative  or  law  making  power ; The  Executive,  or  law 
enforcing  power;  The  judicial  or  law  interpreting  power.  In 
the  General  Government,  the  first  is  vested  in  a Congress,  which 
consists  of  a Senate  and  House  of  Representatives.  The  second 
in  a President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  third  in  the  Federal 
courts  of  law. 

Each  State  has  also  its  separate  Government,  called  its 
Legislature,  which  convenes  at  the  Capitals  of  the  respective 
States. 


CIVIL  AXD  POLITICAL  EIGHTS. 


539 


The  Capital  of  the  United  States  is  located  at  the  city  of 
Washington  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  It  was  established 
in  that  city  in  1800.  The  spot  was  selected  by  General 
Washington.  Prior  to  that  time  the  seat  of  Government  had 
been  temporarily  established  at  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Lan- 
caster and  several  other  places. 

On  account  of  the  frequent  changes  the  public  suffered  great 
inconvenience.  The  District  of  Columbia  was  a tract  of  land 
ten  miles  square,  ceded  to  the  General  Government  partly  by 
the  State  of  Maryland  and  partly  by  the  State  of  Virginia.  That 
part  of  it  ceded  by  Virginia  was  re-ceded  to  that  State  in  1846? 
so  as  the  District  now  stands  it  is  confined  entirely  to  the 
Maryland  side  of  the  Potomac  Biver. 

The  three  branches  of  the  General  Government  are  located 
at  the  city  of  Washington.  The  President  resides  here  during 
the  term  for  which  he  is  elected.  He  lives  in  a mansion  known 
as  the  White  House,  built  for  that  purpose  at  the  expense  of 
the  Nation.  Here  he  exercises  the  duties  of  his  office  during 
the  period  of  his  Administration.  In  another  part  of  the  city 
is  an  immense  building  covering  several  acres  of  ground  called 
the  Capitol  of  the  Nation,  erected  at  a cost  of  some  twelve  mil- 
lions of  dollars.  In  this  magnificent  edifice,  are  numerous 
rooms  and  offices  for  the  convenience  of  the  government.  But 
by  far  the  largest  is  that  which  is  known  as  the  House  of 
Representatives.  In  still  another  part  of  this  immense  edifice 
is  a much  smaller  chamber.  This  is  occupied  by  the  Senators^ 
and  in  another  part  of  the  Capitol  is  the  Supreme  Court 
room. 

In  this  room  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  sit  during 
the  sessions  of  that  court, 

THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  Legislative  branch  of  our  Govern- 

© 

ment,  called  Congress,  is  separated  into  two  departments:  The 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

The  assembly  that  occupies  the  House  of  Representatives 
during  the  session  of  Congress,  are  called  Representatives. 


540  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Tlie  are  elected  by  the  direct  vote  of  the  people  of  their  respective 
Congressional  districts  in  the  several  States.  They  are  chosen 
to  assist  in  making  the  laws,  and  no  bill  can  become  a law  until 
it  has  received  the  sanction  of  a majority  of  this  body.  By 
the  theory  of  our  Government,  all  the  people  of  the  several 
States  are  supposed  to  be  present  in  this  assembly,  in  the  person 
of  their  respective  Representatives.  When  all  the  Representa- 
tives are  present,  they  number  about  three  hundred.  ^Che 
members  are  called  Representatives,  because  they  are  supposed 
to  represent  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  people  who  elect  them. 
They  act,  speak  and  vote  as  the  agents  of  the  people,  who  are 
called  their  constituency. 

No  person  can  be  a Representative  who  has  not  attained 
the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  either  born  or  naturalized  a citi- 
zen of  the  United  States,  and  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  from 
which  he  is  chosen.  The  ratio  of  representation  is  fixed  in 
proportion  to  population,  counting  the  whole  number  of  per- 
sons in  each  State,  except  Indians  who  are  not  taxed. 

This  proportion  is  ascertained  by  the  census,  the  object  of 
which  is  to  equalize  representation  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives in  proportion  to  the  population  of  all  the  States.  But 
each  State  is  entitled  to  at  least  one  Representative,  and  each 
organized  Territory  is  allowed  one  delegate,  who  may  speak, 
but  not  vote,  on  any  question. 

The  Constitution  requires  that  the  census  be  taken  every 
ten  years.  The  first  census  was  taken  in  1790,  and  it  has  been 
taken  every  ten  years  since  then,  during  the  first  year  of  every 
regular  decade.  The  Department  of  the  Interior  has  charge 
of  this  matter.  Each  State  is  divided  into  small  districts,  num- 
bering not  to  exceed  twenty  thousand  inhabitants.  The  officer 
having  charge  of  the  matter  must  visit  each  dwelling  house 
and  family  in  his  district,  and  ascertain  the  number  of  each, 
noting  their  ages,  sex,  color,  ability  to  read  and  write,  facts 
relating  to  agriculture,  manufactories,  commerce,  resources  of 
the  country  and  its  products,  and  in  fact,  everything  that  may 
be  necessary  to  give  a general  view  of  the  condition  of  the 
United  States. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


541 


Members  of  tbe  House  of  Representatives  are  elected  in 
the  several  States  by  Congressional  districts.  When  it  has 
been  ascertained  how  many  members  each  State  is  entitled  to, 
the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  divide  them  respectively 
into  as  many  districts  as  they  are  entitled  to  members.  These 
Congressional  districts  are  numbered,  1st,  2d,  3d,  etc. 

Unprincipled  politicians  have  sometimes  taken  advantage 
of  the  law  in  this  respect,  classifying  the  people  according  to 
their  political  Hews.  This  is  what  is  called  “ Gerrymander- 
ing.” 

O 

Representatives  shall  be  chosen  every  second  year,  and  the 
term  of  office  commences  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  after 
the  election  and  continues  two  years. 

By  a law  of  Congress,  taking  effect  in  1876,  the  time  fixed 
for  the  election  of  Representatives  was  made  uniform  through- 
out the  United  States.  By  this  law  the  election  in  all  the 
States  and  Territories  must  be  held  on  the  first  Tuesday  after 
the  first  Monday  in  November  of  each  year  of  the  election. 
When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  of  any  State  the 
executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill 
such  vacancies.  The  writ  of  election  is  directed  to  the  proper 
officer  of  the  Congressional  district  in  which  the  vacancy 
occurs.  The  writ  commands  that  the  election  shall  be  held  at 
a time  therein  named,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  officer  to  whom 
it  is  directed  to  give  notice  thereof. 

The  election  held  in  pursuance  of  this  writ  is  called  a spe- 
cial election.  The  Representative  elected  to  fill  the  vacancy 
serves  only  the  unexpired  portion  of  the  term  for  which  his  pre- 
decessor was  elected.  Yacancies  can  only  happen  by  death, 
resignation,  or  expulsion  of  the  incumbent  from  his  seat  in  the 
House. 

We  have  a new  house  of  Representatives  every  alternate 
year,  always  commencing  with  the  years  of  odd  numbers,  and 
Congress  is  numbered  by  the  number  of  times  we  have  a new 
House  of  Representatives.  Thus  we  speak  of  the  Forty-ninth 
or  Fiftieth  Congress,  the  number  always  corresponding  to  the 
number  of  times  the  House  has  been  organized.  The  House 


542  BISTORT  OF  TIIE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

and  Senate  are  equal  in  general  legislation,  but  eacb  has  other 
and  separate  powers  which  are  clearly  defined  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  This  power  rests  exclusively  with  the  House, 
this  body  being  the  more  immediate  representatives  of  the 
people.  The  House  also  has  the  sole  power  of  presenting  articles 
of  impeachment  against  any  of  the  officers  of  the  Government 
for  offenses  committed  against  it.  Articles  of  impeachment  are 
somewhat  in  the  nature  of  an  indictment,  being  sufficient  to  put 
the  accused  upon  trial  before  the  bar  of  the  Senate,  but  they 
are  only  prima  facie  evidence  of  guilt.  The  House  shall 
choose  their  own  officers.  The  Speaker  is  chosen  from  among 
their  number,  and  is  the  presiding  officer  of  the  assembly. 
They  also  choose  their  other  officers.  The  Clerk,  Sergeant-at- 
arms,  Post  Master,  and  Door-keeper,  who  are  not  members. 

When  the  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  President  fail  to 
elect  those  officers  by  a majority  of  all  the  Electors  appointed 
by  the  people  the  House  shall  by  ballot  elect  the  President 
from  the  persons  having  the  highest  number  not  exceeding 
three  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President.  In  this  elec- 
tion the  vote  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation  from 
each  State  having  one  vote.  If  the  House  shall  not  elect  a 
President  before  the  fourth  day  of  March  ensuing,  the  Yice 
President  shall  act  as  President  as  in  case  of  death  or  inability. 
There  have  been  two  such  elections:  That  of  Thomas  Jefferson 
in  1801,  and  that  of  John  Q.  Adams  in  1825. 

THE  SENATE. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  other  branch  of  the  Legisla- 
tive department  of  our  Government  is  called  the  Senate,  and 
the  members  of  which  it  is  composed  are  called  Senators.  They 
are  so  called  from  their  age  and  supposed  long  experience  in 
Legislative  matters. 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States  is  composed  of  two  Sena- 
tors from  each  State.  While  in  the  House  the  number  of 
Representatives  for  each  State  is  proportioned  to  the  popula- 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


543 


tion  thereof,  and  consequently  enjoy  political  power  in  that 
proportion,  no  such  distinction  exists  in  the  Senate.  There 
all  the  States  are  equal.  This  is  a Constitutional  provision  as 
will  appear  from  the  closing  language  of  Article  Y,  which  is: 
“ No  State  without  its  consent  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal 
suffrage  in  the  Senate.” 

This  formation  of  the  Senate  is  the  result  of  compromise 
between  the  larger  and  smaller  States,  which  were  represented 
in  the  Constitutional  Convention.  The  representative  power 
in  Congress  under  the  Confederation  was  the  same  in  all  the 
States — the  large  and  small  States,  having  alike  but  one  vote. 
In  the  Constitutional  Convention  the  small  States  were  not 
willing  to  relinquish  any  of  their  power.  The  large  States 
therefore  consented  to  equality  in  the  Senate  and  the  small 
States  to  representation  in  the  House  in  proportion  to  popula- 
tion. There  are  two  Senators  from  each  State  regardless  of  its 
size,  and  consequently,  when  the  States  are  all  represented, 
there  are  seventy-six  members,  as  at  present  we  have  thirty- 
eight  States,  and  each  Senator  has  one  vote.  A Senator  must 
have  attained  the  age  of  thirty-five  years  and  be  by  birth  or 
naturalization  a citizen  of  the  United  States  and  subject  to  its 
jurisdiction,  and  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  he  represents  when 
chosen,  and  if  a citizen  by  naturalization,  have  nine  years  of 
such  citizenship.  The  official  term  of  a Senator  is  six  years,  and 
Senators  are  elected  by  the  Legislatures  of  their  respective 
States  by  viva  voce  vote  of  each  member,  on  the  second  Tues- 
day after  the  meeting  and  organization  thereof.  If  a vacancy 
exists  at  a meeting  of  the  Legislature  it  is  filled  in  the  same 
manner.  When  vacancies  happen  during  the  session  of  the 
Legislature  similar  proceedings  shall  be  had,  beginning  with 
the  second  Tuesday  after  notice  of  such  vacancy  shall  have 
been  received.  When  vacancies  happen  during  the  recess  of 
the  Legislature  of  a State  the  Executive  authority  is  empow- 
ered to  make  a temporary  appointment,  until  the  next  meeting 
of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancy. 

The  Yice-President  of  the  United  States  is  by  virtue  of  his 
office  President  of  the  Senate.  He  performs  the  ordinary 


544  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


duties  devolving  upon  a presiding  officer,  except  that  not  being 
a member  of  the  Senate  he  has  no  authority  to  appoint  stand- 
ing committees.  In  case  of  death,  resignation,  removal  or 
inability  to  discharge  the  duties  of  office  by  the  President,  the 
Vice-President  becomes  President.  The  Senate,  in  the  absence 
of  the  Vice-President,  is  required  to  appoint  a President  pro 
tempore  of  the  Senate  who  is  a member  of  that  body. 

The  Senate  has  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments,  and 
when  the  President  is  tried  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  shall  be  the  presiding  officer  of 
the  body,  as  in  such  case  the  Vice-President  would  be  so 
directly  interested  in  the  removal  of  the  President  as  to  render 
it  highly  improper  for  him  to  preside. 

Although  the  Constitution  provides  that  all  bills  for  raising 
revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House,  yet  the  Senate  when  they 
are  reached  may  treat  them  in  all  respects  as  though  they 
originated  there.  They  can  propose  amendments,  concur 
therewith,  or  reject  them,  if  proposed  by  the  House  at  any 
stage  of  the  proceedings,  or  they  can  reject  the  bills  entirely. 
The  Senate  has  power  of  ratifying  treaties,  Avhich  power  is 
called  Executive,  because  in  such  cases  the  Senate  acts  upon 
the  suggestions  of  the  President.  In  the  transaction  of  busi- 
ness the  session  is  called  Executive.  They  sit  with  doors 
closed  and  their  proceedings  are  generally  secret. 

By  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  the 
President  appoints  Ambassadors,  Consuls,  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  all  officers  of  the  United  States  whose 
appointments  are  not  otherwise  provided  for  by  the  Constitu- 
tion and  established  by  law.  The  act  of  ratifying  the  Execu- 
tive appointments  is  commonly  called  confirming  the  nomina- 
tions of  the  President. 

Treaties  are  usually  agreed  upon  either  by  public  Minis- 
ters or  Ambassadors,  or  by  Commissioners  appointed  by  their 
respective  Governments  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  the 
details.  Treaties  are  discussed  by  the  Senate  in  secret  session. 
They  may  ratify  or  reject  a treaty,  or  ratify  in  part  or  reject 
in  part,  or  make  additions.  Every  part  of  a treaty,  to  be  valid, 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


545 


must  be  ratified  by  a vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present. 
When  amendments  or  alterations  of  the  treaties  have  been 
made  by  the  Senate  the  whole  document  must  be  re-submitted 
to  the  President  and  also  to  the  Representatives  of  the  Govern- 
ment with  whom  the  negotiations  are  pending. 

The  Senate  has  the  power  to  elect  its  officers,  except  the 
President,  who,  as  we  have  already  seen,  holds  his  position  as 
President  of  the  Senate  by  virtue  of  being  Yice-President  of 
the  United  States.  But  in  the  absence  of  the  Yice-President 
they  can  choose  a President  pro  tempore. 

The  other  officers  of  the  Senate,  are  a Secretary,  who  has 
charge  of  the  records  and  papers,  and  reads  such  as  may  be 
called  for  by  the  members ; a Postmaster  and  Doorkeeper,  who 
are  not  members  of  the  Senate.  In  case  the  Electors  fail  to 
elect  a Yice-President,  the  Senate  then  elects  one.  One  such 
election  has  occurred  in  the  history  of  our  Government — 
that  of  Richard  M.  Johnson,  in  1837. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  Senate  has  the  sole  power  to  try  all 
impeachments.  When  thus  acting,  they  sit  as  a Court,  and 
from  their  decision  there  is  no  appeal,  nor  can  the  President  of 
the  United  States  in  such  case  exercise  the  pardoning  power. 
But  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concurrence  of 
two-thirds  of  the  members  present. 

Judgment,  in  case  of  impeachment,  shall  extend  no  further 
than  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  or  enjoy 
any  office  of  honor,  trust  or  profit,  under  the  United  States; 
but  the  party  convicted  shall,  nevertheless,  be  liable  to  prose- 
cution according  to  law. 

PROVISIONS  COMMON  TO  HOUSE  AND  SENATE. 

Beside  these  separate  powers  of  the  House  and  Senate  men- 
tioned in  the  preceding  pages,  there  are  other  provisions 
common  to  both,  ■which  we  now  proceed  to  discuss. 

The  Constitution  provides:  “Each  House  shall  be  the 
judge  of  the  election  returns,  and  qualifications  of  its  own 
members.”  It  is  necessary  that  these  powers  should  be  vested 
in  the  House  where  the  membership  is  claimed.  This  is  es- 


546  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

sential,  to  determine  the  legality  and  regularity  of  the  election, 
which  can  be  ascertained  only  through  an  inquiry  into  the  re- 
turns, which  open  the  whole  subject  for  investigation,  and  it 
may  even  become  necessary  to  go  behind  the  returns  and  in- 
vestigate the  legality  of  the  election  itself.  This  power  of  de- 
termining the  right  of  membership,  belongs  not  only  to  each 
House  of  Congress,  but  like  authority  is  conceded  to  the  Leg- 
islative bodies  of  all  the  States,  and  to  those  of  all  civilized 
Governments. 

OFFICIAL  INELIGIBILITY. 

I.  No  person  who  holds  any  office  under  the  United  States, 
can  be  a member  of  either  House.  This  is  a Constitutional 
provision,  the  object  of  which  was  to  guard  against  the 
Government  obtaining  too  great  an  influence  in  the  National 
Councils.  Therefore,  a Federal  officer  must  resign  his  office 
before  he  can  occupy  such  position. 

II.  By  the  third  clause  of  Article  XIY.  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Amendment,  it  is  provided,  That  no  person  shall  be  a 
Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress,  or  an  Elector  of  Presi- 
dent or  Vice-President,  or  hold  any  office,  Civil  or  Military, 
under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State,  who,  having  pre- 
viously taken  an  oath  as  a member  of  Congress,  or  an  officer  of 
the  United  States,  or  as  a member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or 
as  an  Executive  or  Judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  have  engaged  in  any 
insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  com- 
fort to  the  enemies  thereof. 

But  Congress  may,  by  a vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House, 
remove  such  disability. 

The  object  of  this  clause  of  the  Amendment,  was  to  prevent 
those  Federal  and  State  officers,  who,  having  taken  an  oath  to 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  afterwards, 
engaged  in.  the  Secession  movement,  from  holding  office  under 
the  United  States,  or  under  any  State.  It  was  thought,  at  the 
time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Amendment,  highly  fit  that  all 
such  persons  should  incur  some  political  disability,  as  resulting 
from  the  violation  of  their  official  oath. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


547 


QUORUM. 

111.  Neither  House  can  do  business  'without  a major- 
ity of  all  its  members.  This  is  a Constitutional  provision,  its 
object  being  to  prevent  hasty  legislation  without  the  assent  of 
a majority  of  each  House.  The  number  necessary  to  do  busi- 
ness, is  called  a quorum ; and  although  it  requires  a majority 
of  the  members  of  either  House  to  constitute  a quorum,  a 
smaller  number  may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  impose 
penalties  for  failures  to  attend. 

RULES  OF  EACH  HOUSE. 

IY.  Each  House  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceed- 
ings. The  right  is  inherent  in  every  deliberative  assembly  to 
adopt  such  preliminary  rules  as  it  chooses  for  the  transaction 
of  business,  so  long  as  these  rules  do  not  violate  the  organic 
law  from  which  the  assembly  receives  its  authority.  Without 
this  right  it  would  be  impossible  for  such  bodies  to  transact 
business. 

MANNER  OF  VOTING. 

Y.  The  usual  manner  of  taking  a vote  in  deliberative 
bodies,  is  as  follows; 

The  question  about  to  be  voted  upon,  being  stated  by  the 
presiding  officer,  he  puts  it  affirmatively  thus:  “As  many  as 
are  in  favor  of  the  proposition,  say  Aye.” 

At  which  all  those  voting  affirmatively  will  respond,  “Aye.” 

The  presiding  officer  then  puts  the  question  negatively, 
thus:  “Those  opposing,  say  No.” 

At  which  those  voting  in  the  negative,  respond  “No.” 

The  presiding  officer  is  usually  able  to  determine  the  vote 
from  the  sound,  but,  if  not,  he  repeats  the  trial  as  before ; if 
he  is  still  in  doubt,  or  at  the  request  of  a member,  the  House 
may  be  divided.  Those  voting  affirmatively,  taking  one  side, 
and  those  voting  negatively,  the  other,  when  the  count  is  made 
by  the  Secretary,  upon  which  the  decision  is  announced. 

There  is  still  another  method  recognized  by  the  rules  and 
usages  of  deliberative  assemblies.  The  presiding  officer  hav- 
ing stated  the  question  to  be  voted,  says:  “As  many  as  are  in 


548  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

favor  of  the  question,  will,  when  their  names  are  called,  answer 
Tea,  and  as  many  as  are  opposed,  will,  when  their  names  are 
called,  answer  No.” 

The  names  are  then  called  by  the  Secretary  in  alphabetical 
order,  and  at  the  call  of  each  member’s  name,  he  rises  and 
answers  Yea,  or  Nay,  according  as  he  is  inclined  to  vote. 

After  being  read,  the  votes  are  recorded  by  the  Secretary 
on  the  journal,  which  then  shows  which  way  each  member  voted. 
The  journal  can  then  be  inspected  at  any  time  by  any  person 
to  ascertain  the  way  any  member  may  have  voted.  Members 
sometimes  absent  themselves  to  avoid  responsibility  in  voting. 

The  journal  shall,  from  time  to  time,  be  published  also, 
excepting  such  portions  as  each  House  deems  proper  to  sup- 
press. In  this  way  the  doings  of  the  assembly  are  brought 
before  the  public,  and  the  actions  of  each  member  are  subject 
to  inspection  and  criticism. 

In  times  of  war  or  public  commotion,  it  might  be  advisable 
to  keep  the  proceedings  of  the  assembly  a secret,  and  this 
power  is  granted  by  the  Constitution. 

HOUSE  MAY  PUNISH  MEMBERS. 

YI.  Each  House  my  punish  its  members  for  disorderly 
conduct,  and  with  a concurrence  of  two-thirds,  expel  a member. 

The  power  of  punishment  and  expulsion  for  disorderly 
conduct  is  usually  given  to  all  deliberative  assemblies.  'With- 
out this  authority  it  might  at  times  be  impossible  to  transact 
business.  In  times  of  excitement  members  often  become 
tumultuous  and  this  authority  is  necessary  for  the  preservation 
of  decorum  in  the  assembly.  To  exercise  these  powers  requires 
a strong  showing  and  actual  necessity,  but  it  can  be  exercised 
as  to  the  conduct  of  a member  either  within  or  without  the 
assembly. 

ADJOURNMENT. 

YII.  Neither  House  during  the  session  of  Congress  shall 
without  the  consent  of  the  other  adjourn  for  more  than  three 
days,  nor  to  any  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall 
be  sitting. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  EIGHTS. 


549 


This  is  a wise  limitation  placed  upon  each  House  by  the 
Constitution,  otherwise  either  House  might  adjourn  and  inter- 
rupt the  progress  of  business  entirely,  but  an  adjournment  for 
the  short  period  of  three  days  could  not  have  this  effect,  hence 
each  House  has  this  privilege,  but  they  cannot  adjourn  to  any 
other  place.  This  last  prohibition  is  designed  to  prevent  mis- 
chief by  one  House  adjourning  to  a different  place  and  compel- 
ling the  other  to  follow,  which  would  be  very  embarrassing  to 
legislation  and  would  work  great  inconvenience  and  obstruct 
business  entirely. 

By  Constitutional  provision  Congress  cannot  extend  beyond 
two  years,  but  it  may  be  adjourned  at  any  time  by  consent  of 
the  two  Houses  or  at  the  pleasure  of  the  President  when  both 
Houses  cannot  agree  as  to  the  time  of  adjournment. 

• WHEN  MEMBERS  CANNOT  BE  APPOINTED  TO  OFFICE 

Till.  The  Constitution  provides — That  no  Senator  or 
Representative  shall  during  the  time  for  which  he  was  elected 
be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created  or  the  emoluments 
thereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such  time. 

The  object  of  this  provision  of  the  Constitution  is  to  pro- 
hibit members  of  Congress  from  assisting  in  creating  offices  and 
then  resigning  their  seats  in  Congress  and  occupying  the  office 
upon  appointment  thereto  by  the  President.  Were  it  Rot  for 
this  Constitutional  provision  great  abuses  might  creep  into 
legislation.  Members  might  assist  in  creating  offices  with  large 
salaries  and  by  preconcerted  arrangement  with  the  Executive 
receive  appointments  thereto,  or  salaries  and  offices  might  be 
created  for  all  the  officers  at  pleasure. 

OFFICIAL  OATH. 

IX.  Senators  and  Representatives  are  required  to  make  oath 
or  affirmation  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  to  faithfully  discharge  the  duties  of  office.  The  oath  is 
usually  administered  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate  or  the 
Clerk  of  the  House.  The  oath  binds  them  to  a faithful  dis- 


550  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

charge  of  duty  and  reminds  them  of  the  solemn  obligation  they 
are  about  to  perform  and  is  binding  upon  the  conscience  of  all 
candid  men.  All  must  take  the  oath  except  those  conscienti- 
ously opposed,  who  may  affirm  under  the  pains  and  penalties 
of  perjury,  to  faithfully  discharge  the  duties  devolving  upon 
them. 

The  legal  effect  of  an  oath  or  affirmation  is  the  same. 

SALARIES  OF  MEMBERS. 

X.  The  salaries  of  Members  of  Congress  is  to  be  ascer- 
tained by  law  and  paid  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States. 
Biff  there  is  no  provision  in  the  Constitution  as  to  what  the 
salary  may  be.  The  members  make  the  law  on  the  subject  to 
suit  themselves.  The  salaries  have  been  differently  fixed  from 
time  to  time. 

At  present  the  salary  of  a member,  of  either  House  is 
|5,000.00  per  annum.  The  President  of  the  Senate  gets 
$8,000.00  per  annum,  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  the 
same. 

WHEN  MEMBERS  NOT  LIABLE  TO  ARREST. 

XI.  Members  of  Congress  in  all  cases,  except  treason, 
felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace,  are  privileged  from  arrest  during 
their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  House,  and 
in  going  to  and  returning  from  the  same,  and  for  any  speech 
or  debate  in  either  House  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any 
other  place. 

The  privilege  from  arrest  is  accorded  members  of  all  legis- 
lative bodies.  Were  it  not  for  this  privilege  members  might 
be  arrested  and  detained  beyond  the  session  in  their  respective 
States  at  the  instance  of  private  creditors  and  the  business  of 
legislation  might  be  seriously  interrupted  and  impeded.  This 
immunity  from  arrest  is  necessary  in  order  to  sustain  the  per- 
sonal independence  of  the  members.  The  exemption  of  mem- 
bers from  answering  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  the  assem- 
bly is  also  a beneficial  provision  of  the  Constiution.  It  is 
necessary  that  full  liberty  of  speech  should  be  accorded 
to  legislators,  and  that  they  be  allowed  full  liberty  to  express 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


551 

their  sentiments  at  all  times  on  such  matters  as  may  come 
before  them,  without  having  to  answer  in  actions  therefor. 
This  provision  exempts  members  from  suits  or  actions  at  law 
for  anything  said  in  the  course  of  any  speech  or  debate  in 
either  House,  no  matter  how  much  they  may  slander  private 
character. . It  is  true  this  privilege  may,  and  sometimes  is 
abused,  but  public  interest  requires  that  unrestricted  license  of 
speech  should  be  extended  to  all  members,  and  the  most  criti- 
cal examinations  into  the  characters  and  qualifications  of  all 
persons  should  be  permitted,  and  members  should  be  allowed  to 
perform  these  duties  without  the  fear  of  being  compelled  to 
respond  in  action  for  damages. 

FINANCIAL  RESOURCES,  ETC. 

Under  this  division  of  our  subject  we  propose  to  but  cursor- 
ily mention  the  financial  resources  from  which  the  country 
derives  its  revenues,  such  as  taxes,  duties  on  imports,  excises, 
and  other  financial  resources. 

By  the  Constitution,  Congress  has  authority  to  levy  and  col- 
lect taxes,  duties  on  imports,  and  excises,  but  has  no  authority 
to  lay  taxes  on  articles  exported  from  any  State.  Taxes  are 
defined  as  being  the  enforced  proportional  contribution  of  per- 
son and  property  levied  by  the  authority  of  the  State,  for  the 
support  of  the  Government  and  for  all  public  needs.  The  tax- 
ing power  has  no  existence  in  a state  of  nature — but  it  is  the 
creature  of  civil  society.  Without  the  power  to  collect  taxes 
for  governmental  purposes  no  Government  could  perform  its 
duties  and  sustain  its  credit.  Taxes  are  of  two  kinds,  direct 
and  indirect.  Direct  taxes  are  those  which  are  assessed  upon 
the  property,  person,  business,  and  income  of  those  who  are  to 
pay  them. 

Indirect  taxes  are  such  as  are  levied  on  commodities  before 
they  reach  the  consumer,  and  are  paid  for  by  those  iipon  whom 
they  ultimately  fall,  by  enhancing  the  price  of  the  article,  but  is 
not  so  readily  perceived  as  a direct  tax.  In  the  language  of 
Turgot,  it  enables  the  Government  “to  pluck  the  goose  without 
making  it  cry  out.” 


5 52  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


Duties,  imports  and  excises  are  of  tlie  nature  of  indirect 
taxes,  and  are  under  the  exclusive  control  of  Congress,  except 
what  may  be  necessary  for  executing  inspection  laAvs.  Taxes 
are  proportioned  among  the  several  States  according  to  their 
representative  population.  The  representative  population  is 
ascertained  by  the  census,  which  is  to  be  taken  every  ten 
years. 

I.  Another  financial  resource  of  the  Government,  is  the 
power  to  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States. 
This  authority  has  often  been  found  of  -much  importance,  es- 
pecially in  time  of  war;  in  our  recent  Civil  War  we  were  com- 
pelled to  borrow  upwards  of  three  thousand  millions. 

II.  Another  source  of  government  finance  may  be  men- 
tioned—the  United  States  Territory.  This  consists  of  unor- 
ganized tracts  of  land  and  the  public  lands  of  the  United  States. 
Congress  has  power  to  dispose  of  such  lands,  in  parcels,  to 
settlers,  or  in  any  other  way  for  the  public  welfare. 

COMMERCIAL  RELATIONS. 

The  commercial  relations  of  our  Government  is  another 
subject  of  Constitutional  provision.  The  prosperity  of  the 
people  depends  largely  upon  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
country.  This  power,  when  vested  in  Congress,  can  be  so  ex- 
ercised as  to  compel  Foreign  Governments  to  treat  with  us  on 
terms  advantageous  to  all.  If  this  authority  were  allowed  to  the 
States  individually,  each  might  impose  such  restrictions  and  reg- 
ulations, as  would  engender  strife  and  sectional  bitterness- 
Goods  manufactured  in  New  York  or  Massachusetts,  could  not 
be  sold  in  Pennsylvania  or  Connecticut,  or  other  States,  with- 
out being  fettered  and  burdened  by  State  restrictions,  which 
would  materially  cripple  and  hamper  commercial  intercourse. 

INDIANS. 

Congress  has  power  to  regulate  traffic  with  the  Indian 
tribes.  Under  the  Confederation,  Congress  had  but  a limited 
power  over  this  subject,  and  that  only  extended  to  tribes  re- 
siding within  State  limits.  It  was  learned,  from  experience, 
that  this  power  should  not  be  left  with  the  States.  The  Gov- 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


553 


eminent  could  better  command  the  respect  of  the  tribes  and 
protect  their  rights. 

COINAGE  OF  MONEY. 

Congress  is  invested  with  the  power  to  coin  money.  This 
power  is  exercised  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a proper  circu- 
lation of  genuine  instead  of  base  coin. 

Money  may  be  said  to  be  the  measure  of  value  in  commer- 
cial transactions. 

Much  advantage  arises  from  placing  this  power  in  the 
hands  of  Congress.  Were  it  left  to  the  several  States  to  issue 
their  own  money,  its  value  would  often  be  determined  by  local 
matters  and  State  boundaries,  which  would  impair  commercial 
transactions  and  stifle  business ; but  by  being  controlled  by  the 
Government,  its  uniformity  of  value  is  insured.  Congress  has 
also  the  power  to  regulate  the  value  of  foreign  coin ; but  for 
this  restriction,  different  States  might  fix  different  values  to  the 
same  piece  of  foreign  coin,  which  would  greatly  embarrass 
business  and  affect  commercial  exchange. 

WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES. 

Congress  has  the  power  to  fix  the  standard  of  weights  and 
measures.  It  is  desirable  that  weights  and  measures  should  be 
uniform,  through  all  the  States  and  Territories  — that  the 
pound,  gallon  and  bushel  should  be  the  same  in  all. 

But,  as  yet,  no  action  has  been  taken  on  this  subject  by 
Congress,  and  there  is  not  now  an  entire  uniformity  of  these 
matters. 

The  standard  of  weights  and  measures  remain  the  same 
now,  as  at  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. 

BANKRUPTCY. 

Congress  has  the  authority  to  establish  uniform  laws  on  the 
subject  of  Bankruptcies,  and,  therefore,  no  State  has  the  right 
to  legislate  on  this  subject.  A Bankrupt  is  defined  by  legal 
writers  to  be  one  who  has  been  adjudged,  by  competent  author- 
ity, unable  to  pay  his  debts,  or  one  who  owes  more  than  he  is 
able  to  pay.  Several  objects  may  be  attained  by  such  a law. 
Creditors  may  obtain  an  apportionment  of  the  property  of  the 


554  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

debtor,  whereby  the  Courts  can  grant  a full  discharge  to  the 
delinquent  debtor,  and  he  may  become  released  from  future 
liability.  The  distinction  between  a Bankrupt  and  an  Insol- 
vent law  is,  by  the  former,  the  debtor  may  obtain  a full  dis- 
charge from  future  liability,  while  in  the  latter  case,  the  future 
property  of  the  debtor  may  be  taken  in  liquidation  of  the  in- 
debtedness. It  appropriates  the  property  but  does  not  ex- 
tinguish the  debt.  But  as  the  Bankrupt  law  of  the  United 
States  has  been  repealed,  the  question  is  now  of  but  little  im- 
portance, creditors  having  recourse  to  the  insolvent  laws  of  the 
several  States. 

COUNTERFEITING. 

Congress  is  given  the  power,  by  the  Constitution,  to  fix  the 
punishment  for  counterfeiting  the  coins  and  securities  of  the 
United  States. 

Counterfeiting  is  making  imitations  of  coin,  bank  bills* 
bonds  or  other  securities  of  the  United  States,  in  resemblance 
so  near  to  the  originals,  as  to  deceive  a person  of  but  ordinary 
experience.  If  Congress  did  not  possess  this  power,  the 
money  and  securities  of  the  United  States  would,  in  a short 
time,  become  worthless,  and  the  country  filled  with  spurious 
mediums  of  exchange,  and  money  would  become  valueless 
from  our  inability  to  detect  the  genuine  from  the  false. 

PIRACIES  AND  FELONIES  ON  THE  HIGH  SEAS. 

Congress  is  invested  with  authority  to  define  and  provide 
the  punishment  of  piracies  and  felonies  that  may  be  committed 
on  the  high  seas.  In  pursuance  of  which  authority  Congress 
in  1820  passed  an  Act  making  the  foreign  slave  trade  piracy 
and  punishable  with  death.  Prior  to  1808,  the  foreign  slav 
trade  had  been  a legitimate  subject  of  commerce. 

Piracy  is  defined  at  common  law  to  be  the  taking  of  prop 
erty  from  others  by  open  violence,  with  intent  to  steal,  and 
without  lawful  authority  on  the  high  seas. 

Or  those  acts  committed  on  sea,  which,  if  committed  on 
land,  would  amount  to  felony,  and  felony,  at  common  law,  is 
defined  to  be  an  offense  which  occasions  a total  forfeiture  of 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


555 


either  lands  or  goods,  or  both,  and  to  which  capital  or  other 
punishment  may  be  added,  according  to  the  degree  of  guilt. 
This  would  include  such  crimes  as  murder,  arson,  burglary, 
and.  in  fact,  any  crime  that  was  punishable  with  death. 

TREASON. 

The  Constitution  defines  Treason,  but  gives  to  Congress 
the  power  to  prescribe  the  punishment. 

As  defined  by  the  Constitution,  Treason  against  the  United 
States  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or  in  ad- 
hering to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  By  Act 
of  Congress,  passed  in  1790,  the  punishment  of  Treason  was 
fixed  at  death,  and  by  an  Act  subsequently  passed  in  1862,  the 
penalty  was  death  or  imprisonment  for  not  more  than  five  years 
and  a fine  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  and  the  slaves  of  the  party 
could  be  free.  But  since  slavery  was  abolished,  that  clause 
relating  thereto  has  no  significance. 

POSTOFFICES  AND  POSTAL  ROADS. 

Congress  has  the  authority  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution 
to  establish  postoffices  and  postal  roads.  This  matter  should 
necessarily  be  vested  in  the  United  States,  inasmuch  as  uni- 
formity is  desirable,  which  could  never  be  accomplished 
were  it  left  entirely  to  the  several  States.  The  supervision  of 
the  postoffice  department  is  under  the  Postmaster  General.  He 
has  the  authority  to  establish  postoffices,  appoint  postmasters, 
and  to  let  the  contracts  for  carrying  the  mails. 

Postmasters  in  the  larger  offices  are  mostly  appointed  by 
the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 

PATENT  AND  COPY-RIGHTS. 

Congress  is  given  power  by  the  Constitution  “ to  promote 
the  progress  of  science  and  the  useful  arts,  by  securing  for 
limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to 
their  respective  writings  and  inventions.” 

Patents  are  issued  from  the  Patent  Office  at  Washington, 
granting  to  inventors  of  new  and  useful  inventions,  machines, 
improvements,  or  manufacture  or  compounds  of  matter,  the  ex- 
clusive right  to  their  manufacture  and  sale,  for  the  term  of  twenty 


556  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


years;  and  Letters  patent  are  issued  whereby  the  inventor  is 
secured  in  his  invention. 

To  obtain  Letters  patent,  the  inventor  is  required  to  make 
distinct  specifications,  and  give  a full  and  complete  description 
of  his  invention,  and  where  drawings  and  models  can  be  fur- 
nished, such  must  be  deposited  with  the  Commissioner  of 
Patents. 

A copy -right  is  the  exclusive  right  of  an  author  to  print, 
publish  and  sell  his  own  literary  work  for  his  own  benefit. 

Any  new  and  original  plan,  arrangement  or  combination  of 
materials,  entitles  the  author  to  a copy-right  therein,  whether 
the  materials  be  new  or  old.  The  copy-right  extends  for  the 
period  of  twenty-eight  years,  at  the  end  of  which,  the  author, 
or  if  dead,  his  living  representatives,  may  obtain  an  extension 
of  fourteen  years  more.  The  expense  of  procuring  a copy- 
right is  but  small. 

DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 

Congress  is  vested  with  the  power  to  declare  war. 

A declaration  of  war  is  a solemn  protest  announced  by 
authority  to  all  the  world,  and  to  the  Nation  involved,  that 
hostilities  are,  or  are  about  to  be,  commenced.  In  foreign 
countries  this  announcement  is  made  by  the  Sovereign,  but  in 
this  country,  there  being  no  Sovereign,  the  declaration  is  made 
by  Congress,  which  is  supposed  to  represent  the  voice  of  the 
entire  people.  After  war  has  been  declared  peace  can  be 
secured  only  through  the  intervention  of  Ministers  or  Ambas- 
sadors, who  represent  the  different  Nations  involved,  and  when 
the  terms  of  peace  have  been  agreed  upon,  they  do  not  become 
effective  until  ratified  by  the  President  and  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  it  requiring  a two-thirds  vote  of  the  Senators 

present  to  conclude  the  treaty. 

\ 

LETTERS  OF  MARQUE  AND  REPRISAL. 

By  the  Constitution,  Congress  is  vested  with  the  authority 
to  grant  Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal,  which  is  a commis- 
sion granted  by  the  Government  to  private  individuals,  author- 
izing them  to  make  reprisals  at  sea  of  the  property  of  a foreign 


CIVIL  AND  political  rights. 


557 


State,  or  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  such  State,  as  a reparation 
for  an  injury  committed  by  such  State,  its  citizens  or  subjects. 
The  word  Marque  signifies  a license  to  pass  the  limits  of  a 
jurisdiction,  or  the  boundary  of  a country  for  the  purpose  of 
making  reprisals,  while  reprisal  signifies  the  act  of  retaking  or 
taking  property  from  an  enemy  by  way  of  retaliation  or  of 
indemnity.  Without  these  Letters  vessels  engaged  in  such 
pursuits  would  be  considered  as  pirates.  Should  vessels  be 
captured  sailing  under  Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal,  those 
in  charge  of  it  are  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  are  entitled 
to  the  protection  of  the  Government,  and  if  not  so  treated  their 
Government  would  retaliate. 

ARMY  AND  NAYY. 

Congress  has  the  power  to  raise  and  support  Armies,  but 
no  appropriation  of  money  to  that  use  shall  be  for  a longer 
term  than  two  years.  The  army  is  raised  by  enlistments  into 
the  service  of  the  United  States  for  a term  of  five  years. 
Yarious  Acts  have  been  passed  regulating  the  subject,  but  it 
is  not  within  the  province  of  our  work  to  set  them  forth. 

Congress  has  power  to  provide  and  maintain  a Navy.  A 
well  equiped  Naval  force  is  indispensable  in  time  of  war  for 
the  protection  of  the  sea-board  cities,  and  even  in  times  of 
peace  a Navy  should  be  maintained  in  a country  so  situated  as 
ours.  The  entire  number  of  war  vessels  belonging  to  a coun- 
try is  called  its  Navy. 

After  our  Civil  War  our  Navy  was  permitted  to  dwindle 
into  insignificance,  but  the  last  session  of  Congress  adopted 
measures  with  a view  to  revive  the  Navy  and  make  it  what  it 
should  be  among  the  maritime  powers  of  the  world. 

NATURALIZATION. 

Congress  having  the  power  under  the  Constitution  has 
provided  that  any  Alien  having  arrived  in  the  United  States 
after  the  age  of  eighteen  years  may  be  admitted  to  the  rights 
of  citizenship,  after  a declaration  upon  his  part  on  oath  or 
affirmation  before  any  Court  of  competent  authority  two  years 
at  least  before  his  admission  that  it  is  his  bona  fide  intention 


558  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


to  become  a citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  to  renounce  for- 
ever all  allegiance  and  fidelity  to  any  foreign  Prince,  Potentate, 
State,  or  Sovereignty  whatsoever,  and  particularly  by  name 
that  of  which  he  is  a subject,  and  if  the  Alien  has  borne  any 
hereditary  title  or  order  of  nobility,  that  too  must  be  renounced. 

The  Alien  must  satisfy  the  Court  by  the  oath  of  at  least 
two  citizens,  that  he  has  continuously  resided  within  the  United 
States  five  years  at  least,  immediately  preceding  his  natural- 
ization, and  also  within  the  State  or  Territory  wherein  such 
Court  is  at  the  time  held  at  least  one  year  immediately  pre- 
vious to  such  naturalization,  and  that  during  such  five  years  he 
has  been  of  good  moral  character,  attached  to  the  principles  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  well  disposed  toward 
the  good  order  and  happiness  of  the  same.  When  admitted, 
the  Alien  must  take  an  oath  or  affirm,  that  he  will  support  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  renounce  all  allegiance 
to  any  foreign  power. 

The  required  declaration  to  become  a citizen  may  be  made 
at  the  end  of  two  years  residence  in  the  United  States,  and  in 
three  years  thereafter  he  may  again  appear  in  Court  and  take 
oath  of  allegiance,  when  the  rights  of  citizenship  will  be 
secured. 

If  the  Alien  die  after  having  filed  his  declaration  of 
intentions  to  become  a citizen  and  having  taken  the  necessary 
oath  or  affirmation,  his  widow  and  children  upon  taking  the 
necessary  oath  are  entitled  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
citizens. 

An  Alien  arriving  in  the  United  States  under  the  age  of 
eighteen  years  and  who  continues  to  reside  therein  may  after 
the  arriving  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  and  having  resided 
in  the  United  States  five  years,  including  the  three  years  of 
minority,  be  admitted  a citizen  without  making  any  formal 
declaration.  At  the  time  of  his  admission,  he  must  however 
make  such  declaration. 

He  must  satisfy  the  Court  also,  that  for  three  years  im- 
mediately preceding,  it  has  been  his  bona  fide  intention  to  be- 
come a citizen  of  the  United  States. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


559 


When  an  Alien  is  naturalized  his  children  under  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  if  residents  of  the  United  States  at  the  time, 
become  citizens  also. 

GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  TERRITORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Since  the  formation  of  our  Government  we  have  acquired 
an  immense  territory:  In  1803  we  purchased  from  France  the 
Louisiana  Territory  for  fifteen  million  dollars.  In  1819,  from 
Spain,  we  purchased  Florida. 

In  1815  Texas  was  admitted  into  the  Union. 

In  1818  we  received  California  from  Mexico,  and  in  1867 
we  purchased  Alaska  from  the  Russian  Government. 

The  Constitution  gives  Congress  the  power  to  dispose  of, 
and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  ter- 
ritory or  other  property  of  the  United  States.  Under  this 
provision  it  becomes  the  duty  of  Congress  to  make  such  rules 
and  regulations  as  shall  be  necessary  for  the  Government  of 
this  vast  territory,  until  sufficient  population  is  acquired,  which 
entitles  it  to  admission  into  the  Union  as  States. 

New  States  may  be  admitted  into  the  Union  by  conferred 
power  of  Congress. 

We  have  at  present  outside  of  State  limits  sufficient  terri- 
tory to  make  thirty  or  forty  States  equal  to  the  State  of  New 
York  in  area. 

FAILURE  TO  ELECT  SENATORS  AND  REPRESENTATIVES. 

It  is  necessary  that  all  the  States  should  be  represented  in 
the  National  Councils,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  each  State  to  elect 
their  Senators  and  Representatives,  and  no  State  should  neg- 
lect it.  Should  any  State  neglect  this  important  duty,  how- 
ever, the  Government  might  become  embarrassed  and  legisla- 
tion obstructed.  To  provide  for  such  contingency  the  Consti- 
tution therefore  vests  Congress  with  power  over  the  entire  sub- 
ject, save  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  Senators. 

PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTORS. 

Congress  is  vested  with  power  to  determine  the  time  of 
choosing  the  Presidential  Electors,  and  the  day  on  which  they 


560  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

shall  give  their  votes,  which  day  shall  be  the  same  throughout 
the  United  States.  The  Electors  are  chosen  to  meet  on  the 
second  Monday  in  January  next  following  their  appointment; 
and  the  Electors  shall  give  their  votes  the  first  Wednesday  in 
December,  after  their  election  at  their  respective  State  Capi- 
tals. 

PUBLIC  ACTS,  RECORDS,  AND  JUDICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  STATES. 

The  Constitution  provides  “that  full  faith  and  credit  shall 
be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records  and  judicial 
proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the  Congress  may  by 
general  laws,  prescribe  the  manner  in  which  such  acts,  records, 
and  proceedings  shall  be  proven  and  the  effect  thereof.” 

The  meaning  of  this  provision  in  the  Constitution  is  that 
when  a judgment  is  rendered  in  proper  form  by  a Court  in  one 
State,  having  jurisdiction  which  has  not  been  reversed,  set  aside, 
nor  appealed  from,  that  judgment  is  conclusive  ever  after 
between  all  parties  thereto,  and  it  will  be  received  when  offered 
as  evidence  in  any  other  Court  within  the  State.  By  virtue  of 
this  Constitutional  provision,  Congress  has  passed  laws  defining 
the  manner  in  which  judgments  shall  be  exemplified  and  the 
effect  to  be  given  thereto,  and  declaring  that  such  judgments 
shall  be  entitled  to  the  same  credit  uniformly  in  all  the  Courts 
of  the  United  States,  as  they  are  by  law  entitled  to  in  the 
Courts  of  the  State  within  which  the  judgments  were  rendered. 

AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

There  are  two  methods  of  amending  the  Constitution: 

I.  The  Constitution  provides,  Article  Y,  that  Congress 
shall  propose  amendments  to  the  Constitution  whenever  two- 
thirds  of  both  houses  shall  deem  it  necessary. 

By  this  method  the  proposed  amendment  is  drafted  in  due 
form  under  direction  of  Congress  and  submitted  to  the  Legis- 
latures of  the  several  States  for  ratification  or  rejection.  Or 
State  Conventions  may  be  called,  when  the  matter  may  be  sub- 
mitted to  them.  Or, 

II.  On  the  application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of 
the  several  States,  Congress  shall  call  a Convention  for  propos- 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


561 


ing  amendments,  which  in  either  case  shall  be  valid  to  all 
intents  and.  purposes  as  part  of  the  Constitution  when  ratified 
by  the  Legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by 
Conventions  in  three-fourths  of  the  States,  as  the  one  or  the 
other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  Congress. 
Under  the  foregoing  it  becomes  the  duty  of  Congress  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  proposed  amendments  shall  be  submitted  to 
the  State  Legislatures  or  State  Conventions,  and  this  whether 
such  amendments  shall  have  been  proposed  by  Congress,  or  by 
Conventions  called  to  propose  the  same. 

There  have  been  fifteen  amendments  to  the  Constitution, 
all  of  which  originated  with  Congress  and  were  ratified  by 
State  Legislatures. 

The  Thirteenth  and  Fifteenth  Amendments  relate  exclu- 
sively to  the  colored  people.  They  are  as  follows  : 

XIII.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except 
as  a punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been 
duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any 
place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  Article  by  appro- 
priate legislation. 

XY.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote 
shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any 
State,  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servi- 
tude. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  Article  by 
appropriate  legislation. 

METHOD  OF  MAKING  LAWS. 

For  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  provisions  of  the  Constitu- 
tion into  effect,  Congress  is  clothed  with  a general  law-making 
authority. 

The  Constitution  provides,  Congress  shall  assemble  once  in 
each  year,  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  or  on  proper  oc- 
casions the  President  may  convene  either  or  both  Houses. 
Laws  are  usually  introduced  in  Congress,  first  in  the  form  of 
bills.  A bill  is  a draft  of  a proposed  law.  After  the  meeting 


562  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


of  Congress,  the  Senate  and  House  proceed  to  organize,  by  the 
election  of  proper  officers.  The  House  elects  a Speaker  and 
other  officers,  and  the  Senate,  their  officers  except  the  Presi- 
dent. 

After  certain  preliminaries,  the  presiding  officer  arranges 
the  order  of  business.  Different  committees  are  appointed,  as 
Committee  on  Finance,  or  Committee  on  Commerce,  or  the  like. 

Committees  are  invested  with  authority  to  propose  such 
measures  for  legislation,  as  they  deem  proper,  relative  to  the 
subject  of  their  appointments.  Any  measure  adopted  in  Com- 
mittee is  drawn  up  in  the  form  of  a bill,  and  is  usually  intro- 
duced, upon  the  report  of  the  Committee,  to  the  House  by  the 
Chairman  of  the  Committee.  After  the  bill  is  reported,  it  may 
be  amended  by  either  House.  If  a bill  is  amended  by  one 
House,  after  having  passed  the  other,  it  must  be  re-submitted 
to  the  House  in  which  it  originated  for  their  concurrence.  A 
bill  may  become  a law  in  any  one  of  three  ways:  1.  After 
having  passed  both  Houses,  the  bill  is  sent  to  the  President. 
If  the  President  approve  it,  he  shall  sign  it  and  return  it  to 
the  House  when  it  becomes  a law.  2.  If  the  President  does 
not  approve  the  bill,  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to 
the  House  in  which  it  originated.  This  is  called  a veto.  The 
House  shall  then  enter  the  objections  on  their  journal,  and 
they  shall  then  proceed  to  reconsider  the  bill,  and  if  it  then 
pass  by  a two-thirds  vote  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the 
objections,  to  the  other  House  for  reconsideration,  and  if  ap- 
proved there  by  a two-thirds  majority,  it  shall  become  a law. 
3.  By  the  third  process,  the  bill  shall  pass  both  Houses  and 
is  presented  to  the  President  for  approval  and  signature.  If 
he  neglects  to  approve  it,  or  return  it  at  the  end  of  ten  days 
(Sundays  excepted),  it  becomes  a law,  unless  Congress,  by 
adjourning  within  that  time,  prevents  its  return. 

Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  that  by  the  first  process,  both  the 
Legislative  and  Executive  branches  of  the  Government  are 
concerned  in  making  the  law ; that  in  the  second  process,  the 
Legislative  alone,  and  in  the  third  process,  by  inaction  of  the 
Executive  department. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


563 


No  bill  can  be  put  upon  its  final  passage,  in  either  House, 
without  having  received  three  several  readings,  and  it  cannot 
be  read  more  than  once  the  same  day,  without  permission  of 
the  House.  The  discussions  of  the  bill,  if  any,  are  had  before 
the  third  reading,  or  between  that  and  the  vote.  The  vote  is 
taken  on  the  third  reading.  The  power  of  veto  is  an  important 
factor  in  Legislative  affairs.  Properly  used,  it  may  operate  as 
a beneficial  check  upon  hasty  legislation.  Bills  may  originate 
and  be  passed  through  Congress  in  party  spirit,  and  members 
may,  and  often  do,  vote,  influenced  by  the  heat  of  discussion. 
But  the  President,  not  having  taken  part  in  these  matters,  is 
supposed  to  be  capable  of  viewing  the  subject  from  a different 
stand  point,  and  with  impartial  judgment.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  veto  power  is  not  absolute,  and  should  the  President 
act  in  prejudice,  or  become  arrogant,  the  bill  may  be  passed  by 
a two-thirds  vote  over  the  veto. 

Thus  the  Constitution  gives  the  President  about  one-sixth 
the  power  of  both  Houses,  in  making  the  laws. 

And  not  only  has  the  President  this  power,  in  relation  to 
the  laws,  but  every  resolution,  order  or  vote  must  receive  his 
sanction,  to  which  the  concurrence  of  Congress  may  be  neces- 
sary, except  on  a question  of  adjournment.  This  restriction  is 
to  prevent  Congress  from  exercising  their  authority  in  the 
form  of  orders,  resolutions  or  votes,  to  avoid  the  veto  power. 

RESTRICTIONS  ON  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  Constitution  provides  that  the  privilege  of  the 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  unless,  when  in 
case  of  rebellion  or  insurrection,  the  public  safety  may  require 
it.  The  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  a legal  writ,  directed  to  a 
person  detaining  another,  commanding  him  to  produce  the 
person  in  court,  in  order  that  the  legality  of  the  restraint  may 
be  inquired  into. 

This  is  the  most  famous  writ  known  to  the  law,  and  has 
been  justly  termed  the  bulwark  of  Civil  liberty.  The  writ 
cannot  be  issued  as  a means  to  determine  the  guilt  or  innocence 
of  the  person,  but  only  for  the  purpose  of  determining  the 


564  BISTORT  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


legality  of  the  restraint  between  the  caption  and  the  day  of 
tnal.  The  date  of  the  origin  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is 
lost  in  the  early  dawn  of  history.  Traces  of  its  existence  we 
find  in  the  year  book,  and  it  appears  to  have  been  familiar  to, 
and  well  understood  by,  the  Judges  in  the  reign  of  Henry  YI. 
It  is  the  great  sheet-anchor  of  personal  liberty,  of  which  all 
may  be  justly  proud.  It  was  one  of  those  great  rights  tardily 
and  reluctantly  conceded  by  tyranny  to  freedom,  in  earlier 
times.  Persons  are  often  illegally  restrained  and  imprisoned, 
and  the  writ  may  issue  at  their  instance,  or  at  the  instance  of 
some  one  in  their  behalf.  The  writ  may  be  issued  by  the 
Supreme,  District  or  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  or  by 
any  of  the  Judges  thereof,  and  by  the  statutes  of  the  several 
States,  may  be  issued  by  the  Supreme,  District  or  Circuit 
Courts  of  the  States,  or  by  the  Judges  of  any  such  Courts. 
The  writ  is  never  to  be  denied  when  the  Civil  Courts  are  open, 
and  it  can  only  be  suspended  in  case  of  rebellion  or  insurrec- 
tion. In  those  cases,  it  would  not  be  proper  to  extend  it  to 
prisoners  and  enemies  of  the  Government. 

COMMERCE  BETWEEN  THE  STATES. 

It  is  a Constitutional  provision  that  no  preference  shall  be 
given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports  of 
one  State  over  those  of  another,  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to  or 
from  one  State  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear  or  pay  duties  in  another. 
The  object  of  this  provision  is  to  prevent  discrimination  between 
the  products  of  different  States,  and  no  preference  is  accorded 
to  the  products  of  one  State  over  those  of  another,  and  vessels 
bound  from  one  State  cannot  be  compelled  to  pay  any  such  fees 
or  duties.  That  is,  a vessel  in  the  course  of  its  voyage  cannot, 
in  passing,  be  compelled  to  pay  fees  or  duties  to  an  intermedi- 
ate port.  They  can  be  collected  only  at  the  port  of  entry. 

DRAWING  PUBLIC  MONEY. 

Money  cannot  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury,  but  in  conse- 
quence of  appropriations  made  by  law,  no  person  has  any 
authority  to  draw  public  money  without  appropriations  having 
been  legally  made.  The  appropriations  must  be  made  by  Con- 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


565 


gress  and  sanctioned  by  the  President,  and  until  this  is  done 
none  of  the  Government  officials  have  the  authority  to  draw  a 
single  dollar.  The  object  of  this  provision  is  to  prevent  lavish 
and  profuse  expenditures  of  the  public  money. 

Regular  statements  of  the  accounts  of  the  receipts  and 
expenditures,  of  all  public  money  shall  be  published  from  time 
to  time.  There  is  little  danger  of  squandering  public  funds, 
when  the  persons  in  charge  of  the  same  are  required  to 
publish  to  the  world  the  record  of  the  receipts  and  expendi- 
tures, and  to  render  an  account  to  the  people  of  every  dollar 
that  is  received  by  them. 

TITLES  OF  NOBILITY. 

The  Constitution  says  no  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted 
by  the  United  States. 

Our  Government  is  founded  on  the  theory  that  all  men  are 
created  equal.  Hereditary  titles  are  repugnant  to  its  institu- 
tions. Republican  simplicity  and  equality  are  its  characteris- 
tics. The  framers  of  our  Government  were  jealous  of  heredi- 
tary titles  and  forbid  the  United  States  from  granting  the  same. 
Nor  can  anyone  become  a citizen  without  he  renounce  any 
such  title. 

BILLS  OF  ATTAINDER  AND  EX  POST  FACTO  LAWS. 

Bills  of  attainder  and  ex  posi  jacio  laws  are  forbidden  by 
the  Constitution.  A bill  of  attainder  is  a special  act  passed  by 
the  Legislature  inflicting  punishment  of  death  upon  a person 
without  his  having  been  convicted  by  due  process  of  law.  In 
early  times  this  practice  was  common  in  England.  They  are 
called  attainder  because  the  person  against  whom  the  act  is 
passed,  is  said  to  become  attainted ; his  blood  by  fixtion  of  law 
corrupted,  nothing  passes  by  inheritance  to,  from,  or  through 
him,  and  all  his  estate,  real  and  personal,  is  forfeited  to  the  Gov- 
ernment. Such  a law  is  cruel  in  the  extreme,  a relic  of  barbar- 
ism and  unjust.  During  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII  persons 
of  the  highest  rank,  by  this  means,  were  frequently  brought  to 
the  scaffold,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  the  Earl  of  Surrey, 


566  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  Earl  of  Esses,  and  others,  who  suffered  for  denying  the 
King’s  supremacy. 

In  most  of  these  cases  the  bills  were  passed  upon  evidence 
which  never  could  have  been  received  as  sufficient  or  admissi- 
ble in  a Court  of  law,  and  there  are  even  instances  where  par- 
ties were  attainted  and  punished  without  there  being  any  evi- 
dence against  them  at  all,  and  even  without  their  being  heard 
in  their  defense.  But  not  only  are  such  bills  forbidden,  but 
the  Constitution  further  provides  that  no  attainder  of  treason 
shall  work  corruption  of  blood  or  forfeiture,  except  during  the 
life  of  the  person  attained.  That  is,  although  a person  may  be 
legally  convicted  of  treason,  yet  such  conviction  shall  work 
a forfeiture  only  during  his  life. 

An  ex  post  facto  law  is  but  little  more  just  than  a bill  of 
attainder.  A law  which  makes  an  act  criminal,  which  was  not 
so  when  committed,  or  one  which  increases  the  penalty  that 
attaches  to  an  act  already  committed,  is  called  an  ex  post  facto 
law. 

CLAIMS  AGAINST  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  Constitution  declares  that  nothing  therein  shall  be 
construed  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of 
any  particular  State.  The  object  of  this  clause  was  to  give 
those  holding  claims  against  the  Government,  under  the  Con- 
federation, assurance  that  their  rights  would  be  respected  and 
their  claims  equally  valid  under  the  new  form  of  Government, 
and  it  further  provides,  also,  that  all  debts  contracted,  and  en- 
gagements entered  into,  before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion should  be  as  valid  against  the  United  States,  under  the 
Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation ; and  all  debts  author- 
ized by  law,  and  payments  of  pensions  and  bounties,  should 
not  be  questioned.  But  no  State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt 
or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion 
against  the  United  States. 

RELIGIOUS  TESTS. 

The  Constitution  says  that  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be 
required  as  a qualification  to  any  office  or  public  trust  under 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  EIGHTS. 


567 


tlie  United  States,  and  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting 
the  establishment  of  religion  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise 
thereof.  To  keep  forever  separate  Church  and  State,  is  a cardi- 
nal principle  of  our  Government.  Every  man  may  worship 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience.  To  require 
religious  tests,  therefore,  would  be  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  our 
institutions. 

PETITIONS. 

Congress  is  also  prohibited  from  passing  any  law  denying 
the  right  of  the  people  to  peaceably  assemble  and  petition  the 
Government  for  a redress  of  their  grievances. 

This  is  one  of  the  means  by  which  a people  may  bring  to  the 
notice  of  the  Government  their  wants  and  desires,  and  all  just 
Governments  should  give  respectful  attention  to  addresses  com- 
ing from  the  people. 

THE  MILITIA. 

A well  regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of 
a free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  bear  arms  shall  not  be 
infringed.  This  is  a just  provision  of  the  Constitution  made 
in  the  interests  of  the  people.  It  refers  to  the  organization  of 
State  militia,  as  distinguished  from  a standing  army. 

Many  of  the  Foreign  Governments  keep  large  standing 
armies  at  the  expense  of  the  people.  At  present  the  standing 
army  of  Great  Britain  is  about  215,000 ; of  Austria,  354,000; 
Germany,  430,000;  France,  525,000;  while  Russia  has  a 
standing  army  of  818,000.  These  immense  armies  of  men  are 
kept  and  fed  in  idleness  at  the  expense  of  the  people. 

A Government  might  be  overthrown  by  the  usurpation  of 
a large  standing  army,  but  under  our  system  of  Government, 
militia  sufficient  could  soon  be  summoned  together  that  would 
far  outnumber  any  standing  army  that  this  country  will  ever 
tolerate  in  time  of  peace.  The  standing  army  of  the  United 
States  at  present,  is  about  33,000.  It  is  made  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  provide  for  organizing,  arming  and  disciplining 
the  militia,  and  for  governing  such  part  of  them,  as  may  be 
employed  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  but  the  States 


568  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


have  the  right  to  appoint  their  officers  and  to  train  their  mili- 
tia, according  to  the  rules  prescribed  by  Congress. 

NEW  STATES  NOT  TO  BE  FORMED. 

By  virtue  of  Constitutional  provision  no  new  State  can  be 
formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  other  State,  nor 
any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States  or  parts 
of  States  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislature,  or  of  the  States 
concerned.  In  the  Constitutional  Convention  the  larger  States 
feared  that  smaller  States  might  be  erected  out  of  their  terri- 
tory, while  the  smaller  States  feared  that,  without  their  consent, 
they  might  be  attached  to  other  States.  These  provisions  of 
the  Constitution  were  made  as  a guarantee  against  such  results. 
Virginia,  however,  was  divided  in  1863.  But  that  was  a war 
measure  and  was  justified  as  such.  Upon  the  secession  of  Vir- 
ginia from  the  Union  the  people  of  the  Western  portion  of  the 
State,  being  loyal,  formed  themselves  into  a State,  and  were 
admitted  into  the  Union  under  the  name  of  West  Virginia. 

FEDERAL  GUARANTEES. 

The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this 
Union  a Republican  form  of  Government  and  shall  protect 
each  of  them  against  invasion,  and  on  the  application  of  the 
Legislature,  or  of  the  Executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot 
be  convened)  against  domestic  violence.  By  this  provision  of 
the  Constitution  the  United  States  are  bound  to  see  that  the 
voice  of  the  people,  as  expressed  through  the  ballot,  shall 
control,  and  that  the  laws  of  each  shall  be  respected  and 
enforced.  The  States  have  the  right  to  the  protection  of  the 
Federal  Government  against  foreign  invasion.  States  cannot 
engage  in  war,  individually,  and  therefore  require  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Government  at  large. 

Under  a Republican  form  of  Government  there  is  much 
liability  to  domestic  violence  and  insurrection.  Therefore  in 
such  cases,  when  properly  applied  for,  it  becomes  the  duty  of 
the  General  Government  to  lend  its  power  in  suppressing 
domestic  violence. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


569 


RIGHTS  OF  CITIZENSHIP. 

Tli©  Constitution  provides  that  the  citizens  in  each  State 
are  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  the  citizens 
of  the  several  States,  and  by  the  same  authority  all  persons 
horn  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States  and  subject  to  its 
jurisdiction,  are  citizens  thereof,  and  of  the  State  in  which  they 
reside.  By  these  provisions  citizenship  is  made  National,  and 
a person  being  a citizen  in  one  State  may  change  his  domicile 
to  any  other,  and  he  is  entitled  to  the  same  privileges  and 
rights  under  the  latter  as  in  the  former  State.  He  may  hold 
and  enjoy  office,  acquire  property,  the  same  in  his  adopted,  as 
in  his  native  State. 

FUGITIVES  FROM  JUSTICE. 

A person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  any 
other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice  and  be  found  in 
another,  shall,  on  demand  of  the  Executive  authority  of  the 
State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up  to  be  removed  to  the 
State  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime.  Were  it  not  for  this 
clause  in  the  Constitution,  persons  could  commit  crimes  in  one 
State  with  impunity  and  then  flee  to  some  other  State  and 
evade  punishment. 

Fugitives  from  justice,  who  are  in  a foreign  State,  are 
obtained  by  process  called  requisition,  it  being  a demand  in 
writing,  accompanied  by  certain  preliminaries,  on  the  Executive 
authority  of  the  State  to  which  the  criminal  fled,  but  as  each 
State  has  its  own  regulations  in  relation  to  these  matters  it 
would  be  impracticable  to  refer  to  them  here  in  detail. 

ENUMERATION  OF  RIGHTS. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall 
not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the 
people,  and  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to 
the  States,  respectively,  or  to  the  people.  These  provisions 
speak  for  themselves. 

In  the  first  instance,  the  very  fact  that  certain  enumerated 
powers  are  reserved  to  the  States,  shall  not  be  construed  to 


570  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

deny  to  the  States  rights  that  are  not  so  enumerated.  In  the 
second  place,  as  all  the  powers  ot  the  General  Government  are 
derived  either  by  delegation  from  the  States  or  restrictions  on 
the  States,  Governmental  authority  extends  no  further  than 
to  such  powers — all  others  being  reserved  to  the  several  States 
or  to  the  people. 

OBLIGATIONS  OF  STATES. 

The  ratification  of  the  Constitution  by  the  Conventions  of 
nine  of  the  States,  was  made  sufficient  by  that  instrument  for 
the  establishment  of  the  same  between  those  States  so  ratify- 
ing it.  But  there  was  no  obligation  resting  upon  the  States 
requiring  them  to  adopt  the  Constitution.  They  could  come 
into  the  Union  under  the  Constitution,  or  they  could  refuse. 
If  they  adopted  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  they  became 
subject  thereto,  and  to  all  of  its  amendments.  Had  they  not 
adopted  it,  they  would  have  remained  independent  Govern- 
ments, as  distinct  from  the  National  Government  as  Cuba  or 
San  Domingo. 

THE  SUPREME  LAW. 

“ The  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  United  States  which 
are  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which 
shall  be  made,  under  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the 
Supreme  Law  of  the  land,  and  the  Judges  in  every  State  shall  be 
bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  Laws  of  any 
State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.”  By  this  provision  all 
States  are  bound  by  the  Constitution  and  the  Laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  should  any  State  pass  laws  in  conflict  with 
any  such,  the  same  would  be  void.  States  may  adopt  Consti- 
tutions and  laws  regulating  their  own  affairs,  but  they  must 
accord  in  the  main  with  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  anything  which  contravenes  them  is  utterly  void. 
There  are  certain  police  powers,  however,  inherent  in  every 
State,  and  States  have  the  right  to  legislate  upon  such  subjects 
in  a manner  different  from  the  United  States.  For  instance 
the  United  States  Government  may  grant  license  to  sell  intoxi- 
cating liquors,  while  the  States,  acting  under  their  general 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS, 


571 


police  powers,  may  prohibit  the  sale  of  such  liquors  entirely. 
In  such  case  there  is  no  conflict  between  the  Federal  and  State 
Government. 

In  case  of  a conflict  between  the  Federal  and  the  State 
Government,  tho  former  must  prevail,  and  the  Judges  are 
bound  to  so  consider  the  law.  Were  this  not  so,  the  Govern- 
ment would  be  characterized  by  weakness,  and  the  laws  liable  to 
be  set  aside  by  State  legislation. 

STATE  RESTRICTIONS. 

The  Constitution  declares  that  no  State  shall  enter  into  any 
treaty.  Alliance,  or  Confederation.  This  is  to  prevent  States 
from  making  Confederations  or  Alliances.  Were  States  not  thus 
restricted  they  might  form  Alliances  which  might  become  dan- 
gerous to  the  stability  of  the  Government,  might  form  Alliances 
with  Great  Britain,  Russia,  or  other  Foreign  Powers,  and  set 
the  authority  of  the  United  States  at  defiance.  States  cannot 
grant  Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal.  This  power  belongs  to 
the  General  Government.  Nor  can  States  coin  money.  Were 
the  States  vested  with  this  power,  the  forms,  weights, 
and  values  of  money  might  be  changed,  and  the  value  of  the 
circulating  medium  impaired.  States  ar8  also  prohibited  from 
emitting  bills  of  credit,  and  making  anything  but  gold  and 
silver  a legal  tender  for  debts.  By  a bill  of  credit  is  meant  an 
engagement  to  pay  money  issued  by  Governmental  authority. 
Such  bills  were  issued  by  most  if  not  all  the  States  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  but  few,  if  any,  of  such  bills 
were  ever  redeemed. 

The  authority  to  create  a paper  currency  belongs  to  the 
General  Government.  The  legal  tender  paper  money  of  the 
country  was  made  so  by  act  of  Congress,  passed  in  1862,  and 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  declared  the  law 
Constitutional.  Were  the  States  permitted  to  issue  and  make 
paper  money  a legal  tender,  large  amounts  of  money  might  be 
thrust  upon  the  country  by  any  State  without  the  ability  to 
meet  the  obligation  which  would  greatly  unsettle  commercial 
affairs  and  business  transactions.  No  State  is  permitted  to  pass 
bills  of  attainder  or  ex-post  facto  laws.  Such  laws  are  contrary 


572  BISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

to  the  spirit  of  all  free  Government  and  counter  to  every  prin- 
ciple of  justice,  and  neither  the  United  States,  nor  any  State 
can  enact  them.  No  State  can  pass  any  law  impairing  the  ob- 
ligations of  contracts.  It  is  an  underlying  principle  of  law  in 
relation  to  contracts  that  their  obligations  shall  be  faithfully 
observed  by  the  parties  entering  into  them,  and  the  Courts  are 
bound  to  enforce  such  contracts,  according  to  the  intent  of  the 
parties.  Contracts  may  be  improvidently  entered  into,  but  the 
engagements  thereof  should  be  strictly  enforced.  It  is  not  the 
province  of  the  Courts  to  make  contracts  for  parties,  but  it  is 
their  business  to  construe  them.  Should  any  State  pass  a law 
impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  the  same  would  be  de- 
clared unconstitutional  and  void. 

States  are  forbidden  from  granting  titles  of  nobility.  Aris- 
tocracy in  all  its  forms  is  against  the  spirit  of  a Republican 
form  of  Government.  In  this  country  a man  is  esteemed  for 
his  inherent  worth  and  moral  qualities,  and  not  for  titles  and 
dignities. 

Dukes,  Marquises,  Earls,  Viscounts  and  Barons  may  pos- 
sess these  qualities,  but  not  always,  and  we  are  sorry  to  add, 
very  frequently  do  not  possess  them. 

No  State  shall  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  ex- 
ports, except  what  shall  be  necessary  for  executing  its  inspec- 
tion laws,  and  the  net  products  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  levied 
by  any  State,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States,  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and 
control  of  Congress.  The  reasons  for  this  provision  are  to 
create  uniformity  m commercial  affairs,  and  to  guard  against 
discriminations;  but  there  is  a slight  distinction  as  to  the 
inspection  laws,  they  being  laws  to  ascertain  the  qualities  of 
articles,  before  they  become  articles  of  commerce,  to  fit  them 
for  exportation  and  domestic  use. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace, 
enter  into  any  engagement  or  compact  with  any  other  State,  or 
with  any  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  in- 
vaded or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


573 


Tonnage  here  referred  to,  is  a duty  or  tax  levied  on  vessels 
in  proportion  to  the  cubical  contents  expressed  by  tons.  Were 
States  permitted  to  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war,  or  form  alli- 
ances, or  declare  war,  without  the  consent  of  the  Government, 
they  might,  at  will,  amass  large  armies  and  navies  and  form 
alliances  with  foreign  powers.  The  stability  of  the  Govern- 
ment might  be  endangered,  and  civil  turmoil  ensue. 

PERSONAL  RIGHTS. 

By  Article  3,  of  the  Constitutional  Amendment,  no  soldier 
shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house  without  the 
consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a manner  pre- 
scribed by  law. 

This  clause  in  the  Constitution  had  its  origin  from  the  fact 
that  before  the  Revolutionary  War  the  British  Government 
was  in  the  habit  of  quartering  troops  upon  the  people,  and  in 
his  terrific  arraignment  of  George  III.,  Mr.  Jefferson  sets  it 
forth  as  one  of  the  grievances  of  the  Colonists.  During  those 
times,  the  haughty  and  tyrannical  George  quartered  his  in  so- 
lent  and  domineering  soldiery  upon  the  people,  and  spurned, 
with  contempt,  their  petitions  for  relief.  If  there  is  one  place 
on  earth  that  should  be  sacred  from  intrusion,  it  is  home. 
Around  it  the  tender  memories  of  father,  mother,  sister, 
brother,  cling  with  ever  endearing  remembrances,  not  to  be 
broken  with  the  thread  of  life.  No  free  people  will  permit  its 
sancity  to  be  violated,  and  all  just  Governments  should  afford 
it  protection. 

In  time  of  war  it  might  become  necessary  to  quarter  troops 
upon  the  people,  but  this  could  only  be  done  in  the  manner 
directed  by  law. 

RESTRICTIONS  AGAINST  UNLAWFUL  SEIZURES  AND  SEARCHES. 

Article  IY.  of  the  Amendment  says:  The  right  of  the 
people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers  and  effects, 
against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated 
and  no  warrant  shall  issue  but  upon  probable  cause,  supported 
by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing  the  place  to 
be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized.  In  all 


574 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


ages,  the  abuses  of  tyranny  have  been  furthered  by  seizures 
and  searches,  and  men  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty  and 
property  by  such  means.  The  authors  of  our  Government,  by 
this  article,  define  the  conditions,  and  limit  the  terms  upon 
which  warrants  of  search  may  issue,  and  it  is  a perpetual  safe- 
guard against  all  illegal  seizures.  The  warrant  must  particu- 
larly describe  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  person  or  thing 
to  be  seized,  and  it  must  be  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  of 
the  person  procuring  the  issuance  of  the  warrant. 

INDICTMENT  AND  TRIAL. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a capital  or  otherwise 
infamous  crime,  unless  on  presentment  or  indictment  of  a 
Grand  J ury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces, 
or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  pub- 
lic danger,  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offense 
to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb,  nor  be  compelled,  in 
any  criminal  case,  to  be  a witness  against  himself,  nor  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property,  without  due  process  of 
law,  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use,  without 
just  compensation. 

The  expression,  capital  crime,  as  here  used,  refers  to  a 
crime  the  punishment  of  which  is  death,  such  as  murder,  trea- 
son, piracy,  or  the  like,  while  an  infamous  crime  refers  to  one 
which  works  infamy,  as  loss  of  honor,  among  which  may  be 
mentioned  perjury,  forgery  or  larceny.  An  indictment  is  a 
written  accusation  against  a person  of  a crime  or  misdemeanor, 
presented  to,  and  preferred  upon  oath  or  affirmation,  by  a 
Grand  Jury  legally  convoked.  A Grand  Jury  is  a body  of 
men,  consisting  of  not  less  than  twelve  nor  more  than  twenty- 
four,  but  in  practice,  only  twenty-three  are  sworn.  Being 
called  into  the  jury  box,  they  are  usually  permitted  to  select  a 
Foreman. 

They  have  jurisdiction  co-extensive  with  the  Court.  They 
have  power  to  compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses,  and  to 
examine  them  in  support  of  the  indictment.  They  sit  with 
«losed  doors,  and  are  sworn  to  keep  secret  their  proceedings. 


CIVIL  AXD  POLITICAL  EIGHTS. 


575 


The  Prosecuting  Attorney  has  access  to  them,  advises  them  as 
to  matters  of  law,  and  draws  up  the  indictment  in  legal  form, 
and  the  Foreman  of  the  Grand  Jury  indorses  on  the  indict- 
ment the  words,  “A  true  bill,”  and  signs  his  name  under  these 
words. 

When  an  indictment  is  thus  found  and  returned  the  accused 
is  arrested  upon  a warrant  issued  by  which  he  is  brought  into 
Court  and  is  arraigned  for  trial  before  the  Petit  Jury,  unless  he 
procure  an  adjournment.  This  is  the  mode  of  procedure  in  all 
such  cases,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces, 
or  in  the  militia  when  in  actual  service,  or  in  time  of  war,  or 
public  danger.  The  cases  mentioned  in  the  exception  are  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  Courts  Martial,  which  are  military  or  naval 
tribunals. 

They  have  jurisdiction  of  offenses  against  the  law  of  service 
Military  or  Naval,  they  may  be  general,  regimental,  or  gar- 
rison, according  as  to  how  the  offense  occurred.  In  these  cases 
the  accused  is  punished  without  the  formalities  of  an  indict- 
ment. 

By  the  same  clause  a person  cannot  be  put  twice  in  jeopardy 
for  the  same  offense.  There  is  considerable  room  for  discus- 
sion as  to  when  a person  may  be  said  to  have  been  once  in 
jeopardy,  but  a discussion  of  this  question  is  not  in  place  in  a 
work  of  this  character.  But  the  meaning  of  the  expression  is, 
however,  that  a person  after  having  been  once  tried  for  an 
offense  and  acquitted  can  never  be  again  tried  upon  the  same 
charge.  It  seems  but  just  that  a person  after  having  once 
passed  the  ordeal  of  a criminal  trial  should  not  again  be  com- 
pelled to  defend  himself  against  the  same  charge  in  a Court  of 
Justice.  If  once  acquitted  he  is  forever  afterward  to  be  pre- 
sumed innocent  of  the  charge  and  the  record  of  acquittal  when 
offered  in  evidence  is  conclusive  proof  of  his  innocence.  By 
the  same  provision  no  person  can  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty, 
or  property  without  due  process  of  law.  By  due  process  of  law 
we  may  understand,  law  as  applied  in  its  regular  course  through 
Courts  of  Justice,  according  to  rules  and  usages  established  and 
sanctioned  by  procedure  and  precedent.  Governments  are  es- 


576  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


tablished  for  the  safety  and  happiness  of  the  citizen,  the  pro- 
tection of  life,  liberty  and  property,  and  this  clause  of  the  Con- 
stitution is  declaratory  of  that  principle. 

By  the  same  provision  no  person  in  a criminal  case  shall  be 
compelled  to  be  a witness  against  himself.  In  the  days  of 
tyranny  persons  charged  with  crime  were  frequently  compelled 
to  make  disclosures  and  confessions  against  themselves.  This 
practice  was  carried  to  great  extent.  Many  were  thrown  into 
prison  and  there  confined  until  famine  and  hunger  compelled 
them  to  make  statements  criminating  themselves,  and  resort 
was  often  had  to  all  the  horrors  of  torture  that  depraved  human- 
ity could  conceive- — the  thumb  screw,  the  wheel,  the  rack,  the 
fire,  were  all  employed  as  agents  to  extract  confessions.  But 
those  times  have  passed.  Under  the  genial  sunshine  and  benign 
influence  of  liberty  they  are  gone  never  to  return,  and  this  Con- 
stitutional guaranty  is  declaratory  of  a just  sentiment  of  rational 
liberty. 

Under  the  same  provision  private  property  can  only  be 
taken  by  due  process  of  law  and  upon  just  compensation.  It 
may  often  become  necessary  that  private  property  be  taken  for 
public  purposes,  in  time  of  war  for  the  support  of  the  army,  or 
to  make  bridges,  railroads,  and  canals  and  the  law  here  pro- 
vides the  remedy. 

“ In  criminal  proceedings  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right 
to  a speedy  and  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State 
and  district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed, 
which  district  shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law, 
and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation,  to 
be  confronted  wdth  the  witnesses  against  him,  to  have  compul- 
sory process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have 
the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defense.” 

These  Constitutional  rights  are  extended  to  all  parties  upon 
trial  for  crime.  Every  principle  announced  has  been  denied 
the  criminal  in  the  early  English  history.  The  trial  must  be 
speedy  and  public,  and  shall  be  had  before  a Petit  Jury,  which 
shall  consist  of  twelve  men,  selected  so  as  to  avoid,  if  possible,  all 
prejudice  or  partiality,  from  the  State  and  district  in  which  the 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


577 


crime  was  committed.  He  is  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause 
of  the  accusation,  by  the  indictment  which  must  set  forth  the 
nature  of  the  offense  with  precision  and  exactness,  and  he  is 
usually  entitled  to  a copy  of  the  indictment,  if  demanded,  and 
of  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses  who  have  been  examined 
before  the  Grand  Jury  in  procuring  the  indictment. 

The  right  to  be  confronted  with  witnesses  is  extended  to 
the  accused  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him  to  observe  the 
deportment  and  demeanor  of  the  witness  while  testifying, 
and  to  subject  him  to  the  test  of  cross-examination.  “By 
means  of  which  the  situation  of  the  witness  in  respect  to  the 
parties  and  to  the  subject  of  litigation,  his  interest,  his  motives, 
his  inclination,  and  his  prejudices,  his  means  of  obtaining  a 
correct  and  certain  knowledge  of  the  facts  to  which  he  bears 
testimony,  the  manner  in  'which  he  has  used  those  means,  his 
powers  of  discernment,  memory,  and  description,  are  all  fully 
investigated  and  ascertained,  and  submitted  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  jury  before  whom  he  has  testified,  and  who  have 
thus  had  an  opportunity  of  observing  his  demeanor,  and  of 
determining  the  just  "weight  and  value  of  his  testimony.” 

The  right  to  compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses  in  his 
favor,  is  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him  to  make  his  defense, 
and  to  establish  what  may  be  in  his  favor,  and  to  this  end  the 
State  must  furnish  the  necessary  means  to  secure  the  attend- 
ance of  the  witnesses. 

The  right  to  counsel  also,  is  guaranteed  in  furtherance  of 
the  principles  of  justice,  and  should  the  accused  be  without 
means  to  employ  couusel,  the  Government  must  provide  him 
counsel  at  its  own  expense.  Neither  counsel  nor  witnesses 
were  allowed  the  accused  in  early  times.  The  Judges  were 
supposed  to  see  that  his  legal  rights  were  protected,  and  wit- 
nesses in  his  favor  were  regarded  as  unnecessary.  In  the  days 
when  the  infamous  Jeffreys  “rode  the  West  Circuit,”  hundreds 
of  people  suffered  death  in  violation  of  all  these  principles. 
The  victims  were  dragged  from  the  court  shrieking  for  justice. 
Judge  Jeffreys’  court  is  known  in  English  history  as  the 
“Bloody  Assizes.  ” 


578  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


In  all  cases,  except  murder  and  some  other  heinous 
offenses,  the  accused  has  the  right  to  be  discharged  from  cus- 
tody upon  giving  bail  for  his  appearance  and  trial,  and  bail 
shall  not  be  excessive,  but  reasonable  in  amount.  Were  it  not 
for  this  provision,  a person  without  means  might  be  cast  into 
prison  upon  trifling  charges,  and  held  in  custody  upon 
the  mere  fact  of  his  inability  to  furnish  exorbitant  bail. 
In  all  cases  the  bail  should  be  commensurate  with  the 
offense. 

Fines  and  punishments  shall  not  be  excessive,  nor  cruel 
and  unusual.  Legal  writers  inform  us  that  it  is  not  so  much 
in  the  degree  of  punishment,  as  in  its  certainty,  that  prevents 
crime. 

“ In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy 
shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be 
preserved;  and  no  fact  tried  by  a jury  shall  be  otherwise 
re-examined  in  any  Court  of  the  United  States  than  according 
to  the  rules  of  the  common  law.” 

It  will  be  seen  by  this  that  in  cases  at  common  law,  where 
the  value  exceeds  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  a jury  trial  is 
preserved,  but  this  right  extends  solely  to  suits  at  common  law, 
as  distinguished  from  admiralty,  or  Courts  of  maritime  juris- 
diction, or  from  equitable  actions,  where  the  Court  determines 
both  the  law  and  the  fact.  If  the  value  is  less  than  twenty 
dollars  the  right  of  a jury  does  not  exist. 

The  right  of  trial  by  jury  in  civil  as  well  as  in  criminal 
cases  has  long  been  regarded  as  indispensable  to  the  proper 
and  impartial  administration  of  justice,  and  it  is  therefore  zeal- 
ously guarded  by  the  Constitution.  This  right  had  its  origin 
in  England  about  nine  hundred  years  ago,  and  was  brought  to 
this  country  by  the  Colonists.  Trial  by  jury  is  said  to  have 
been  introduced  into  England  by  Alfred  the  Great,  known  in 
English  history  as  the  good  King  Alfred. 

When  a case  has  once  been  tried  it  can  never  again  be 
tried,  unless  a motion  for  a new  trial  prevails  or  the  same  has 
been  reversed  on  appeal,  or  writ  of  error,  to  a higher  Court. 
Were  this  not  the  case  law  suits  and  litigation  would  be  unrea- 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


579 


sonably  prolonged.  Tliis  clause  therefore  is  designed  to  oper- 
ate as  a check  upon  heedless  litigation. 

THE  EXECUTIVE  POWER  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  Executive  power  is  vested  in  a President  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  He  holds  his  office  for  the  term  of  four 
years,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  who  is  chosen  for  the 
same  term.  This  power  being  vested  in  the  President  secures 
energy  and  vigor  to  the  Government,  without  which  it  could 
not  command  respect  at  home  nor  fear  abroad.  Laws  must  be 
enforced  and  neglect  in  these  matters  teaches  disrespect  of  all 
authority.  Therefore  the  President  must  take  care  that  the 
laws  are  faithfully  executed.  The  term  of  office  of  the  Presi- 
dent extends  four  years,  but  this  does  not  prevent  his  re-elec- 
tion for  a further  term,  and  the  same  person  has  frequently 
been  elected  to  a second  term.  The  Constitution  does  not 
prohibit  a third  term,  yet  no  one  has  ever  been  thus  elected. 
There  is  a tacit  understanding  that  two  terms  is  the  maximum, 
and  the  sentiment  of  the  people  is  decidedly  against  a third. 
In  this  country  the  voice  of  the  people  in  Governmental  affairs 
is  omnipotent,  and  should  a candidate  aspire  for  a third  term, 
then  would  he  understand  and  realize  the  full  force  of  that 
silent  and  mighty  power  in  the  determined  opposition  of  fifty- 
two  millions  of  free  and  enlightened  people. 

The  Presidential  term  commences  on  the  fourth  day  of 
March  next  after  his  election,  but  in  case  of  death,  resigna- 
tion or  removal,  during  the  term  for  which  he  is  elected,  the 
Vice-President,  or  person  who  succeeds  him,  serves  the  unex- 
pired portion  of  his  term  of  office. 

President  Cleveland  is  the  twenty-second  President  of  the 
United  States  and  his  administration  is  the  twenty-sixth  Pres- 
idential term  since  the  formation  of  the  Government. 

No  person,  except  a natural  born  citizen  or  a citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution, 
is  eligible  to  the  office  of  President.  Neither  shall  any  person 
be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age 
of  thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a resident  within 


580  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


the  United  States.  Tlae  qualification  of  citizenship,  was 
thought  necessary  in  order  to  exclude  persons  of  foreign  birth 
from  holding  the  office  of  President,  except  persons  who  be- 
came citizens  before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  that  of 
age,  to  give  him  judgment,  experience  and  wisdom,  while  the 
residence  was  designed  to  acquaint  him  with  the  genius  and 
spirit  of  our  institutions,  and  to  enable  the  people  to  judge  of 
his  character,  patriotism  and  worth. 

Congress  has  the  authority  to  determine  the  time  of  choos- 
ing the  Electors.  Under  which  authority  a law  has  been 
passed  that  the  Electors  in  each  State  shall  be  chosen  on  the 
first  Tuesday  after  the  first  Monday  in  November  of  the  year 
of  the  Presidential  election.  The  number  of  Electors  always 
corresponding  with  the  number  of  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives to  which  the  States  are  entitled  in  Congress.  After  being 
chosen,  the  Electors  meet  in  their  respective  States  in  such 
place  as  the  Legislature  shall  direct,  generally  at  the  State 
Capital.  The  meeting  takes  place  in  all  the  States  on  the  first 
Wednesday  in  December  after  the  election,  and  they  then  vote 
by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at 
least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  them- 
selves. When  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  it  was  supposed 
that  this  choice  would  be  made  as  to  the  qualifications  and 
merits  of  the  candidates,  but  such  is  never  done.  The  Elec- 
tors act  in  a mere  mechanical  manner,  casting  their  ballots  for 
the  person  that  has  been  fixed  upon  as  standard  bearer  of  that 
political -party,  which  the  Elector  represents.  Such  has  been 
the  custom  for  many  years,  and  should  an  Elector  cast  his  bal- 
lot otherwise,  it  would  be  considered  a breach  of  the  implied 
confidence  upon  which  he  accepted  the  trust. 

After  voting,  the  Electors  are  required  to  make  lists  of  all 
persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as 
Vice-President,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which 
lists  are  to  be  signed  and  certified  by  the  Electors,  and  trans- 
mitted to  the  seat  of  Government  directed  to  the  President  of 
the  Senate.  The  law  ■ provides  that  the  Electors  shall  make, 
sign  and  seal,  three  distinct  sets  of  these  certificates,  noting  on 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


581 


each  that  a list  of  the  rotes  of  the  respective  States  for  Presi- 
dent and  "V  ice-President  is  contained  therein.  They  shall  then 
forward  by  messengers  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  one  of 
these  certificates,  who  shall  deliver  the  same,  before  the  first, 
Wednesday  in  January  following.  Another  is  to  be  transmit- 
ted by  mail  to  the  same  person,  and  the  third,  is  to  be  delivered 
to  the  J udge  of  the  District  Court  in  the  district  in  which  the 
Electors  meet,  so,  in  case  of  loss  or  tampering,  the  true  result 
can  be  ascertained. 

When  the  certificates  are  received  by  the  President  of  the 
Senate,  a joint  meeting  of  the  Houses  is  called  on  the  second 
Wednesday  of  February,  after  the  reception  of  the  certificates. 
“ The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  [Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates.” 

“ The  votes  shall  then  be  counted.”  The  counting  is  done 
by  tellers.  “ The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes 
for  President,  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a ma- 
jority of  the  whole  number  of  Electors  appointed.  If  no  can- 
didate receive  a majority  of  the  votes  of  the  Electors,  there  is 
no  choice  by  the  people,  in  which  case  the  President  shall  be 
elected  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  This  can  only  occur 
when  there  are  three  or  more  candidates  in  the  field.” 

If  no  person  have  a majority  then,  from  the  persons  hav- 
ing the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three  on  the  list  of 
those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  [Representatives 
shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  The  pro- 
vision, vesting  the  authority  to  elect  the  President  in  the 
House,  when  the  people  fail  to  elect,  is  expressly  given,  because 
the  House  more  nearly  represents  the  people  than  any  other 
branch  of  the  Government. 

“ A quorum,  for  this  purpose,  shall  consist  of  a member  or 
members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a majority  of  all 
the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a choice.” 

The  House  is  not  permitted  to  vote  for  new  candidates,  but 
their  proceedings  must  be  confined  to  the  three  persons  receiv- 
ing- the  highest  number  of  votes  for  the  office  of  President. 

The  votes  must  be  taken  by  States  and  by  ballot,  the  represen- 
ts 


582  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IH  AMERICA. 


tation  from  each  State  haying  one  vote.  Should  the  House 
fail  to  elect  a President,  before  March  4,  following,  then  the 
Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  case  of  death  or 
other  constitutional  disability  of  the  President. 

The  President,  as  well  as  the  other  officers,  before  he  can 
enter  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  is  required  to  make  oath  or 
affirm  that  he  will,  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  preserve  and  de- 
fend the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  faithfully  per- 
form the  duties  of  his  office,  and  for  a breach  of  this  oath,  he 
would  be  liable  to  impeachment. 

“ The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  salary 
a compensation  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished, 
during  the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he 
shall  not  receive,  within  that  period,  any  other  emolument 
from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them.” 

Without  this  provision,  the  President  would  be  entirely  de- 
pendent upon  the  will  of  Congress  for  remuneration  for  his 
services,  and  difficulties  might  sometimes  arise,  in  the  way  of 
getting  proper  appropriations  from  Congress. 

Prom  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  to  the  year  1873,  the 
salary  of  the  President  was  fixed  by  law  at  $25,000  per  annum. 
From  March  4,  1873,  it  has  been  fixed  at  $50,000  per  year- 
He  has  also  the  use  of  the  Presidential  Mansion,  together  with 
fuel  and  lights,  and  other  things  free,  at  the  expense  of  the 
Government. 

“ The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army 
and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several 
States,  when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States.” 

The  President  is  not  to  assume  command  in  person,  unless 
he  so  desire.  He  has  general  control  and  supervision  over  the 
army  and  navy,  in  directing  their  operations,  in  executing  and 
maintaining  the  laws  at  home,  and  in  resisting  foreign  aggres- 
sion. For  these  same  reasons  he  is  also  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  militia  of  the  several  States,  when  called  into  actual  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States. 

REPRIEVES  AND  PARDONS. 

The  President  “ shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


683 


pardons  for  offenses  against  the  United  States  except  in  cases 
of  impeachment.” 

A reprieve  is  the  withdrawing  of  a sentence  for  an  interval 
of  time  which  operates  to  delay  the  execution,  especially  delay- 
ing execution  in  case  of  sentence  of  death.  A pardon  is  defined 
to  be  an  act  of  grace  proceeding  from  the  executive  which 
exempts  the  individual  from  the  punishment  the  law  inflicts 
for  the  crime  he  has  committed. 

It  often  so  happens  that  after  a person  hias  been  sentenced 
some  new  matter  arises  which  makes  it  necessary  to  suspend 
the  execution  of  the  sentence  for  a time,  such  a.s  newly  discov- 
ered evidence,  or  anything  which  would  tend  to  mitigate  the 
offense.  In  such  case  the  President  has  the  power  to  grant  a 
reprieve,  or,  if  the  matter  rising  is  such  as  would  justify  an 
entire  commutation  of  the  penalty,  the  President  may  pardon 
in  full.  The  power  of  pardoning  by  the  President  does  not  ex- 
tend to  sentences  which  have  been  imposed  for  violation  of  the 
laws  of  the  different  States.  The  pardoning  power  in  such 
cases  rests  in  the  hands  of  the  governors  of  the  States  or  boards 
of  pardon. 

“He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  sen- 
ators present  concur.” 

Treaties  are  usually  settled  and  arranged  through  ambassa- 
dors and  ministers  appointed  for  that  purpose,  and  submitted  to 
the  President,  and  if  the  terms  are  satisfactory  to  him,  he  sanc- 
tions them  and  submits  them  to  the  Senate,  where  they  are  dis- 
cussed in  secret  session,  and  if  ratified  by  two-thirds  of  the 
senators  they  become  complete. 

APPOINTMENTS. 

The  President  “shalil  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate  shall  appoint,  ambassadors,  other 
public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States  whose  appointments 
are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  f or,  and  which  shall  be  estab- 
lished by  law.” 


584  HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 

Appointments  are  made  by  the  President  and  presented  to 
the  Senate  in  writing.  The  Senate  acts  upon  them  in  secret 
session,  discussing  the  qualification  of  the  persons  proposed, 
and  either  confirms  or  rejects  the  nominations.  If  the  nomina- 
tions be  rejected,  the  President  makes  farther  appointments, 
which  in  like  manner  are  submitted  to  the  Senate,  which  could 
upon  proper  cause  be  again  rejected;  but  no  body  of  men 
would,  of  course,  reject  appointments  unless  absolutely  neces- 
sary and  without  just  and  weighty  reasons,  and  they  should 
never  reject  upon  passion  and  prejudice. 

An  ambassador  or  minister  is  an  officer  of  the  highest  rank, 
chosen  by  the  Government  to  represent  it  ini  a foreign  nation. 

A consul  is  a person  chosen  to  represent  a government  in 
a foreign  country  as  agent  or  representative,  to  protect  the 
rights  of  commerce,  merchants,  and  seamen  of  the  State,  and  to 
aid  in  any  commercial,  and  sometimes  diplomatic,  transac- 
tions with  such  foreign  country. 

The  judges  are  the  judicial  officers  of  the  Government,  and 
are  appointed  for  life,  or  during  good  behavior. 

The  other  officers  are  included  in  the  President’s  Cabinet, 
whom  he  may  consult  upon  all  matters  of  importance  and  who 
share  to  some  extent  his  responsibility. 

The  Secretary  of  State  is  the  leading  officer  of  the  Cabinet, 
having  charge  of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States,  in- 
cluding all  matters  relative  to  diplomacy,  foreign  ministers, 
consuls,  and  the  reception  of  all  communications  from  foreign 
powers.  ' 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  the  fiscal  affairs  of  the 
Government  under  his  direction,  involving  the  collection  of 
revenue  from  imposts  and  all  other  sources,  together  with  the 
oversight  of  the  various  custom-houses,  and  the  numerous 
officers  therein  employed. 

The  Secretary  of  War  has  charge  of  the  army  and  national 
defenses  on  land,  the  various  details  connected  with  the  land 
forces  of  the  United  States,  together  with  the  superintendence 
of  all  the  forts  and  military  stations. 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


585 


The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has  charge  of  the  national  defense 
by  sea,  in  all  its  necessary  details. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  has  charge  of  the  Patent 
Office,  the  Land  Office,  Indian  affairs,  and  soldiers’  pensions 
from  the  War  Department,  naval  pensions  from  the  Navy  De- 
partment, the  taking  of  the  census,  the  care  of  public  buildings, 
and  other  matters. 

The  Attorney-General  is  the  legal  adviser  of  the  President, 
and  of  heads  of  the  various  departments. 

The  Postmaster-General  has  control  of  the  postal  arrange- 
ments, the  appointment  of  postmasters,  contracts  for  the  mail 
service  by  sea  and  by  land,  and  the  execution  of  the  laws 
passed  by  Congress  for  the  regulation  of  posts  and  post- 
roads. 

The  President  may  require  the  opinion  in  writing  of  the 
principal  officer  in  each  of  these  departments  on  any  subject 
relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices.  “The  Presi- 
dent has  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen  during 
the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall 
expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session.”  Were  it  not  for  this 
provision,  vacancies  might  happen  during  an  adjournment  of 
Congress,  and  the  affairs  of  government  would  thereby  become 
embarrased. 

The  Constitution  makes  it  the  duty  of  the  President,  from 
time  to  time,  to  give  Congress  information  as  to  the  state  of 
the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such  matters 
as  he  shall  deem  necessary  and  expedient.  From  this  require 
ment  has  arisen  the  practice  of  delivering  formal  and  special 
messages  to  Congress.  The  President  has  means  to  acquire 
information  on  all  subjects,  foreign  and  domestic,  much  supe- 
rior to  those  of  any  other  department  of  the  Government. 

Owing  to  his  close  relationship  with  the  officers  of  his  Cab- 
inet and  other  heads  of  departments,  he  is  supposed  to  be 
possessed  of  the  condition  of  the  national  affairs,  the  state  of 
the  laws,  the  commerce,  finances,  and  the  workings  of  the  mili- 
tary, naval,  judiciary,  and  civil  departments  of  the  Union. 
Thus  he  possesses  knowledge  on  these  matters  which  qualifies 


586 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


him  to  convey  information  and  recommend  such  measures  as 
may  be  requisite  to  remedy  such  evils  as  may  have  come  to 
his  knowledge. 

The  President  “may  on  extraordinary  occasions  convene 
both  houses  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement 
between  them  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment,  he  may 
adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper.”  It  is 
contemplated  here  that  occasions  may  arise  when  it ' shall 
become  necessary  to  convene  Congress.  Events  may  transpire 
which  imperil  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  when  the  joint 
action  of  both  the  legislative  and  the  executive  departments 
of  the  Government  shall  be  required.  If  there  was  no  such 
power  as  here  provided,  it  is  possible  that  the  affairs  of  gov- 
ernment might  become  endangered  and  commercial  interests 
suffer. 

Should  Congress  fail  to  agree  on  the  time  of  adjournment, 
the  President  has  the  power  to  terminate  it. 

“He  shall  receive  ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers, 
and  take  care  that  the  laws  are  faithfully  executed,  and  shall 
commission  all  officers  of  the  United  States. 

I.  The  reception  of  public  ministers  from  foreign  coun- 
tries is  here  given  to  the  President.  All  civilized  nations 
exchange  public  ministers,  and  the  Executive  should  receive 
them  with  the  courtesy  and  dignity  due  the  character  and 
standing  of  the  powers  they  represent.  This  reception  is  a 
matter  of  no  small  importance,  as  it  shows  the  respect  with 
which  the  foreign  Government  is  regarded. 

II.  In  executing  the  laws  the  whole  military  force  off  the 
country  is  at  the  disposal  of  the  President,  for  upon  a faithful 
execution  of  the  laws  the  stability  of  the  Government  depends. 
The  President  would  be  liable  to  impeachment  and  removal 
from  office  should  he  neglect  or  refuse  to  properly  enforce  the 
laws. 

III.  When  a person  is  commissioned  he  receives  a certifi- 
cate of  appointment,  which  is  signed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  sealed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  with  the 
great  seal  of  the  United  States,  reciting  in  formal  and  apt 


CIVIL  AXD  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


587 


language  the  appointment  of  the  person  and  the  powers  which 
are  conferred. 

VICE-PRESIDENT. 

“No  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of 
President  shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.” 

By  this  is  meant  that  the  Vice-President  must  possess  the 
same  qualifications  as  the  President — that  is,  as  to  citizenship, 
age.  and  residence.  This  follows  as  a matter  of  course,  because 
if  the  office  of  President  becomes  vacant,  the  Vice-President  be- 
comes President,  and  must  possess  the  qualifications  required 
of  that  officer. 

Four  times  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  the  Vice- 
President  has  been  called  to  the  office  of  President: 

Harrison  was  succeeded  by  Tyler  in  1S11. 

Taylor  by  Fillmore  in  1850. 

President  Lincoln  by  Andrew  Johnson  in  1865. 

And  President  Garfield  hy  Arthur  in  1881. 

At  present  there  is  but  one  Vice-President  living:  Hanni- 
bal Hamlin,  of  Maine,  who  was  elected  in  the  fall  of  1860  with 
President  Lincoln. 

The  Vice-President  is  elected  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
President,  except  when  the  electors  fail  to  elect  a Vice-Presi- 
dent, the  Constitution  requires  that  he  be  elected  by  the  Senate 
from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as 
Vice-President,  a majority  only  being  necessary  to  a choice. 
It  is  but  proper  that  in  such  case  the  choice  of  Vice-President 
should  be  committed  to  the  Senate,  as  by  the  Constitution  he 
is  by  virtue  of  his  office  made  president  of  that  body,  but  he 
is  to  have  no  vote,  unless  the  Senate  is  equally  divided. 

His  official  term  is  four  years,  the  same  as  the  President, 
and  the  reasons  for  adopting  that  term  for  the  office  of  Presi- 
dent exist  with  like  force  in  case  of  the  Vice-President.  He 
must  also  take  oath  of  office  before  entering  upon  his  duties 
to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

As  president  of  the  Senate,  he  must  preside  over  the  delib- 
erations of  that  body,  preserve  decorum,  expound  the  rules, 


588 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IE  AMERICA. 


and  decide  parliamentary  questions,  and  submit  all  questions  to 
the  Senate,  put  the  votes,  and  announce  the  results. 

Not  only  does  the  Vice-President  act  as  President  in  case 
of  the  death,  resignation  or  inability  of  the  President,  but  he 
is  also  required  to  act  as  President  should  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives fail  to  elect  a President,  when  that  right  devolves 
upon  them. 

By  a recent  act  of  Congress,  in  case  of  the  death  or  disabil- 
ity of  both  President  and  Vice-President,  the  office  of  President 
is  to  descend  to  the  Secretary  of  State;  and  in  case  of  his  death 
or  inability,  in  like  manner  descending  through  the  entire 
Cabinet. 

JUDICIAL  DEPARTMENT. 

“The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested 
in  one  Supreme  Conrt,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Con- 
gress may,  from  time  to  time,  ordain  and  establish.” 

The  Supreme  Court  is  only  a part  of  the  national  judicial 
system,  and  is  organized  by  Congress.  Its  judges  consist  of 
one  chief  justice  and  eight  associate  justices,  any  six  of  whom 
constitute  a quorum.  The  court  convenes  once  a year  in  the 
city  of  Washington,  commencing  the  first  Monday  of  December. 

In  addition  to  the  Supreme  Court,  Congress  has  established 
a Circuit  and  a District  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  one 
Suipreme  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Por  the  purpose  of  business,  the  United  States  are  divided 
into  nine  circuits,  and  these  circuits  are  divided  into  districts. 
Each  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  is  appointed  to  a circuit, 
and  he  is  required  to  hold  at  least  one  term  of  his  circuit  once 
in  every  two  yeans. 

Every  circuit  also  has  a local  judge,  and  two  sessions  of 
the  court  are  held  annually  in  most  of  the  circuits. 

The  President,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
appoints  the  judges  of  these  several  courts. 

They  are  required  to  take  the  same  oath  as  the  officers  of 
the  other  departments,  and  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good 
behavior. 

That  judges  should  not  be  dependent  upon  any  particular 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


689 


person  or  party  as  to  their  tenure  of  office  is  necessary  to  a 
pro>per  administration  of  justice. 

They  should  perform  their  duties  without  fear  or  favor,  un- 
influenced by  men  or  parties,  and  should  mete  out  equal  and 
impartial  justice  to  all,  whether  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor. 

The  spirit  of  the  Constitution  seeks  to  attain  an  entire 
freedom  and  independence  in  the  judiciary,  that  the  scales  of 
justice  may  be  equally  poised,  and  judges  should  be  responsi- 
ble for  their  decisions  only  to  their  conscience,  and  that  higher 
Authority  by  w’hich  all  men  shall  be  judged. 

‘‘The  salary  of  the  judges  shall  not  be  diminished  during 
their  continuance  in  office.” 

Thisprovision  is  also  to  secure independence  of  the  judiciary. 
For  had  Congress  the  power  to  reduce  the  salary  of  the 
judges,  they  would  have  control  of  their  support,  which  wxmld 
virtually  be  control  of  their  judgment. 

JURISDICTION. 

“The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law  and 
equity,  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their 
authority.” 

This  clause  relates  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States 
courts,  in  cases  mentioned  therein,  in  so  far  as  the  subject  mat- 
ter is  concerned. 

By  jurisdiction,  we  mean  the  power  to  hear  and  determine 
a cause. 

A case  at  law  may  be  defined  as  being  one  tried  in  accord- 
ance with  certain  prescribed  rules  and  usages,  laid  down  and 
established  by  the  legislature  and  precedent,  and  is  usually 
tried  by  a jury;  while  a cause  in  equity  signifies  a suit  tried  in 
accordance  with  the  principles  of  natural  justice,  that  cannot 
be  reached  by  general  law  rules,  by  reason  of  their  universality. 
The  trial  usually  takes  place  before  the  judge. 

There  are  two  kinds  of  jurisdiction:  original  and  appellate. 

A court  is  said  to  have  original  jurisdiction  when  a case 
may  be  commenced  and  tried  there  for  the  first  time.  And  a 


590 


EIST0R7  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


court  has  appellate  jurisdiction  when  a case  is  not  first  com- 
menced there,  but  may  be  brought  to  it  by  appeal  from  the 
judgment  of  a lower  court. 

There  are  certain  classes  of  cases  that  may  either  originate 
in  a court,  or  be  brougJht  there  by  appeal  from  a lower  court.. 
In  relation  to  such  cases,  the  court  is  said  to  have  concurrent 
jurisdiction,  by  which  is  meant  both  original  and  appellate 
jurisdiction.  And,  again,  there  are  certain  cases  that  can  only 
be  brought  in  certain  courts.  Here  the  court  is  said  to  have 
exclusive  jurisdiction. 

In  all  cases  arising  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  in  treaties  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  both  original  and 
appellate  jurisdiction.  It  has  original  jurisdiction  in  all  cases 
affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  and 
in  those  cases  in  which  a State  shall  be  a party,  which  include 
controversies  between  two  or  more  States,  between  a State  and 
the  citizens  of  another  State,  and  between  a State  or  the  citi- 
zens thereof  and  foreign  citizens  and  subjects. 

It  has  appellate  jurisdiction  in  cases  of  admiralty  and  mari- 
time jurisdiction,  in  controversies  to  which  the  United  States 
shall  be  a party,  in  controversies  between  different  States,  and 
in  controversies  between  citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming 
lands  under  grants  of  different  States. 

“The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  con- 
strued to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity  commenced  or 
prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of 
another  State,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign 
State.” 

It  will  be  observed  by  this  section  that  no  suits  can  be  main- 
tained against  the  United  States  or  any  State.  Should  a per- 
son have  a just  claim  against  a State,  he  may  obtain  redress  by 
petitioning  the  proper  authorities,  when  the  legislature  will 
make  the  necessary  provisions  for  its  payment. 

By  act  of  Congress  in  1855,  a Court  of  Claims  was  estab- 
lished at  Washington  to  hear  and  determine  claims  against  the 
United  States.  The  claim  must  be  set  forth  by  petition  with 


CIVIL  AND  POLITICAL  RIGHTS. 


591 


reasonable  particularity,  stating  its  nature  and  origin,  and  the 
party  may  prove  it  by  the  same  rules  of  evidence  as  usually 
prevail  in  courts  of  justice. 

The  United  States  is  represented  by  a solicitor.  When  a 
claim  is  established,  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  make  provi- 
sions for  its  payment. 

From  this  cursory  and  necessarily  hasty  glance  at  the 
structure  of  our  national  Government,  it  will  be  readily  seen 
with  what  scrupulous  care  and  jealous  anxiety  the  illustrious 
men  who  have  gone  before  us  laid  the  foundations  of  our  Union 
in  the  noble  Constitution,  which  has  served  as  the  model  by 
which  the  individual  States  as  a whole  have  elaborated  their 
own  Governments.  With  the  minute  details  of  that  Constitu- 
tion it  is  the  first  duty  of  every  American  citizen  to  familiarize 
himself.  If  the  intentions  of  its  framers  are  truly  and  faith- 
fully carried  out,  if  the  national  Government  is  cautious  to 
avoid  all  infringements  upon  the  reserved  rights  of  the  indi- 
vidual States,  if  the  several  States  are  reciprocally  determined 
to  fulfill  every  obligation  imposed  upon  them  by  a common 
compact,  if  a spirit  of  'love  for  the  whole  country  pervades  the 
bosom  of  every  citizen,  then,  indeed,  we  may  feel  confident  that 
the  fond  hopes  of  the  most  sanguine  of  the  early  friends  of  the 
Federal  Union  shall  be  more  than  realized — then  shall  each 
day’s  rising  sun,  while  time  endures,  smile  upon  a free,  enlight- 
ened, independent,  and  united  people,  and  our  glorious  nation 
reach  its  culmination  in  the  wise  exercise  of  a power  which 
none  may  safely  resist;  in  the  cultivation  of  a genuine  rational 
liberty,  recognizing  the  dignity  of  the  individual  man,  shall 
afford  ample  room  and  scope  for  its  development. 


592 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


APPENDIX. 


HIGHER  EDUCATION  OF  WOMEN. 

“In  stately  lialls  of  learning, 

’Mid  philosophic  min>ds, 

Unraveling  knotty  problems, 

His  native  forte  man  finds; 

But  all  his  ’ists  and  ’isms 
To  Heaven’s  four  winds  are  hurled. 

For  the  hand  that  rocks  the  cradle 
* Is  the  hand  that  rules  the  world. 

“Great  statesmen  govern  nations, 

Kings  mould  a people’s  fate; 

But  the  unseen  hand  of  velvet 
These  giants  regulate. 

The  ponderous  wheel  of  fortune 
In  woman’s  charm  is  pearled. 

For  the  hand  that  rocks  the  cradle 
Is  the  hand  that  rules  the  world.” 

“If  I were  asked  to  what  the  singular  prosperity  and  growing  strength  of 
the  Aniei  icans  ought  mainly  to  be  attributed,  I should  reply,  to  the  superiority  of 
their  women.” — Democracy  in  America. 

Woman's  higher  education  may  be  defined  as  that  educa- 
tion which  follows  that  of  school,  consisting  of  moral  precepts 
to  govern  the  conduct  of  life,  and  to  regulate  it  in  our  relations 
to  society,  and  lay  broad  foundations  for  the  character  of  those 
whom  it  is  our  duty  to  instruct  and  train  for  lives  of  future 
usefulness. 

Said  Amie  Martin:  “Young  girls,  young  wives,  young 
mothers,  you  hold  the  sceptre;  in  your  souls,  much  more  than 
in  the  laws  of  legislators,  now  repose  the  futurity  of  the  world 
and  the  destinies  of  the  human  race.” 

The  women  of  the  Colored  Race  need  to  well  understand 
their  duty  to  one  another,  and  to  the  world  at  large,  their  rela- 
tion to  society,  and  the  good  that  may  be  accomplished  by 
rightly  understanding  what  is  expected  of  them,  and  what  may 
be  accomplished  by  them  in  elevating  their  people. 

Society,  as  we  now  find  it,  reveals  the  fact  that  many  are 
awake  to  the  necessity  of  engrafting  into  their  people  the 


HIGHER  EDUCATION  OF  WOMEN. 


593 


higher  culture  of  their  powers,  and  their  labors  have  resulted 
in  accomplishing  much  good.  As  a race,  they  are  truly  sus- 
ceptible of  this  (higher  culture,  but  much  work  is  yet  required 
to  obliterate  the  moral  evils  contracted  through  long  years  of 
bondage,  and  we  trust  that  this  essay  may  serve  as  an  inspira- 
tion to  many  to  lend  their  influence  in  gaining  this  desired  end. 

More  than  two  thousand  years  ago,  Isocrates,  a distinguished 
writer  of  Athens,  gave  utterance  to  his  views  concerning  the 
chief  requisite  toward  contributing  to  the  happiness  of  a peo- 
ple or  a State.  He  laid  great  stress  upon  the  importance  of 
bestowing  the  strictest  attention  upon  the  education  and  early 
training  of  the  youth,  in  order  to  gain  this  end.  Word  for 
word,  what  he  then  uttered  is  applicable  to  the  present  condi- 
tion of  our  society.  The  history  of  social  life  is  always  repeat- 
ing itself,  as  is  the  history  of  nations,  and  those  people  are  the 
wisest  who  take  the  lessons  to  heart.  To  a second  Isocrates,  a 
disciple  of  the  Athenian  orator,  is  attributed  another  discourse, 
which  consists  of  moral  precepts  for  the  conduct  of  life  and  the 
regulation  of  the  deportment  of  the  young,  .illustrating  the  fact 
that,  link  by  link,  through  long  centuries,  has  the  culture  of 
one  generation  been  carried  down  and  connected  with  the  next 
for  the  ultimate  advancement  of  mankind.  The  individual 
may  perish,  the  race  become  extinct,  but  the  effect  of  culture 
throws  reflected  light  down  the  channel  of  time. 

All  systems  may  be  said  to  have  descended  from  previous 
ones.  The  ideas  of  one  generation  are  the  mysterious  progen- 
itors of  those  of  the  next.  Each  age  is  the  dawn  of  its  suc- 
cessor, and  in  the  eternal  advance  of  truth — 

“ There  always  is  a rising  sun 
The  day  is  ever  but  begun.” 

It  is  thus  true  that  there  iis  nothing  new  under  the  sun, 
since  the  new  grows  from  the  old  as  boughs  grow  from  the 
tree;  and  though  errors  and  exaggerations  are,  from  time  to 
time,  shaken  off,  yet,  “the  things  which  cannot  be  .shaken’’  will 
certainly  abide. 

Carlyle  says:  “Literature  is  but  a branch  of  religion, 
and  always  participates  in  its  character.”  It  is  still  more  true 


594 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


that  education  is  a branch  of  mental  philosophy,  and  takes  its 
mould  and  fashion  from  it.  For  it  is  evident  that  as  philoso- 
phy, in  successive  ages,  gives  varying  answers  as  to  man’s 
chief  end  and  mmmum  bonum,  so  education,  which  is  simply  an 
attempt  to  prepare  him  therefor,  must  vary  accordingly.  Hum- 
boldt hints  that  the  vegetation  of  whole  regions  bespeaks  and 
depends  upon  the  strata  beneath;  and  it  is  certainly  true  that 
we  cannot  delve  long  in  the  teacher’s  plot  without  coming  upon 
those  moral  questions  that  go  down  to  the  centre. 

Richter  delighted  to  preach  the  doctrine  of  an  ideal  man, 
and  that  education  is  the  harmonious  development  of  the  facul- 
ties and  dispositions  of  each  individual.  No  one  knew  better 
that  he  that  (in  Carlyle’s  words)  a loving  heart  is  the  beginning 
of  all  knowledge.  This  it  is  that  opens  the  whole  mind,  and 
quickens  every  faculty  of  the  intellect  to  do  its  fit  work.  This 
it  is  which  influences  and  controls  the  manners,  and,  with 
proper  training,  distinguishes  the  well-educated  from  the  ill- 
educated.  It  is  the  women  of  a nation  who  make  the  manners 
of  the  men. 

It  has  been  said  that  there  is  scarcely  any  soul  born  into 
this  world  in  which  a self-sacrificing,  steady  effort  on  the 
parents’  part  may  not  lay  broad  and  deep  the  foundations  of 
strength  of  will,  of  self-control;  and,  therefore,  of  that  self- 
reverence and  self-knowledge  which,  combined  with  the  pos- 
session and  love  of  noble  ideas,  will  enable  men  and  women 
not  only  to  have  good  manners,  but  to  be  true  and  useful  to 
God  and  mankind.  The  regeneration  of  their  society  is  in  the 
power  of  the  colored  woman,  and  she  must  not  turn  away  from 
it.  The  manners  of  men,  the  hearts  of  men,  the  lives  of  men, 
are  in  her  hands.  How  does  she  use  her  power?  We  look 
with  pride  upon  the  thousand's  of  colored  women  scattered  all 
over  our  broad  land,  true  and  noble  representatives  of  the  ideal 
woman,  inspired  by  a lofty  ambition  and  a desire  to  elevate 
their  people  to  higher  walks  in  social  life;  but,  alas!  all  are  not 
so.  We  see  living  answers  to  this  sad  truth  in  every  circle  of 
society  around  ns.  There  is  no  sadder  sight  in  this  world  than 
to  see  the  women  of  a laud  grasping  at  the  ignoble  honor  and 


HIGHER  EDUCATION  OF  WOMEN. 


595 


rejecting  the  noble;  leading  the  men,  whom  they  should  guide 
into  high  thought  and  active  sacrifice,  into  petty  slander  of 
gossip  in  conversation,  and  into  discussion  of  dangerous  and 
unhealthy  feeling,  becoming  in  this  degradation  of  their  direct- 
ing power  the  curse,  and  not  the  blessing,  of  social  intercourse 
— becoming  what  men  in  frivolous  moments  wish  them  to  be, 
instead  of  making  men  what  men  should  be ; ceasing  to  protest 
against  impurity  and  unbelief,  and  giving  them  an  underhand 
encouragement,  turning  away  from  their  mission  to  bless,  to 
exalt,  and  to  console,  that  they  may  struggle  through  a thous- 
and meannesses  into  a higher  position,  and  waste  their  divine 
energy  to  win  precedence  over  a rival;  expending  all  the  force 
which  their  nature  gives  them  in  their  false  and  sometimes 
base  excitements,  day  after  day,  with  an  awful  blindness  and  a 
pitiable  degradation;;  exhausting  life  in  amusements  which  frit- 
ter away,  or  in  amusements  which  debase  their  character — not 
thinking  of  the  thousands  of  their  sisters  who  are  weeping  in 
the  night  for  hunger  and  for  misery  of  heart.  “This  is  not  our 
work,”  some  say;  “this  is  the  work  of  the  men.”  Be  it  so,  if  you 
like.  Let  them  be  the  hands  that  do  it;  but  who,  if  not  women, 
are  to  be  the  hearts  of  the  redemption  of  tiheir  sex  from  social 
wrong? 

Still  nearer  home  lies  the  point  which  is  nearest  the  heart 
of  those  interested  in  the  higher  culture  of  women. — namely, 
the  proper  education  of  the  colored  youth.  Our  miscalled 
education  looks  chiefly  as  to  how  a young  girl  may  make  a 
good  figure  in  society,  and  this  destroys  in  her  the  beauty  of 
unconsciousness  of  self.  She  grow7s  up  and  enters  society,  and 
there  is  either  a violent  reaction  against  conventionality,  or 
there  is  a paralyzing  sensitiveness  to  opinion,  or  there  is  a dull 
repose  of  character  and  manner,  which  is  all  but  equivalent  to 
stagnation.  We  see  many  who  are  afraid  of  saying  openly 
what  they  think  or  feel,  if  it  be  in  opposition  to  the  accredited 
opinion  of  the  world;  we  see  others  who  rejoice  in  shocking 
opinion  for  the  sake  of  making  themselves  remarkable — per- 
haps the  basest  form  of  social  vanity,  for  it  gives  pain  and 
does  not  spring  from  conviction.  Both  forms  arise  from  the 


596 


HISTORY  OF  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA 


education  w hitch  makes  the  child  self-conscious,  leading  the 
mind  to  aisk  that  degrading  question,  “What  will  people  say 
of  me?” 

Colored  women  should  guard  closely  against  this,  for,  to 
make  your  children  live  only  by  the  opinions  of  others,  to  train 
them  not  to  influence,  but  to  submit  to  the  world,  is  to  educate 
them  to  think  only  of  themselves,  is  to  train  them  up  to  in- 
ward  falseness,  is  to  destroy  all  eternal  distinctions  between 
right  and  wrong,  is  to  reduce  them  to  that  level  of  uneducated 
unoriginality  which  is  the  most  melancholy  feature  in  the 
young  society  of  the  present  day.  Let  them  grow  naturally, 
keep  them  as  long  as  is  possible  unconscious  of  themselves; 
and,  for  the  sake  of  the  world,  which,  in  the  midst  of  all  its 
conventional  dullness,  longs  for  something  fresh  and  true,  if 
not  for  their  own  sakes,  do  not  press  upon  them  the  belief  that 
the  voice  of  society  is  the  measure  of  what  is  right  or  wrong, 
beautiful  or  unbeautiful,  fitting  or  unfitting  for  them  to  do. 
This  want  of  individuality  is  one  of  the  most  painful  defi- 
ciencies in  our  present  society.  The  ratification  of  this  evil 
lies  at  the  root  of  Christianity,  for  all  Christ’s  teachings  tend 
to  produce  individuality,  to  rescue  men  from  being  mingled 
up,  indistinguishable  atoms,  with  the  mass  of  men;  to  teach 
them  that  they  possess  a distinct  character  which  it  is  God’s 
will  to  educate;  distinct  gifts  which  God  will  inspire  and 
develop. 

We  want  men  and  women  who  will  think  for  themselves, 
and  study  deeply  the  great  lessons  that  may  be  learned  by  the 
development  of  their  own  individual  character.  And  now  we 
see  a desire  manifested  among  the  colored  people,  a longing 
for  some  fresh  ideas  to  come  and  stir  the  stagnant  pools  of 
life. 

This  may  be  best  accomplished  by  the  angels  of  our  house- 
holds, wherever  there  is  one  who,  in  the  face  of  manifold  dis- 
couragements of  daily  life,  “borne  down  by  the  little  carking 
cares  that  sap  out  love  so  slowly  but  so  surely,”  still  bears  up, 
and,  by  example  and  conversation — 


HIGHER  EDUCATION  OF  WOMEN. 


597 


“ Teaches  love  to  suffer  and  l e pure 
That  virtue  conquers  if  it  hut  endure; 

That  noblest  gifts  should  serve  the  noblest  ends, 

That  he ’s  the  richest  who  the  most  befriends; 

That  through  life’s  journey,  dark  or  bright  the  day, 

Fate  's  not  unkind,  whatever  men  may  say, 

If  goodness  walks  companion  of  their  way.” 

It  is  the  preacher’s  province  to  inspire  women  with  a desire 
to  do  their  share  of  the  geat  work,  which  should  be  and  which 
is  their  mission— namely,  the  purification,  improvement  and  re- 
generation of  mankind  by  living  up  to  doctrines  which,  though 
everywhere  professed,  are  seldom  followed.  These  verses  from 
the  grand  poem  of  Whittier  to  “Our  Master”  reveal  wherein 
we  fail: 

* * * “ O Love  ineffable! 

Thy  saving  name  is  given  ; 

To  turn  aside  from  thee  is  hell. 

To  walk  with  thee  is  heaven, 

“ Not  thine  the  bigots’  partial  plea, 

Nor  thine  the  zealots’  ban; 

Thou  well  canst  spare  a love  for  thee 
Which  ends  in  hate  of  man. 

“We  bring  no  ghastly  holocaust, 

We  pile  no  graven  stone; 

He  serve  the  best  who  loveth  most 
His  brothers  and  thy  own.” 

Judged  by  such  a test,  who  can  say,  “I  am  a Christian?” 
Rather  will  not  some  of  the  teachings  of  barbarian  philoso- 
phers put  ns  to  shame!  Only  by  instilling  into  the  minds  of 
children,  from  their  earliest  years,  a love  of  justice  and  truth, 
sympathy  with  all  their  kind,  reverence  for  all  goodness,  and  a 
conscientious  desire  to  know  and  to  do  the  right,  can1  we  hope 
to  have  a generation  of  Christian  men  and  women  worthy  of 
the  republic  which  conifers  upon  them  its  unsurpassed  rights 
and  privileges.  Then  will  our  colored  communities  be  influ- 
enced by  other  principles  than  those  by  which  so  many  of  them 
are  now  governed. 

As  we  study  closely  into  the  lives  and  principles  of  the 
colored  people,  we  find  there,  as  among  the  other  races,  not  only 
those  who  have  worked  earnestly  and  untiringly  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  their  race,  in  a literary  and  commercial  sense, 
but  in  that  higher  education  and  culture  which  lends  a charm 


598 


HISTORY  OR  THE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


to  life,  and  infuses  others  with  a desire  to  engraft  into  their 
own  lives  this  same  principle.  It  is  the  same  cause  that  en- 
gaged the  labors  and  made  the  pens  of  Amie  Martin,  Harriet 
Martineau,  Lucretia  Mott,  Lucy  Colman,  and  a host  of  others 
eloquent  in  the  advocation  of  the  truest  and  highest  principles 
of  life.  This  higher  culture  is  now  occupying  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  numbers  of  our  colored  women,  who  realize  that 
under  the  domestic  roof  are  formed  those  opinions  and  those 
moral  feelings  which  inspire  the  masses  to  lead  better  lives 
and  guard  closely  their  moral  character.  This  principle  is  that 
which  sustains  institutions  and  governments,  or  the  lack  of 
which  will  cause  them  to  fall. 

Women  are  formed  to  become  instructors,  for  while  they 
hold  immediately  in  their  'hands  the  morality  of  their  children, 
those  future  sovereigns  of  the  earth,  the  example  they  may 
give  and  the  charm  they  diffuse  over  other  periods  of  life 
furnish  to  them  means  for  the  amelioration  of  every  evil. 
Whatever  in  political  organization  is  not  founded  on  the  true 
interests  of  families  soon  disappears  or  produces  only  evil; 
and  these  interests  are  chiefly  confided  to  women,  particularly 
as  the  attention  of  men  is  otherwise  directed.  As  also  in  the 
material  arrangements,  it  is  principally  to  women  that  the  care 
of  health  and  the  care  of  property  has  devolved;  so  in  the 
spiritual  department,  it  is  they  who  communicate  or  awaken 
sentiments  which  are  the  life  of  the  soul — the  eternal  impetus 
of  actions.  Their  influence  is  immense  in  the  vicissitudes  of 
life.  There  is  then  constant  action  a.nd  reaction  between  pub- 
lic and  private  life,  and  thence  may  result  a double  advance- 
ment in  civilization;  for,  if  domestic  administration  wrere  gen- 
erally better  understood,  a purer  element  would  be  poured  into 
society  by  a thousand  channels. 

That  which  it  seems  most  necessary  to  form  in  our  colored 
women  is  a prompt  ability  to  decide  correctly  of  what  every 
moment  requires.  Principles  elevated,  firm,  and  founded  on 
reflection,  joined  to  her  natural  gifts,  can  alone  render  her 
capable  of  fullfilling  that  mission  of  instruction  for  which  she 
is  designed. 


HIGHER  EDUCATION  OF  WOMEN. 


599 


It  is  tli rough  her  children  that  a woman  rules  posterity, 
that  she  leaves,  for  good  or  for  evil,  indelible  marks  on  the 
universe;  that  the  tendencies  inherited  from  the  past  are  trans- 
mitted to  the  future — acquired  quaHiti.es  a®  well  as  natural 
qualities — and  so  we  come  back  to  the  assertion  of  the  Athe- 
nian philosopher,  as  to  the  importance  of  educating  our  youth 
aright.  Just  in  proportion  as  colored  mothers  train  aright 
their  children,  so  we  will  see  the  race  advance,  and  not  until 
then.  The  Spartan  mothers  taught  their  children  war  and 
love  of  country,  and  we  see  in  that  people  bravery,  such  as  the 
world  had  never  before  witnessed,  and  so  may  we  inspire  within 
our  children  a lofty  ambition  and  noble  sentiments. 

Children  should  be  taught  the  laws  of  health,  and  that  for 
every  violation  of  these  laws  they  will  suffer  the  penalty. 
Well  has  Dr.  Clark  said,  “Let  Eve  take  a wise  care  of  the 
temple  God  made  for  her,  and  Adam  of  the  one  made  for  him, 
and  both  will  enter  upon  a career  whose  glory  and  beauty  no 
seer  has  foretold,  or  poet  sung.” 

Not  the  happiness  of  life,  perhaps,  but  its  blessedness,  is 
learned  in  living  for  others;  and,  as  Dr.  Kingsley  says,  it  is  the 
glory  of  a woman  that  for  this  end  she  was  sent  into  the  world, 
to  live  for  others  rather  than  for  herself;  to  live,  yes,  and  often 
to  die  for  them.  Let  her  never  be  persuaded  to  forget  that 
she  is  sent  into  the  world  to  teach  man  that  there  is  something 
more  necessary  than  the  claiming  of  rights,  and  that  is  the  per- 
forming of  duties;  to  teach  him  also  that  her  rights  should  be 
respected,  and  her  wrongs  redressed;  that  her  education  should 
be  such  as  to  draw  out  her  powers  of  mind  to  the  best  advan- 
tage and  their  fullest  extent  ;that  there  is  something  more  than 
intellect,  and  that  is  purity  and  virtue.  Surely  this  is  woman’s 
calling — to  teach  man;  to  teach  him,  after  all,  that  his  calling 
is  the  same  as  hers,  if  he  will  but  see  the  things  that  belong  to 
his  peace;  to  temper  his  fiercer,  coarser,  more  self-assertive 
nature,  by  the  contact  of  her  gentleness,  purity,  self-sacrifice; 
to  make  him  see  that  not  by  blare  of  trumpets,  not  by  noise, 
wrath,  greed,  hatred,  ambition,  intrigue,  puffery,  prejudice, 
bigotry,  is  good  and  lasting  work  to  be  done  on  earth;  but  by 


600 


BISTORT  OF  TEE  COLORED  RACE  IN  AMERICA. 


helpful  hands,  by  sympathizing  hearts,  by  wise  self-distrust,  by 
silent  labor,  by  lofty  self-control,  by  that  greatest  of  all  virtues, 
that  charity  which  hopeth  all  things,  believeth  all  things,  en- 
dureth  all  things,  by  such  an  example,  in  short,  as  women  now, 
in  tens  of  thousands  of  homes,  set  to  those  around  them;  and 
such  as  they  will  show  more  and  more  in  proportion  as  their 
whole  womanhood  is  educated  to  employ  its  powers  without 
waste  and  without  haste  in  harmonious  unity. 

Let  her  begin  girlhood,  if  such  be  her  happy  lot,  to  quote 
from  Wordsworth: 

“ With  all  things  round  about  her  drawn 
From  May-time  and  the  cbeeiful  dawn; 

A dancing  shape,  an  image  gay, 

To  haunt,  to  startle  and  waylay.” 

Let  her  develop  onward: 

“ A spirit,  yet  a woman,  too, 

With  household  motions  light  and  free, 

And  steps  of  virgin  liberty. 

A countenance  iu  which  shall  meet 
Sweet  records,  promises  as  sweet; 

A creature  not  too  bright  and  good 
For  human  nature’s  daily  food; 

For  transient  sorrows,  simple  wiles, 

Praise,  blame,  love,  kisses,  tears,  and  smiles." 

But  let  her  highest  and  final  development  be  that  which 
not  nature,  but  self-education  alone,  can>  bring. 

Let  the  higher  education  of  women  be  undertaken  and 
carried  out  with  such  ends  in  view,  and  in  another  generation 
some  of  the  mo.st  perplexing  problems  of  soda!  science  will  be 
solved.  “Good  teachers  make  good  scholars,  but  it  is  only 
mothers  that  form  mem,”  cannot  be  too  often  repeated,  for  in 
this  truth  we  have  the  key  to  the  reformation  of  mankind. 


Sp. 

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